sii®ii?iSiS;-':^iigiiiift
LIBRARY OF
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
PRESENTED BY
The Mayling Soong Foundation
WORKS ISSUED BY
XLbc IbaMuiPt Society
THE TRAVELS
OF
PETER MUNDY,
IN EUROPE AND ASIA,
1608-1667,
Vol. II.
TRAVELS IN ASIA, 1628-1634.
SECOND SERIES.
No. XXXV.
ISSUED FOR 1914
Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive
in 2010 witii funding from
Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries
Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/travelsofpetermu02mund
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
Albert Gray, Esq., K.C., Pi-esident.
The Right Hon. The Lord Belhaven and Stenton, Vice-
President.
Sir Clements Robert Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Ex-Pres. R.G.S.,
Vice-President.
The Right Hon. The Lord Peckover of Wisbech, Vice-
Presideftt.
Admiral Sir Lewis Beaumont, G.C.B., K.C.M.G.
Sir Thomas Bowring.
Lieut.-Colonel Charles Frederick Close, C.M.G., R.E.
Bolton Glanvill Corney, Esq., LS.O.
Major Leonard Darwin, late R.E., late Pres. R.G.S.
William Foster, Esq., CLE.
F. H. H. Guillemard, M.D.
Edward Heawood, Esq., Treastirer.
Sir Everard im Thurn, K.C.M.G., C.B.
John Scott Keltie, LL.D.
Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.
Alfred P. Maudslay, Esq.
Lieut.-Colonel Sir Matthew Nathan, G.C.M.G., R.E.
Admiral of the Fleet The Right Hon. Sir Edward Hobart
Seymour, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D.
H. R. Tedder, Esq.
Lieut.-Colonel Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bt., CLE.
Basil Home Thomson, Esq.
J. A. J. de Villiers, Esq., Hon. Secretary.
THE TRAVELS
OF
PETER MUNDY,
IN EUROPE AND ASIA,
1 608- 1 667.
EDITED BY
Lt.-Col. sir RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bt., CLE.,
EDITOR OF 'A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF COUNTRIES
ROUND THE BAY OF BENGAL.'
Vol. II.
TRAVELS IN ASIA, 1628-1634.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
MCMXIV.
s
(j-trru^
^
Camfaritigc :
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
^1
X3$
^
PREFACE TO VOL. II.
H E greater the acquaintance with Peter Mundy's
MS. the greater becomes the sense of its value,
and the present volume is full of interest for
both the casual reader and the student of
the history of the English in India.
The transcript, as in the case of vol. I., has been made
from Rawlinson MS. A. 315 in the Bodleian Library and
collated with the copy in the British Museum {Harl. MS.
2286). The same methods as regards spelling and punctu-
ation have been adopted as in the former volume. Since
the present work deals principally with events in India, the
use of a large number of Oriental terms is unavoidable, but
I have given these as simply as possible and have omitted
all diacritical marks that are not indispensable. For
instance, I have made no distinction between the different
forms of /, d, s, &c., and have throughout printed both q and
k as k. For the same reason I have not marked the kh or
the nasalised n in such words as Khan.
A few extracts from contemporary documents at the
India Office have been incorporated in the text. Such
extraneous matter is printed in smaller type than the body
of the book.
The twenty-nine illustrations which appear in this
volume are reproduced from Mundy's drawings in the
Razvlinsou MS., and the two maps show his routes from
Surat to Agra and from Agra to Patna.
The introduction carries on the story of Mundy's life
from 1628, where vol. I. ended, to the autumn of 1634, and
thus embraces the whole term of his service under the
Vlll PREFACE
East India Company. Some further details of his family
history, which have come to light since the publication of
the last volume, are also added.
The appendices supply amplified accounts of important
incidents touched upon in the MS. Foremost of these is
the story of the great famine of 1630 — 1632 in Appendix A.
Although most of the extracts have already appeared in
Mr William Foster's English Factories in India, and
although Mr Foster supplies a succinct account of the dire
distress following on the dearth, I have ventured to reprint
the original documents, together with others not found
in his books, for the purpose of presenting to the
reader, at first hand, a continuous, chronological narrative
of this widespread calamity and its after-effects. In
Appendix B, I have collected the various accounts of a
skirmish with the Portuguese in 163 1. These are inter-
esting chiefly for their quaintness. Appendix C contains
the story of events that led to the first recorded marriage
between a Eurasian and an Englishman, and is illus-
trated by original documents. Appendix D is concerned
with the first English Commercial Mission to Patna. The
narrative is drawn from the original documents which
are too voluminous to print /;/ extenso. Appendix E
relates to Mirza Zu'lkarnain, a very interesting personage,
as he was a high official in the Mogul Court, although an
Armenian convert to Roman Catholicism and a staunch
supporter of that form of Christianity.
As will be seen, on reference to the notes in this volume,
I am again indebted to a large number of generous and
willing helpers who have given me valuable assistance in
the work of editing. Among these my thanks are primarily
due to Mr Henry Beveridge and to Mr Percy Dryden
Mundy. The former has placed his wide Oriental learning
entirely at my disposal and has spared neither time nor
trouble in verifying and elucidating historical and bio-
graphical details and in solving the many difficulties with
PREFACE • ix
regard to Oriental names. The latter, a member of the
Markeaton (Derby) branch of the Mundy family and a
descendant of John Mundy, Lord Mayor of London in
1522, has been untiring in his investigations with regard to
the Cornish branch of the family. To Mr Mundy I owe
the discovery of the wills of Peter Mundy's widow and
sons, and most of the additions to the personal history of
the author are the result of enquiries made at his suggestion.
I gladly avail myself of the opportunity of publicly acknow-
ledging the disinterested kindness of these two gentlemen.
I also beg to offer my warmest thanks to Mr William
Foster for his ever ready help on all points connected with
the East India Company and its servants in their various
factories ; to the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., for much valuable
information regarding the Italians with whom Mundy came
in contact and for placing at my disposal his exhaustive
notes on Mirza Zu'lkarnain ; to Mr William Crooke for
settling several questions regarding customs and religious
observances and for supplying valuable references on all
points referred to him ; to Sir George Grierson for explaining
Mundy's allusion to the cleft rock at Gaya and for solutions
of various other puzzles ; to Colonel A. W. Alcock for the
identification of Mundy's " strange worm " ; to Sir James
Murray for allowing me to see unpublished matter regarding
words not yet reached in the Oxford English Dictionary ;
to Dr F. W. Thomas for explaining Mundy's use of the
word " Ganghem " ; to Mr A. G. Ellis for help with Arabic
words and references to Persian MSS. ; to Professor J. F.
Blumhardt for the solution of Anglo-Indian terms used by
Mundy ; and to the Librarian of the Bodleian Library for
his endeavour to trace the history of the Mundy MS.
My hearty thanks are also due to the clergy who have
so willingly undertaken long and tedious searches in their
parish registers in the endeavour to assist me in tracing
Peter Mundy's parentage and burial, viz. to the Rev. F. R.
Carr, Vicar of S. Gluvias, Penryn ; to the Rev. A. A. C. N.
X PREFACE
Vawdrey, Vicar of S. Budock, Falmouth ; to the Rev.
Canon King, Rector of King Charles the Martyr, Falmouth;
to the Rev. Thomas Taylor, Vicar of S. Just in Penwith ;
and to the Rev. A. H. Wood, Rector of S. Gerrans, Ports-
catho. To these names I must add that of Mr W. J.
Stephens, M.R.C.S., of Hayne, Newquay, who has supplied
me with copious notes of the Mundy family from Cornish
registers examined by him, and who has given me all
possible assistance in the endeavour to discover the traveller's
immediate ancestors.
I wish further to record my appreciation of the work
done by Miss A. J. Mayes, Miss W. M. Mayes and Mr Wm. J.
Bowers, the two former of whom have conducted enquiries
for me at the British Museum, Somerset House, and the
Public Record Office, and the latter among the official
records deposited at Exeter.
My thanks are also due to the officials of the India
Office for their constant courtesy in placing all sources of
information at my disposal, and to the Cambridge University
Press and Mr John Clay for excellence of printing and
valuable help in proof reading.
To Miss L. M. Anstey, who has collaborated with me
in other works for many years, I am once again indebted
for her continuous and conscientious attention to details
and for her patience and persistence in research, to which
I owe such completeness and accuracy of statement as my
annotations may be found to contain.
An extensive bibliography and a full index is attached
to this volume.
R. C. TEMPLE.
Thk Xash,
Worcester.
December^ • 9 1 3-
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface vii
Introduction xix
Relation IV i — 20
Mundy sails to India, 2. Reaches the Lizard, 3. His
ship's log, 4 — 5. Tornados, 6. Anchors at Madagas-
car, 7. Anchors at Mohilla, 8. Anchors off Swally, 9.
Measuring the "Shippes Way," 10. Arrives at Swally,
10. Goes to Surat, 11. Notes on the Cape of Good
Hope, II. Description of Madagascar, 12 — 13. De-
scription of Mohilla, 14. Comments on the voyage,
15. A "Sharke" described, 16. Distance travelled,
17. A subscription for Poplar Hospital, 17 — 20.
Relation V 21—38
Mundy's employment at Surat, 21. Departure of President
Wylde, 21 — 22. Arrival of President Rastell, 23.
Mundy is sent to Agra, 24. His instructions, 24 — 25.
Surat Factory, 25. The English Garden, 25 — 26.
The Tank at Surat, 26—27. "Our Dyett," 27—28.
Factories subordinate to Surat, 28. Description of
Surat, 29 — 30. Junks, 30. A Monsoon, 30. The
Great "Tancke," 31—32. "Tarree" trees, 32 — 33.
Inhabitants of Surat, 33. Towns about Surat, 33 — 34.
The " Banian " Tree, 34. Towns near the port, 34.
A Sati, 34— 36. A "strange Worme," 36 — y]. Strange
Birds' Nests, 37 — 38. Beginning of the Famine, 38.
Relation VI 39—70
Mundy leaves Surat, 39. Signs of the famine, 40. In
danger from robbers, 41. Effects of the famine, 42.
"The manner of watching in a Caphila," 43. Deaths
from famine, 43 — 44. The kafila robbed, 45. A
dangerous road, 46— 47. A loose elephant, 48. A
gun explodes, 49. Burhanpur described, 50 — 51. AsTr
Xll CONTENTS
PAGE
fortress, 51 — 52. Elephants for the king's use, 52 — 53.
Extortionate customs, 54. Carriers and their goods, 55.
Sironj described, 56. News from Agra, 57. " Our
Christmas faire," 58. A visit to the Dutch, 59.
Gwalior described, 60 — 62. Dholpur described, 63 —
64. Mundy's arrival and reception at Agra, 65.
" Computation " of distance travelled, 66. Measuring
the way, 67. Mundy's private letters, 68 — 70.
Relation VII 71 — ^^
Mundy leaves Agra for Koil, 71. A robbery, 71 — 72.
Arrival at Koil, 72. " Munares with dead men's
heads," 72 — 73. Condition of the villagers, 73 — 74.
The river Ganges, 75 — 76. Mundy purchases indigo
and saltpetre, 76. Returns to Agra, T"]. Distance
travelled, 'j'j.
Relation VIII 78 — 137
Mundy starts for Patna, 78. His assistant, 79. J. Robinson
supplies Mundy's place, 80. Instructions to Leachland
and Robinson, 81 — 83. Avenue of trees from Agra to
Lahore, Z2>- -^ri ancient tank, 84. Mlrza Makkl's
camp, 85. "Champinge" at Etawa, 86 — 87. "Great
Lighters" described, 87 — 88. A defenceless girl, 88.
A fine sanji, 89. 'Abdu'llah Khan's punitive ex-
pedition, 90. An instance of superstition, 91. The
caravan in danger, 92. A strange "relique," 93.
Legend of Krishna, 94. A Al/idd described, 95 — 96.
The use oi pan, 96 — 97. Kara described, 97. Manu-
factures of Shahzadpur, 98. The sepulchre of Khusru,
99 — 100. A i^(?^//" described, loi. The Story of Sultan
Khusru, loi — 106. Prince Khurram's rebellion, 106 —
107. Allahabad described, 107 — 108. Mundy crosses
the Ganges, 109. Soldiers' gymnastic exercises, no.
Bandits demand custom, iii. Hunting leopards, 112.
"Catching of Water Fowle," 113. The Kahar caste,
114 — 115. Holiness of Ganges water, 116. "An
extreame Superstition," 116. The kafila in danger,
117 — 118. Disturbances at Bhadohl, 118 — 119. More
outlaws, 120. Comments on " Betearees," 121. A
meeting with Muzaffar Beg, 122. A Hindu temple,
123. Mundy leaves Benares, 124. " Carmanasca, a
pernitious" river, 125. Fighting of antelopes and
CONTENTS XIU
PAGE
rams, 126. Fighting of elephants, 127 — 128. Mundy
reaches Sasaram, 129. The tomb of Sher Shah, 130.
Sallm Shah's tank, 131. Chandan Shah's tomb,
132 — 133. Mundy crosses the Son, 133. Mundy
reaches Patna, 134. A visit to Hajipur, 135 — 136.
Distance from Agra to Patna, 137.
Relation IX 138 — 142
Mundy's opinion on the Patna venture, 138. Mr Fremlen's
reasons for "its prosecution," 138 — 139. Mundy's
answer to those reasons, 139 — 141. Mundy's grounds
for thinking the expedition was sent in error, 141 —
142.
Relation X 143 — 156
Mundy's 7'esume of his journey from Agra to Patna, 143 —
144. A tyrannical Governor at Patna, 144 — 145.
Mundy's failure to obtain cloth, 145 — 146. A fall in
the price of quicksilver, 147. Mundy decides to sell his
consignment for what he can get, 148 — 149. Mundy's
reasons for and against a settlement at Patna, 150 —
152. Ports on the coast nearest to Patna, 153. Prices
of certain commodities at Patna, 153 — 154. Goods to
be obtained at Patna, 154 — 156.
Relation XI 157 — 162
Description of Patna, 157. Great men's pleasure boats,
157 — 158. Safi Khan's Sarai, 159. 'Abdu'llah Khan,
a tyrant, 159 — 161. His daughter burned to death,
161 — 162.
Relation XII 163 — 1S7
Mundy leaves Patna, 163. Accoutrements of war-horses,
164. A " Coja," 164. Sultan Danyal's daughter,
165. A Tale of the Philosopher's Stone, 166. Mundy
goes to Rohtasgarh, 167. Description of the fortress,
168 — 169. The Indian method of measuring time,
169 — 170. Fighting buffaloes, 171. The Rhinoceros,
171. A defenceless girl, 172. Naubat Khan's laskhar
on the march, 173. Burning of the dead at Benares,
174 — 175. Manner of worship in a Hindu temple, 175.
"Faquirs," 176 — 177. "A desperate Resolution," 178.
A Hindu betrothal, 179. Hindu marriage customs,
180. Sultan Khusru's tomb restored, 181. A rojh
xiv CONTENTS
PAGE
described, 182. Pilgrims, 182. A magic cleft at Gaya,
182 — 183. Mundy is robbed by a servant, 184 — 185.
More Mlnars of dead men's heads, 185—186. Mundy
reaches Agra, 186. Distances travelled, 187.
Relation XIII 188—196
Shah Jahan comes from Burhanpur to Agra, 188. Indian
coaches and palanquins, 189. The Governor of Agra
and his followers, 189 — 190. A kajawa and an 'amart
described, 190. Swinging and hand fans, 191. "Dow-
lees, chowndolees," &c. 192. A royal progress, 193 —
196.
Relation XIV 197—206
Shah Jahan celebrates Bakar'id, 197. His elephants and
horses, 198 — 199. His ensigns and train, 199. The
^am-khas described, 200. The mahal 2.wA ghusl khana^
201. Marriages of Dara Shikoh and Shuja', 201 — 202.
" Chiminy Beagum " and Asaf Khan, 203. Mahabat
Khan, 204 — 205. Niir Mahal, 205 — 206.
RELATION XV 207—224
Description of Agra, 207- -208. The castle at Agra, 209—
210. Akbar's tomb, 210— 211. The tomb of Taj
Mahal, 212— 214. Gardens at Agra, 214— 215. Bazars
at Agra, 215 — 216. A ;;zz7z7«a;zf described, 217. Dress
of the Company's servants at Agra, 218. The Muhar-
ram, 218—219. HolT, 219. Dlwall, 220. Burning of
devotees, 220. "A Straunge Custome," 221. "The
makeing of Indico," 22 1 — 223. Boats at Agra described,
223 — 224.
Relation XVI 225—276
Mundy leaves Agra, 225. King Akbar's pilgrimage to
Ajmer, 226. " Gonga Mohol," 227. Fatehpur SlkiT
described, 227—228. "The Great Messitt," 228 — 229.
"The Moores tombes," 229. The King's Stable, 230.
Mundy travels with Bakir Khan, 231. Executions
and punishments, 232 — 233. ACorula, 233. Remarks
on elephants, 233 — 234. Staking of thieves, 234. A
" theevish place," 235. Celebration of nauroz, 236 —
238. How great men travel, 239 — 240. Mirza Zu'lkar-
nain dismissed, 240—241. Ajmer and its situation,
242. The castle at Ajmer, 243. The tomb of
CONTENTS XV
PAGE
Mu'lnu'd-dln Chishtl, 243 — 244. Hindu temples at
Merta, 245. The Dutch kafila robbed, 246. Opium,
"post," "bang," described, 247. A barren country, 248.
Jalor, its castle and temple, 249 — 251. Mundy ascends
Chappan-ka-pahar, 252 — 253. "A man slaine," 253 —
254. Tumbling Tricks, 254 — 255. A convoy hired,
256. A dangerous road, 256. Quarrels between
Baluchls and Jatts, 257. A banyan-tree described, 258.
" Chanda, a notorious Rebell," 259. Custom extorted
by rebels, 260. " Sundrye fruites," 261. A temple at
Sidhpur defaced, 262. "A man hurt, another kilde,"
263. Tombs of ten sayyids, 264— 265. Mundy arrives
at Ahmadabad, 266. The Kankria Tank described,
266—267. Mundyleaves Ahmadabad, 268. "Wassett"
Castle, 269. The kafila attacked by thieves, 270.
Description of Broach, 271 — 272. Mundy reaches
Surat, 272. Distance travelled, 272. List of victims
of the " Mortall Sicknesse," 273 — 275. Effects of the
famine, 276.
Relation XVII 277—301
Mundy starts for Surat with a caravan of bullock-carts and
camels, 277. A storm at Nibhera, 277 — 278. Two
carts break down, 278 — 279. Fremlen leaves Mundy
in charge, 279—280. A " Cammeller" unjustly arrested,
280. Difficulty of keeping up with Bakir Khan's suite,
281. No spare camels, 282. Oxen and carts unfit for
the journey, 283 — 284. The carters importunate for
money, 285. Mundy's constant anxiety, 286. A carter
heavily indebted to the Company, 287. Mundy's
caravan parts company with Bakir Khan, 288 — 289.
Contentions with the carters, 290. Difficulty of ob-
taining money, 291. Gana's "rotten carts," 292.
Revolt of the " cammellers," 293 — 294. Fights between
the "carters and cammellers," 294 — 296. Thieves
attack the kafila, 297. The caravan arrives at Ahma-
dabad, 298. Bakir Khan's demands in return for his
protection, 298— 299. Rs. 4000 paid to him, 300. The
Company's debtors taken to Surat, 301.
Relation XVIII 302—314
Arrival of a fleet from England, 302. English ships do
not winter at Swally, 303. Mundy appointed " Factor
att the Marreene," 304. Parsees and Towers of
xvi CONTENTS
PAGE
Silence, 305. " Hallalcores," 306. Beasts and birds
of India, 307. Fishes and snakes, 308. Trees and
fruit, 309. Herbs, flowers and merchandise, 310.
Currency, 310— 311. Swally described, 311— 312.
Extent of Mundy's stay in India, 313. Mundy goes
on board the Mary, 313—314-
Relation XIX 3^5— 338
The fleet sails from Swally, 315. A contract with the
Nayak of Bhatkal, 316. "Tryeing of the Currant,"
317. Mauritius described, 318 — 319. The Cape of
Good Hope, 320. Table Bay, 321. People at the
Cape, 321—323. The Table, 323—324. The Sugar
Loaf, Charles Mount, James Mount, 325—326. Penguin
I sland, 327 — 328. Penguins, 328. St Helena described,
329 — 333. Ascension Island, 333. Sickness among
the crew, 334. Some fresh provisions obtained,
335 — 336. Mundy lands at Dover, 336. Number of
miles traversed, 336. Mundy's private trade, 337 — 338.
Appendices
A. The Famine of 1630 — 1632 339 — 349
B. Skirmish with the Portuguese, October, 1630 . 350 — 353
C. John Leachland, his Wife and Daughter . . 354 — 359
D. The First English Commercial Mission to Patna,
1620 — 1621 360 — 373
E. Mlrza Zu'lkarnain : a Christian in the Mogul
Court 374—382
Bibliography 383—391
Errata 392
Index 393—437
illusirations
No. I. Shark: (i) with pilot and sucking fishes;
(2) caught with chain and hook . . To face p. 16
No. 2. The Tank in the Company's Garden at Surat „ 27
No. 3. A case of i'rt// at Surat in 1630 ... ?) 35
No. 4. Bagworm and Weaver bird .... •,■, 2)7
No. 5. (jwalior Fort, 1631 ,, 62
CONTENTS
XVll
No. 6. A niinar or pillar of criminals' heads, 1632
No. 7. The principal outer gate of Fort Allahabad
in 1632
No. 8. Mahadev (Siva). Women pouring libations
over a litigam ....
No. 9. Ganesh and Chaturbhuj (Vishnu)
No. 10. Tomb of Sher Shah SOr at Sasaram
No. II. Drawings of a bajrd or mayur pankhl .
No. 12. Modes of transporting women in India
No. 13. A Progress of Shah Jahan in 1632
No. 14. The Tomb of Akbar at Sikandra .
No. 15. Censing Kali in a Hindu Temple at Benares
No. 16. A wzzy^.;;za/?f or banquet in 1632
No. 17. A Gabbart or pate Id ....
No. 18. The Hiran Minar at Fatehpur-Slkri
No. 19. Akbar's Stable at Fatehpur-SikrI
No. 20. The Pillar Rock on Chappan-ka-pahar
No. 21. Bdzfgar, acrobats ....
No. 22. Tower of Silence at Surat, 1633 .
No. 23. A Pelican
No. 24. A cobra and a domilnhd
No. 25. A Malabar pirate ship, 1634 .
No. 26. Table Mountain, Cape of Good Hope, 1634
No. 27. A Penguin
No. 28. A Toad Fish (puffer) .....
No. 29. A flying Fish
To face p. ic
108
123
123
130
158
192
195
211
217
217
230
230
252
252
254
308
308
308
316
326
332
332
332
Maps
Mundy's Routes between Surat and Agra, 1631 and
1633
Mundy's Routes : Agra to Karanbas 163 1
Agra to Patna, 1632
39
78
M. II.
INTRODUCTION.
Mundy's Life under the East India Company.
HE present volume deals with Peter Mundy's
life as a servant of the East India Company
and covers the period 1628 — 1634. As
previously stated in vol. I., he was elected
a factor at the close of the year 1627^ and
he took his passage in the Expedition, sailing
with the Jonas, both bound to India early in 1628. The
voyage was uneventful, but full of interest to Mundy, who
employed his leisure in noting and commenting on every-
thing that attracted his attention. He borrowed the ship's
log from Daniel Hall, the chief mate, and modelled his
own journal upon it, omitting, however, the entries not
" pertinent " to his purpose. Instead of chronicling the
" bearing of poynts," the '■ depths of anchoringe and wey-
inge," he enlarged on the places passed and visited, and
on • the strange birds, beasts and fish which he saw for
the first time. Thus he has remarks on the " Peake of
Teneriff " and the "Cape of Bonesperance, or Good Hope,"
a description of " St Lawrence, antiently called Mada-
gascar," with its " strongly lym'd " inhabitants, and an
account of Mohilla (Comoro Islands), where the fleet
" traded for refreshinge." He noticed " sundry sorts of
strange sea fowle," the fat-tailed sheep of Madagascar
with " hanginge Eares, coulered like Calves," and " divers
sorts" of fish. The only one of these that he thought fit
1 Vol. I. 144 — 145.
b2
XX INTRODUCTION
to " decipher " was the shark, " a verie daringe ravenous
fish" (p. i6). Thus employed, for his " owne perticuler,"
Mundy found the voyage "neither troublesome nor tedious"
but " full of Novelties every daye" (p. 17). When nearing
Surat, a collection was made from the passengers and crews
of the Jojias and Expedition, on behalf of the Company's
newly established hospital at Poplar, as a thankoffering
for their "prosperous, healthfull and pleasant passadge."
To this fund, which amounted to £^1. pi".," Peeter Mundye
Merchaunt" contributed "Three pownds" (p. 20).
On his arrival at Surat, in September 1628, Mundy
was " imployed to write in the office, as comonly all new
Comers are" (p. 21), and for the next two years he was
occupied in the usual duties of a Company's clerk. These,
however, were not particularly onerous and allowed ample
time for a detailed examination of Surat and its surround-
ings, as is shown by the notes which are embodied in
Relation V. Of his associates he says nothing, and the
only proof that he was in favour with his employers lies
in the fact that his name is excepted from the large
number of factors and writers who, owing to inefficiency,
private trading, and other causes were ordered to return
to England in 1630^ The Surat factory was much dis-
turbed at this period by a quarrel between the President,
Richard Wylde, and Richard Boothby, a merchant, who
had sailed to India in the Jonas and seems to have been
the originator of the " Guifte " to the Company's hospital
at Poplar already mentioned. In 1629 Boothby drew up
a long declaration of the " wronges, Injuries, affronts and
u[n]just proceedinges" which he considered he had suffered.
In this he states that his communications with the President
were carried on by means of " honest Peeter Munday who
was the best frind that I had, though the meanest in repute,
for he durst sometimes speake in the Courte in my behalfe^."
Mundy's name is, however, among the signatures to a
^ English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 11.
2 Factory Records, Misc. xi. 39.
INTRODUCTION xxi
representation to the Company against Richard Boothby
in April 1630s and he therefore does not seem to have
cordially espoused the cause of the turbulent merchant.
In the same month Mundy succeeded to a definite post,
viz. that of "Register" at Surat. Later in the year he
went to Swally to await the fleet from England^ and there
he witnessed an engagement with the Portuguese^ which
is alluded to in Relation VI. (p. 49), and described in
Appendix B.
The ships that arrived in 1630 brought Thomas Rastell,
who succeeded Wylde as President of Surat, and there was
a general readjustment of offices. After much vacillation,
it was eventually decided to transfer Peter Mundy and
John Yard to Agra, the former as second and account-
ant and the latter as third, both to be under William
Fremlen, then chief of that factory. They were bidden
to halt at Burhanpur and to endeavour to obtain an order
for payment from the Raja of Bundl, who was indebted
to the Company for some tapestry, unless they found that
the Raja was still in the Dakhan with the King's army, in
which case they were desired to make no undue stay at
Burhanpur, but to push on to Agra. A month's time was
given them to " fitt " themselves " with thinges needfull "
for " soe longe a Journey," since, as Mundy remarks, they
would find " noe manner of accommodation but what you
carry with you " (p. 24).
A start was made from Surat on the nth November, and
from that town to Burhanpur Mundy and his party had
the company and protection of Mirza Mahmud Safi and
his followers, whose support proved most efficacious on
several occasions, both in evading exorbitant demands
for '* Jagatte," or customs, from the local governors, and
in repelling attacks from marauding Rajputs. The kclfila
^ English Factories., 1630 — 1633, p. 11.
2 On the 24th Sept. he was "aboard the James." Ibid. p. 45.
^ See English Factories., 1630 — 1633, IX. — x. for an account of this
engagement.
xxii INTRODUCTION
consisted of Mundy, Yard and their assistants, "Mirza and
all his people, and all the strangers that came with us "
and numbered about " 1 50 persons " and "15 or 20 Carts
with some Cammells " (p. 45).
The journey to Agra was undertaken just at the time
when the effects of a long drought in Gujarat began to be
evident in the form of a " very greivous " famine, and all
the way to Burhanptir Mundy had frequent and painful
evidence of the distress and mortality caused by the dearth.
One direct result of the scarcity was the rapid increase in
the size of the kdfila^ for at each village numbers of the
inhabitants, intent on escaping from the stricken area,
joined themselves to the caravan. By the time the travel-
lers reached Nandurbar, nine days' journey from Surat,
" the Caphila consisted of such a multitude of Carts and
people which drewe to such a length, that hetherto wee
could never see both ends from one place, and yett in-
creasing daylye " (p. 45).
Among the objects that attracted Mundy's notice during
the journey to Burhanpur were some two-humped Baghdad!
camels " thicker and stronger made " than the " ordinarie
sort" with "short leggs and verie hairie before" (pp. 40 — 41),
fields of " paan," sugar canes, and " Beares " {ber) a fruit
in taste " somewhat like unto Apples " (p. 48). He also
noticed the patrol system carried on in the caravan at
night as a protection against thieves (p. 43). Of the
houses he passed, the " comon sort " were " litle and
lowe with mudd walls " while the " better sort," which
were but few, had " Gallaries on the outside like the
Balconies in Spaine " (p. 44).
The danger of attack by bands of half-starved outlaws,
the risk of infection from the putrefying corpses of the
victims of the famine, and the difficulty of obtaining
provisions en route were all sources of serious incon-
venience until the travellers reached Burhanpur on the
30th November. Here there were no means of recovering
the Company's debt, as the Raja of Bundl was not in the
city, but a delay of five days was caused nevertheless by
INTRODUCTION xxiii
the failure of the native broker to provide camels, " soe that
it was the 6th of December before wee could get forth of
Towne " (p. 50). While at Burhanpur, Mundy's time for
sight-seeing was limited, as he was " busied for our further
proceede," and he has only short notes on the castle,
bazar, the " poore mudd wall " surrounding the city, and
the carved elephant in the river, so excellently sculptured
that it seemed "to the life a farr off" (p. 51). Here
Mundy and his party took leave of Mirza Mahmud Safi
and continued their journey with no other protection than
that of their own followers. They passed by the fortress
of Aslrgarh, and fell in with " manie and great elephants
goeinge to and arrivinge from Brampore." Being beyond
the area of the famine, there was no further trouble in
procuring provisions, nor was the caravan again attacked
by thieves. Mundy now first observed the Banjara or
carrier caste with their droves of oxen laden with grain.
The route followed by the caravan from Aslrgarh to
Dilod differed from that taken by other seventeenth cen-
tury travellers, and the fact that Mundy met with munitions
of war and provisions for the army en route seems to show
that the track he followed had been opened up by Shah
Jahan's forces, who were then at war in the Dakhan, and
in constant need of supplies from Agra.
In a fortnight after leaving Burhanpur the party reached
Sironj, a town noted for the manufacture of "great quanti-
ties of Excellent Pintadoes or Chints," and "encompassed"
with "much fruitfull ground." The gardens yielded "good
redd roses and white, but the latter exceeded in smell "
(p. 56). At Abdu'l-Hasan ka Sara was a "well contrived"
sardl "of Brick, haveing scene none such hitherto " (p. 57).
Christmas Day 1630 was spent at Kulharas, where a
letter was received from Messrs Fremlen and Blagden at
Agra. The " Christmas Cheare " consisted of " Rost beefe,"
" salt porke and Neats tongue." The beef was in reality
" a peece of Buffalo, both hard and Tough, a suf^cient
tryall of our Jawes and stomacks, but for our better di-
gestion wee added a Cupp of Sack," " therewith remembring
XXIV INTRODUCTION
our freinds " (p. 58). The following day Mundy and Yard
dined with two Dutch factors in charge of a kdfila of indigo
and saltpetre, bound for Surat. On the 27th December
they arrived at Narwar with its " Castle or rather a Cittie
for its greatnesse " and its " faire large Tancke wherein,
to our seemeinge, were thousands of wilde fowle" (p. 60).
The fortress of Gwalior was reached on the 30th December
and here Mundy made a sketch of its " admirable, strong,
and beautiful Castle " which " somewhat resembles the
manner of it." He considered it "the rarest place" he
had hitherto seen and looked upon it as equal to " the
worke and monuments of the Auntient Romaines " rather
than "of Barbarous Indians as wee esteeme them " (pp. 61,
62). New Year's Day 1631 found the party at Dholpur,
where Mundy was greatly impressed with the deep ravines
in the neighbourhood of the Chambal river. He thought
the district " the strangest peece of ground that ever " he
had encountered, and compared it to " the tumblinge and
totteringe waves of the sea in a storme," " such strange
deepe crackte ground in generall that it was fearefull to
see" (p. 63).
Agra, " our much longed for place of repose," was
reached on the 3rd January 1631, and there Mundy and
Yard had a warm welcome from Fremlen and Blagden,
as well as from the Dutch factors and other Europeans
residing in the city. A {q^n days were devoted to giving
and receiving visits, and then the factors " applyed " them-
selves " to follow the Companies affaires accordinge to the
enorderinge of our Principall " (p. 66).
For the greater part of the year 1631 we have no actual
record of Mundy's doings. He apparently fulfilled his
duties to the satisfaction of all concerned and no doubt
spent his leisure in absorbing information on various points
connected with his surroundings. It was probably during
this period that he made the observations of Agra and its
neighbourhood and executed the drawings contained in
Relation XV. There are, however, two of his private
letters, written in 1631, still extant. One is addressed
INTRODUCTION XXV
to Crispin Blagden, whom he replaced at Agra. In this
he begs Blagden, who was at a caravan station outside
Agra, en i^oute for Surat, to leave him " the Pistol " for
his own defence " in regard I am butt slenderly armed here,
and you are better and bigger provided there" (p. 68).
Blagden's answer is not in existence, so we are left in doubt
as to whether Mundy obtained the desired weapon. The
other letter is dated nearly eight months later, in September
of 1 63 1. It is addressed to John Skibbow, with whom
Mundy had been associated in his duties at Swally in i630\
and expresses gratitude for the way in which Skibbow had
disposed of the money left in his hands.
Eleven months after his arrival at Agra, Mundy was
sent on a short expedition to Koil and Shergarh to pro-
cure indigo and saltpetre for the Company. He was
absent for a month, from the 17th December 1631 till
the i6th January 1632, and was apparently singlehanded
during this time. He travelled through a district infested
with robbers, and had his first sight of the mliidrs, in which
were cemented the skulls of criminals as a deterrent to
other lawbreakers. The heads were those of "certaine
Theeves lately taken," and Mundy also saw their bodies
" hunge upp by the heeles in a grove of mango trees "
(pp. 72, 7^,). Others had been executed, staked, or "roasted
alive." The general condition of the villagers, who were
oppressed by the local governors and robbed by " theevish
Gacoares," excited Mundy's pity, since it reminded him of
the state of " the poore Christians " under the " Tyrannie
of the Turks " (pp. yi,, 74).
From Koil, where he noted the Koil Minar and a fort
in which he could see no ordnance, Mundy took a day's
holiday in order to get a sight of the river Ganges. His
first view of the river was in the dry season when it was
only about half a mile broad. He " passed to the farther
side in a small boate, but swamme back " (pp. 75, 76). On
his return to Koil he attended to the packing and weighing
1 English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 45.
xxvi INTRODUCTION
of the indigo already ordered and then made his way to
Shergarh, some twelve miles distant, where he collected
about 400 bundles of saltpetre, Shergarh being the " onlye
place about Agra where it is sold and made,"
From January until August 1632 Mundy remained at
Agra as second of that factory. In June he witnessed
Shah Jahan's royal progress into the city on his return
from Burhanpur, as described in Relation XIII., and the
celebration of the feast of Bakar'id narrated in Relation XIV.
His five years' agreement with the Company expired in
February 1633, and on his application to Surat for leave
to return to England, John Robinson was entertained as a
factor and sent to supply his place.
But before his departure from Agra Mundy was en-
trusted Vv^ith an important commercial mission to Patna,
involving a journey of over 500 miles. Unfortunately,
there was some misconception at headquarters and a
grave error in the instructions. In fact, as was afterwards
shown, the whole proceeding was "the effect of a mistake."
Mundy himself was strongly averse to the undertaking
and so convinced of its fruitlessness that he drew up a
memorial of his " Reasons against the Journey to Puttana "
{Relation IX.), in order to clear himself of blame, if the
expedition turned out as he expected. From this memorial
we learn that Fremlen was desirous of finding a market
for the quicksilver and vermilion " lyeinge dead " in the
Agra factory, and that the President and Council at Surat
were looking for a fresh centre for the supply of coarse
cotton goods for the home market. The glut of quicksilver
and vermilion was caused by the "great quantities" brought
out by "private traders" in 1631 "to the honble. Companys
extraordinary Losse and hindrance." In the endeavour
" to cutt the combe of private traders and to reduce the
aforesaid Comodities to their pristine esteeme and valua-
tion," a consignment was sent from Surat for disposal at
Agra in 1632 (p. 81). Instead of realizing a good price,
it remained as a drug in the market ; hence Fremlen's
eagerness to diminish the quantity by sending it to Patna
INTRODUCTION XXVU
and thus to " cawse the price of the residue to rise."
Mundy's arguments against this plan were that the prices
obtainable in Patna for quicksilver and vermilion were not
known, that in any case the price of quicksilver could not
rise in Agra as the factors were in the hands of the Agra
dealers who controlled it in all Hindustan, and that con-
sequently as it fell in Agra directly the supply was increased,
the same conditions were likely to prevail elsewhere.
Against the second part of his instructions, which
directed him to make an investment in cloth in Patna
and its neighbourhood, Mundy urged that the time allowed
for completing the business was only 75 days, and that
if Patna were the place intended for its transaction,
then 40 to 45 days of that time would have to be spent
on the journey. Therefore it was quite impossible to
carry out the order, and so he sensibly concluded that
Patna was not the place intended by the Surat Council,
but some other town such as Daryabad or Khairabad
within a few days' journey of Agra (p. 141). The result
of the expedition proved the soundness of Mundy's reason-
ings ; but meanwhile, having uttered his protest, he made
no appeal against the decision of his superiors, and with
his usual habit of accommodating himself to circumstances,
he cheerfully set to work to make the necessary prepara-
tions for his long journey.
On the 6th of August his caravan set out from Agra to
Patna. It consisted of eight carts, laden with quicksilver,
vermilion and woollen cloth. Mundy was in sole charge,
but he had a valuable assistant in Sundar Das, who ac-
companied him as interpreter. The journey occupied seven
weeks, and in spite of his opposition to the project, Mundy
seems to have thoroughly enjoyed this opportunity for
extending his knowledge of India and for making notes
of what he saw.
On leaving Agra, he was struck by the avenue of trees
planted by Jahangir's orders on the main road from Agra
to Lahore "for the ease of Travellers and for shade in hott
weather." He noted too that the majority of the trees he
XXVlll INTRODUCTION
saw were evergreen. Before reaching Firozabad, the first
stage in the journey, he passed the " faire " tank of 'Itmad
Khan, "one of the most auntient in India." After leaving
that town, he saw the camp of Mirza Makki (then on his
way to take up his post of Governor in Orissa), whose
equipage was so numerous and extensive that it made a
" verie gallant Showe." At Etawa, which was reached on
the 1 2th August, Mundy was greatly impressed by the
skill of the "Barbers" in massage or, as he calls it, "artificiall
Champinge." His description of the process which " is
here accompted to bee verie healthfull " (pp. 86, 8y) is
extremely quaint. At Etawa, too, he noticed the great
barges plying on the Jamna, " Their Cheifest lading being
salt " (p. 87).
Until the 17th August the way was "pleasant, plaine
and fruitefull," but after that date the ravines fringing the
Jamna were reached, and " our plaine ground turned into
Craggs" where antelopes, jackals and "strange fowle"
were numerous. At Chaparghata Mundy noted " the
fairest and formalest Sarae " he had yet seen, with " faire
towers," "stately gates" and "Battlements" "all compleat"
(p. 89). Near Ghatampur the caravan entered a disturbed
district, the scene of a punitive expedition by 'Abdu'llah
Khan, the effects of whose repressive measures were evi-
dent in the existence of " above 200 Munaries with heads
mortered and plaistered in." The road now became worse,
the " rancks of trees " " much decayed " and the surround-
ing country was " even a wildernesse." Between Bindki
Khas and Fatehpur the travellers were much alarmed and
" remained in great feare all night," having heard that the
neighbouring villages were " by the eares amonge them-
selves," and anticipating an attack. So great was the peril
that Sundar Das took to using a " Strange Relique " " to
be eaten in tyme of great daunger " as a protective charm.
The precaution was considered effectual, as the caravan
escaped attack.
After this the road continued to be heavy, and progress
was slow owing to "pitts and pooles of water" where, "ever
INTRODUCTION xxix
and anon, one Cart or other would be fast " (p. 95). Here,
as on the road from Surat to Agra, Mundy met Banjaras
with strings of oxen laden with corn, and he also saw fields
of pan, the use of which he explains. Near Kara he
replenished his store of 'arak, but it was made of mahwd
and was " none of the best." Here also he passed through
many groves of mango trees "Sett in Rancks by Measures"
(p. 97) and remarked the first spring of water that he had
noticed in India, " though questionlesse there bee many
thousands " (p. 97).
Shahzadpur, then famous for its manufacture of chintz
and paper, was reached on the 24th August. The situation
of the town reminded Mundy of Constantinople, " standing
on manie litle hills," but in his eyes it lacked the "great-
ness and state " of the Turkish capital. Two days later
the caravan pitched outside Allahabad, and there Mundy
saw the tomb of Sultan Khusru and obtained, probably
from Sundar Das, the details of that prince's " troublesome
life and Tragicall end " as they were related by the gossips
of the day. At Allahabad, where the travellers arrived
nineteen days after leaving Agra, there was a delay while
boats were being procured to cross the Ganges, and most
likely it was while he was waiting there that Mundy made
his sketch of the " principall Gate " of the castle (p. 108),
the only thing he thought worthy of note in the city.
Having crossed the Ganges, which was then about
three quarters of a mile wide at this point, Mundy 's caravan
was again in danger. The neighbourhood was in arms
owing to a disturbance between the followers of Saif
Khan, Governor of Allahabad, and the people of Bhadohl.
Hostilities were imminent, and the usual bands of maraud-
ing outlaws " whoe take Jaggatt or Custome on the way
by their owne authoritie" (p. in) were on the lookout to
despoil and rob. One party attempted to blackmail the
caravan, but by the use of 'Abdu'llah Khan's dreaded name,
some " faire words " and a " little ename " (p. ill) or gift, a
heavy payment was avoided.
. On the night of the 29th August there was much wind.
XXX INTRODUCTION
thunder and lightning and " aboundance of rayne " so that
the carts were " upp to the Axletree in water," while the
noise of the elements and shouting of the carters resembled
a " sea storme aboard a shipp " (p. 1 1 2). The next day's
travelling, too, was hard and wearisome since the water
was "knee deepe, and some tymes more" (p. 114).
On the 30th August Mundy met with several of the
Kahar caste laden with earthen pots. He was interested
in the way these porters carried on their shoulders about
a hundred-weight, balanced at each end of a long bamboo,
" The Bamboe yeildinge and bendinge at every stepp, soe
that they carrie more steddie then any other kinde of In-
vention that I knowe," their rate of travel being 25 or 30
miles a day in "a kinde of an easie leaping pace " (p. 115).
The next night a band of outlaws again demanded
custom from the caravan, and this time 'Abdu'llah Khan's
name had no power to stop their demands. The robbers
named Rs. 500 as their price and threatened to take that
sum by force, so that for a time there was fear of a recourse
to arms. However, in the end, they agreed to accept
Rs. 14, " and soe wee slept that night a litle more quieter
then wee expected" (p. 118). But for the three following
days " wee travelled in some fear " since the people " neither
regard the kinge nor his lawes verie much " (p. 1 19). How-
ever, the blustering demands for custom were again evaded
by small payments.
At Sarai Babu, Mundy obtained some 'arak which,
though not excellent, was better than he had " mett with-
all hitherto." Benares was reached on the 3rd September
and two days were spent in the city which, at a distance,
appeared to Mundy like a European town. Here he had
to bribe the officials of Muzaffar Beg, a fatijddr,\^h.o would
otherwise have commandeered his carts for Kulij Khan's
service. The enforced delay gave him the opportunity of
visiting the famous temple of Bisheshwar at Benares and
of gleaning some information about the many sacred as-
sociations of the city. On leaving Benares, the Ganges,
which was then running " very slowe," was again crossed,
INTRODUCTION xxxi
and but little further progress was made, owing to " bad
passages of water." The sight of tdrl trees induced the
hope of obtaining toddy, "haveing neither seene nor Tasted
any theis manye dayes," but to Mundy's disappointment
he found that the trees were only grown for their leaves,
from which mats were made. On the 7th September the
ill-omened Karamnasa, "a pernitious River to the super-
stitious Hindoes " (p. 125 ;?.), was passed, and on the
shore, in the sand, Mundy was surprised to find cockles
like those with which he was familiar in England, but with
black shells. From Benares almost to the gates of Patna
the road was very trying for carts, so much " tough mire "
and marshy ground that the oxen were " sore laboured "
with " tugging," and a halt was necessary at Sasaram to
refresh them. Thus Mundy had time to visit the tombs
of Sher Shah Surand Salim Shah Sur and to make a sketch
of the former, though he could not gain admittance to it
at that time, as Muzaffar Khan's harem was encamped
there. Mundy also visited the tomb of Hazrat Chandan
Shahid, regarding whose canonization he has a story not
found elsewhere, but one that was evidently current in
his day.
On the 14th September the Son was crossed with great
difficulty on account of the sands and " shoaldes." From
thence, about 18 miles distant, the fortress of Rohtasgarh
"one of the most famous of all India for height, bignes
and strength " was descried (p. 1 34).
On the 15th September Mundy and Sundar Das left
the carts to follow slowly and went on to Patna to "provide
a place to howse our goods." On the way, they could
purchase " noe wyne for any money, a straight prohibition
against it." They reached Patna on the 17th and the carts
arrived on the 20th September, 44 days after leaving Agra.
Thus, the journey occupied about nine days longer than
the average time, owing to " mire and dirt, it being tyme of
Raines " (p. 143) and " not then the tyme of Travell for
Laden Carts" (p. 144).
Having unpacked his goods and paid off his carters,
xxxii INTRODUCTION
Mundy prepared to carry out his instructions, and first
applied to brokers for the provision of ambati, the coarse
cloth desired by the Company. On the 27th September
they brought a few pieces, which on inspection proved too
dear and unfit "for our turnes" (p. 145). As no more
brokers came to offer goods, Mundy sent two messengers
to Lakhawar, where most of the ambati cloth was woven,
to endeavour to procure a consignment at a reasonable
price. It was not till the 5th October that one messenger
returned bringing with him Ganga Ram, "the Cheifest
Broker in theis parts for Corse linnen," who stated that a
satisfactory investment in ambati cloth might be made,
but that about six weeks would be needed to effect it, " It
requireinge above a moneth for the whiteninge" (p. 146).
This information placed Mundy in a dilemma, for, though
all idea of sending him to Surat with the first caravan of
the season had been abandoned, he was enjoined to finish
his business in Patna in time to arrive at Agra by the
middle of January 1633. He would thus need to start at
the end of November and had little more than six weeks
left in which to carry out his instructions. He therefore
decided that "here is an Impossibilitie to performe any-
thing this way," and concluded that the only thing to
do was to provide " musters " or samples of the goods
required.
With regard to the disposal of the quicksilver and
vermilion, Mundy's efforts met with as little success. For
the first week after he was settled in Patna, the feast of
Dlwali " in which tyme they doe seldome doe anythinge
in Merchandizeinge " (p. 146) stopped all trade. Then,
when he attempted the sale of his goods, he could get no
offer for more than four or five " maunds." He declined
the " venting " of so small a " pertido," since he " might
therewith have soe filled the markett " that he "might have
kept the rest long enough." Meanwhile, he had sent a
special messenger to Agra to know the lowest rate at
which he might sell the whole consignment and had
received from thence "expresse order to sell att what
INTRODUCTION XXxiii
rate soever" he could get (p. 148). Therefore, since "the
price falleth dayly in the Bazare," he came to an agree-
ment to dispose of the lot for Rs. 3 J and Rs. 4 the ser,
instead of Rs. 4 and Rs. 4^ which Mr Fremlen had
expected to obtain. The sale of the woollen goods was
equally disastrous, for the purchasers declared they had
been cheated in the quantity supplied, and yet refused to
deliver up the cloth when their money was returned to
them. In the end, rather than " leave Cloth and money
and all," Mundy was compelled to let them make "the
price of it themselves " (p. 1 50). Thus the whole transaction
resulted in failure, chiefly, as he points out, because of the
limited time at his disposal.
Mundy found the conditions at Patna very different to
those that prevailed when Messrs Hughes and Parker
attempted a settlement in 1620 — 1621^, for so far from
being courteously treated by the Governor, he was hampered
in his endeavours on behalf of the Company by the opposi-
tion and tyrannical exactions of 'Abdu'llah Khan, " the
most covetous and cruell Tirant that ever came to this
place" (p. 144).
In Mundy's opinion it was against the Company's
interest to establish a factory at Patna for the following
reasons. Firstly, ambatl^ the coarse white cloth made in the
district, was " now dearer then accustomed," required several
months for preparation and finishing, and after all would
probably not " equallize " that of Gujarat, which was better
known "both for goodnes and Cheapnes then this is" (p. 151).
As for the rest of " this Countries Commodities," such as
raw silk, indigo, lac and saltpetre, they could all be pro-
cured better "and better cheape elsewhere" (p. 151).
Assuming the facts to be as stated, this argument disposes
of the question of a settlement at Patna, as Hughes had
remarked, twelve years previously, that raw silk and am-
batls were the " two maine propes " which must " uphould "
the factory. Secondly, one great disadvantage of Patna
^ See Appendix D.
M. II. c
xxxiv INTRODUCTION
as a centre of trade was the excessive cost of land trans-
port thither. Mundy was of opinion that goods might be
sent down the Ganges to the sea, but could not " advise
them to what port to come," since he did not know the
Bengal coast. There was, moreover, " daunger both wayes.
For this Countrie Swarmes with Rebells and theeves."
Lastly, there could be " noe secure tradeing " under
'Abdu'llah Khan's rule, and Mundy therefore judged it
to be to the Company's interest for the Surat Council to
defer any decision as to a settlement at Patna until the
samples he secured there had been examined and his
statements duly considered.
But although his mission was a failure from a commercial
point of view, it led to the acquisition of useful and im-
portant information. Thus, he drew up from hearsay a
list of the ports on the Bengal coast. He also noted the
" prises of Certen Commodities " at the time of his stay
and the " names of sundrie Commodities to be had in
Puttana" (p. 154), which include eleven kinds of piece
goods, such names forming a valuable addition to the
known varieties of silk and cotton cloths of the 17th
century. He further made a note of the special weights
and measures in use at Patna.
In the sequel Mundy learnt that his opposition to the
journey to Bengal was completely justified, which must
have been a source of satisfaction to him. " Some few
dayes " before he left Patna he was advised by Mr Fremlen
that news had been received at Agra from the Surat
Council " wherein " they " acknowledged themselves in an
Errour in writinge Puttana when they meant Semano "
(p. 156). Samana, now in the Patiala State, was " within
40 Course " or about 60 miles from Agra, so Mundy could
easily have accomplished a journey there within the
specified time, and much cloth of the kind required was
woven in the neighbourhood. It says something for
Mundy's equability of temperament that he refrains from
crowing over his superiors and merely observes that the
" Journey and imployment " were "the effect of a mistake."
INTRODUCTION XXXV
While at Patna, Mundy made his usual acute observa-
tions of the place, and to these he devotes a separate
Relation. On the i6th November 1632 he started on his
return to Agra, leaving " our howse in Puttana as vvillinglie
as men forsake an infectious place" (p. 163). The route
taken was practically the same as that on the outward
journey, but since there was now but little heavy baggage,
progress was more rapid and halts less frequent. The day
after leaving Patna, Mundy fell in with the cavalcade of
the daughter of Sultan Danyal, and he mentions the
rumoured invasion of Shah Jahan's dominions by an im-
postor, impersonating Prince Bayasanghar, who had not
then been unmasked.
The sight of the river Son probably led his attendants
to tell Mundy a quaint "Tale of the Philosophers Stone"
then current, but long since forgotten (p. 166). On near-
ing Rohtasgarh and having heard " strange reports " of it,
he determined to get a closer view. He left his luggage
in charge of the " howse servants " and made a detour to
Akbarpur " att the foote of the mountaine whereon stands
the Castle aforesaid." He found, however, that the for-
malities necessary to obtain permission to inspect the
fortress would involve " a great deale of trouble and tyme,"
so he reluctantly abandoned the idea, and contented him-
self with noting all he heard in the locality of the strength
of the place and especially of the " profunditie " into which
" with a longe bamboo theie turne condemned persons,
whoe are never more heard of" (p. 168). After ascending
" one of the lesser hills " where a " Lyons Cave or den "
was pointed out, Mundy set out to rejoin his baggage.
On the way to Sasaram he was alarmed by the " furious
rushinge " of a " Tigar," which, however, he did not see,
and further on he met two " Hernabences or wilde
Buffaloes, now made tame" (p. 170) and trained to fight.
On the 25th November he came up with his cart, and the
whole party halted at Sasaram. At Khwaja ka Sara, the
result of a skirmish between the forces of the Governor of
Sasaram and the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages
XXXvi INTRODUCTION
was evident in the great droves of cattle then being
carried off by the victors, since in " theis kinde of broyles "
(p. 172) " most comonly " the villagers " goe to the worst."
Near Mughal Saral, toddy " of date trees " was obtain-
able, although much inferior to " that about Suratt "
(P- 173).
On the 30th November Mundy once more crossed
the Ganges, which was now broader than when he saw
it early in September. At Benares he found that an
epidemic had carried off nearly all the inhabitants "9 parts"
of whom "were either dead or fledd " (p. 173). While
waiting two days "to mend our Cart and to stay for
Company," he visited " the place where they burne
their dead " and witnessed " the manner of it." He also
visited one of the temples and made a sketch of the
ceremony of censing an image of Kali. After leaving
Benares, the reinforced party journeyed through the dis-
trict that had been the scene of disturbance on the outward
journey. They found that the rebels had been subdued
by Saif Khan's forces, that part of the road was protected
by his soldiers for whom he had made a " litle Fort of
earth," and that " many Townes hereabouts " were " de-
stroyed " (p. 179).
At Handiya, the resting-place on the 6th December,
the sardi was full of " Rusticks," who were celebrating
" the betrothinge " of one of the innkeeper's children
"not 40 dayes old" (p. 179). At JhusI there was further
evidence of Saif Khan's punitive expedition in the shape
of " 50 or 60 mens heads " " hunge upp by a stringe run
through their noses" (p. 180). After leaving Allahabad,
Mundy paid a second visit to Prince Khusru's tomb which
he found "new painted and fitted" (p, i8i). Near his
halting-place of the iith December he met a "Zunge" or
band of pilgrims journeying from Sorath to Benares. He
was told that some of them went still further to Gaya
" beyond Puttana," where there was a magical cleft rock, a
passage through which could only be negotiated by means
of a sufficient gift to the Brahmans. The object of the
INTRODUCTION xxxvii
ordeal, as told to Mundy, was to establish legitimacy of
birth. The test is still performed to obtain purification
from sin.
On reaching Kora Khas, Mundy felt himself free to
hurry on to Agra and to leave the cart in charge of some
trusty servants "haveinge accompanied it hitherto, in
regard of many passages of Rivers and places of daunger"
(p. 184). So on the i6th December he left that place
with only Sundar Das and Malla, his " horsekeeper," who
had charge of the " beddinge and apparrell." Malla,
however, turned out to be a knave and disappeared with
property belonging to Mundy, worth Rs. 140, and some
more of his servants', worth Rs. 59^^, " besides 9 rupees hee
oweth to the Company" (p. 185).
At Bakewar Khanpur Mundy found that a large
addition to the number of mmdrs of skulls set up by
'Abdu'llah Khan, had been made by Bakir Khan. They
were increased by about 60, " with 35 or 40 heads a peece"
(p. 185). Next day, near Etawa, he saw the actual making
of such a inlndr, " with a great heape of heads lying by,"
" ready to bee immortered " (p. 1 86).
On the 22nd December, thirty-seven days after leaving
Patna, Mundy reached Agra, where he was greeted by
Messrs Fremlen and Robinson, "Mr Yard being gon downe
with the Caphila to which I was appoynted." This is the
only comment on what must have been a keen disappoint-
ment to Mundy, since it was now impossible for him to
reach Surat in time to sail for England with the ships
bound home at the beginning of the following year.
He remained in Agra for two months and was a
witness of the wedding festivities in honour of the marriage
of the two elder sons of Shah Jahan as described in Relation
XIV. During this time, preparations were made for the
dispatch of the last caravan of the season from Agra to
Surat, and on the 25th February 1633 Mundy was placed
in charge of 268 camels and 109 carts with their lading.
He appears to have had no reliable assistant, such as the
invaluable Sundar Das, and the "convoy of 170 peones "
XXXVlll INTRODUCTION
with which he started does not appear to have accompanied
him far on the way. The journey occupied three months
and was attended with so much worry and anxiety that at
times Mundy's habitual cheeriness almost failed him. For
a week, however, he had no responsibility, since Mr Fremlen
accompanied the caravan as far as Bamanwas. The first
halt was made at Fatehpur SikrI. Mundy was greatly
interested in Akbar's deserted capital, and here he spent a
busy day inspecting the palace, the Jama' Masjid, the royal
stables and the Antelope Tower. On the way to the city
he noted the mmdrs set up to mark the route of Akbar's
pilgrimage to Ajmer and the ruined building where that
monarch had attempted a wholly empirical experiment to
ascertain the " natural laws " of human beings. Had
Fatehpur Slkri not been abandoned, it was, in Mundy's
opinion, "the only place that might any way resemble our
European Citties for comformitie of stately buildinges "
(pp. 227 — 228). The water supply by means of the
"Persian" wheel attracted his attention and reminded him
of Spain, where he had seen the same method in use.
With regard to the building of the Jama' Masjid and
Salim Chishtl's tomb, he repeats a story, evidently current
in his day, but not apparently told elsewhere.
While Mundy was exploring Fatehpur SikrI, Mr
Fremlen sent the carts two stages further on. Mundy
rejoined him at Khanwa, and at Nibhera they found Bakir
Khan, who had recently come from Orissa and was on his
way to Ahmadabad to take up his new post as Governor
of Gujarat. It was thought politic to beg the company
and protection of this nobleman in the expectation of
" saveing such Customes which otherwise would bee forced
from us on the way," and thus reducing the cost of
transport in this matter, ordinarily defrayed by contractors
who accompanied the carts and camels of caravans. Bakir
Khan readily accorded his protection and " promised to
further us in what hee could" (p. 231). But, in the event,
the arrangement proved to be both unwise and expensive,
because Mundy's kdfila consisted of " the worst sort of Carts
INTRODUCTION xxxix
and Cammells." Moreover, he had no rehable assistants,
was travelHng in a " badd tyme," and consequently found it
impossible to keep up with Bakir Khan's rapid movements.
The trouble began directly the two parties joined forces.
A severe dust storm, followed by " aboundance of raine,"
occurred at Khanwa. The camels were thus delayed and
did not reach Nibhera till a day after the carts. Happily,
Bakir Khan had halted " by reason of the raigne " (p. 278)
and so the two companies proceeded together to Bayana.
Mundy was much concerned lest his goods should have
been damaged by the wet, for a third of the carts were
" without covers and three quarters of the Cammells goods
lyeinge open in the feilds " (p. 278).
On the way to Bayana were the bodies of about three
hundred men staked by the roadside, " being of Rebells
and theeves " by whom the district had been " heretofore
much pestered " (p. 234). Some two miles short of their
destination, one cart broke down and another stuck in the
river " hard by the Towne." It was found impossible to
extricate it, and the bundles of indigo had to be carried
ashore on men's shoulders. There was great difficulty in
getting assistance, for though there were " 170 hired
servants, the night being dark and fowle weather, every
man shifted himself out of the way " (p. 279). The goods
were " verie much dampnified " and it was nearly midnight
before all the carts were reassembled. Thus, the journey
began inauspiciously, and from this occurrence Mundy
hoped " Mr Fremlen might judge of the future and farther
proceede of this Caphila" (p. 279). Fortunately, for the
sake of the wet goods, Bakir Khan made a day's halt in
order to be entertained by the local governor. At Bayana,
noted for " the best Indico in all India " was also " the
fairest Beawle," or reservoir-well approached by steps
(P- 234).
On the 1st March 1633, ^^e united paity set out for
Hindaun, passing in safety through Sikandarabad and near
a ravine which was well-known as a lurking-place for
robbers. From Hindaun, Bakir Khan sent his second son
xl INTRODUCTION
before him to Ahmadabad " to take possession of the
Government there in his name" (p. 235).
Mr Fremlen now proceeded to settle accounts with
carters and camel brokers, " a very troublesome peece of
busines" (p. 280), and on the 4th March he returned
to Agra, taking with him Dhanji, the " howse broker "
and other servants, and probably a large number of the
peons.
At Chaksij, which was reached on the 7th March,
Bakir Khan halted three days to celebrate " his Nouroze "
or New Year's festivities. This was solemnized " with all
the Magnificence the way could affoard," i.e. by discharge
of ordnance, feasting, " fightinge of furious Cammells "
(p. 237), illuminations, &c. The journey was resumed on
the loth March and Mundy's attention was attracted by
some men "who carried Faggots of rodds like Switches."
These he learned were amulets against the bite of " any
venimous thinge " (p. 238). He had also now an ample
opportunity of observing " the manner how great men
travell," and describes in detail the method of sending on
advance camps and the various appliances carried for the
comfort of a Mogul nobleman.
On the way to Bandar Sindri Mundy was shown the
direction in which the great salt lake of Sambhar lay, and
was told the story of Mirza Zu'lkarnain, the Christian
nobleman who farmed the salt revenues, and whose tem-
porary disgrace was at that time a cause of much wonder
and excitements From Bandar Sindri, Bakir Khan went
straight on to Ajmer, some 20 miles, "but then neither our
Cammells nor Carts could keep him Company," so Mundy
"stayed with the Cammells, as being hindermost and
neerest daunger." He was now among the Aravalll
Mountains and the " waie " was " stonie." Happily, how-
ever, Bakir Khan made another halt at Ajmer " for his
owne occasions, els had wee beene already left behinde "
(p. 280).
^ See Appendix E.
INTRODUCTION xH
At Ajmer Mundy visited the castle and the tomb of
Khwaja Mu'inu'd-dln Chishtl, of whom "are reported a
world of false miracles " (p. 244). Here his servant over-
took him, but 'Abdu'l-Karlm, an old and experienced
"Servitor" of the Company, "whom, after much impor-
tunitie" Mr Fremlen "promised to send after me" was
detained at Agra. This defection was a serious trouble,
and Mundy broke out into bitter complaint at such very
selfish and callous action. His case was probably no worse
than that of many an Englishman since his day, but it
must be admitted that his task was an exceedingly and
unnecessarily anxious one. He was single-handed in
charge of a caravan of unsound carts and " base " cattle,
which nevertheless carried extra loads of provision on
account of the scarcity occasioned by the famine ; the
route was entirely strange to him ; he had a " multitude
and diversitie of the worst sort of people in India to deale
withall " and " litle language " with which to compose
their quarrels. Lastly, in such adverse conditions he was
compelled to try to keep up with the train of a nobleman
travelling lightly equipped, and covering easily double the
distance that his caravan could accomplish. In these
circumstances Mundy's plaintive protests are not sur-
prising.
On the 1 6th March the road to Rea was very loose,
and ten to twelve oxen were required to drag a cart
through a quarter of a mile of deep sand "soe that it was
almost two nights and one daye before wee could gett our
Carts hither " (pp. 245, 281). From Rea to Merta, travelling
was better, and Mundy noticed that "high Cammells" were
used for riding instead of horses. Here news of the robbery
of a Dutch caravan emphasized the importance of keeping
carts and camels in touch with Bakir Khan's forces, and a
lucky halt at Merta enabled Mundy to collect his scattered
goods and cattle, and settle the demands of the carters.
On the way, others had taken advantage of the protection
of an armed camp, and to the Company's party were now
added crowds of returning pilgrims, merchants, &c. The
xlii INTRODUCTION
whole " tooke upp seven miles att length at the least, soe
that some are att their Journies end before others sett
out " (p. 246). The road to Pipar was stony, reminding
Mundy of Cornish granite. His carts had not arrived
when the advance-camp was moving on, and for the next
eight days some were always far from the main body,
even though the " poore Cattell " were urged forward
without giving them time to halt for " meate or drinck "
(p. 285).
At Pipar, Mundy noticed fields of poppy, the uses of
which he accurately describes, but he was struck by the
scarcity of trees along the highway and the desolation of
the country through which he passed, not a hundredth
part of which was cultivated, " the earth all hereabouts
saltish and consequently the water brackish, soe that
there are but few Wells " (p. 248). The road lay between
mountains and was unsafe for travellers, the " few poore
Townes " being "environed" with thorn hedges "to keep
out pilfringe Theeves " (p. 248). It was now " out of
possibillitie to attaine Jalore" where Bakir Khan arrived
on the 27th March, and so Mundy was glad to take
advantage of the company " of a Caphila and Tanda with
graine," which he came up with near Bharwanl. Here
a supply of fresh oxen was obtained, and as Bakir Khan
had halted at Jalor, the carts and camels overtook him on
the 28th March. But at this point Mundy was obliged to
finally part company with his protector, for " Backur
Ckhaun upon his owne occasion goeinge now in extra-
ordinarie hast," and travelling with swift elephants (p. 289)
it was out of the question to attempt to keep up with him.
Already his ." hasty march " had caused " the death, tireinge
and spoyling of neere 350 Oxen, besides Cammells, and all
to keepe Company with the Laskarr " (p. 289).
After a fruitless attempt to send the camels from Modra
with Bakir Khan and to follow himself with the carts,
Mundy returned to Jalor and resolved that the whole
caravan should "goe togeather." Travelling was difficult,
as the road, though " a trade waye," was " cloyed with
INTRODUCTION xliii
sand " (p. 250). Two days were spent at Jalor to repair
the " Tottered and broken Carts " and Mundy found time
to visit the castle with its spiked iron gate and the Hindu
and Muhammadan temples, all on the summit of " one
great rockie mountaine" (p. 250). Here he attempted to
hire addviyds or transport-contractors for the expenses of
the carts and camels to Ahmadabad, but could obtain
none on reasonable terms, " and att last resolved to goe
through as I had begun, vizt. to defray the charge myselfe "
(p. 291).
On the 1st April the caravan set out from Jalor and
made its way to Si wan a " a greate Towne of Hindooes."
In "an unluckie hower," Mundy's curiosity led him to
scale the peak known locally as Saucer Hill. "On the
verie topp of this round, picked hill stood a huge stone
upright, appearinge afarr of like a mightie high tower."
It seemed " somewhat neere " but proved " to bee twice
as farr." Four men accompanied Mundy. One soon
returned, another " stayed behinde," and the other two did
not make the ascent of the peak. Having descended "with
great difficultie and daunger," he made his way back to the
caravan and found that a search party was " abroad
seekeinge of mee." He had, in fact, a narrow escape
from " mountainous theeves " who " mett our people in
the darke," killed one of them and threw the rest into a
panic.
At Sirohl, famous for its manufacture of sword-blades,
a halt was made to pay the customs "extorted for all
Merchandize passing this way" (p. 255). Here Mundy
had further trouble with the carters and camel-drivers. The
carts of one Gana were specially bad, and three of them did
not get to Sirohl with the rest. " Dayly hindrance doe
wee suffer through his meanes " and yet Mundy was
" forced to give him money and faire words to goe on
with all expedition " (p. 292). The camel-drivers too
protested that their goods had not been weighed and that
their camels had been over-loaded, but they were eventually
pacified with Rs. 120 and promises of redress. Mundy
xHv INTRODUCTION
was also faced with a common trouble hereabouts, and
learnt that marauders were lying in wait to attack the
kdfila, so he hired a convoy of " horsemen and 1 1 5 Foote-
men " at Sirohi " to goe with us to the place of Suspected
daunger" (p. 256). The way lay under Abugarh, "a very
great and learge mountaine," and an attack was feared in
the same place where a Dutch caravan had been recently
robbed, but " God be praised, wee escaped from forraigne
violence" (p. 257). His troubles were, however, by no
means ended, for a fresh quarrel occurred between the
carters and camel-drivers and blood was shed on both
sides, this being " the effect of joyninge Cartes with
Cammells " and Jats with Baluchls " in one Caphila "
(P- 257)-
The road next day became less desolate and the
convoy was dismissed. Near Mungthala were woods,
principally of banyan-trees, with which Mundy was less
impressed than other travellers. Customs were here de-
manded by and paid to Chanda, a Rajput chief living in a
state of outlawry. Near Ghod, on the 17th April, Mundy's
eyes were gladdened by the sight of a spring, reminding
him of " Englands flowrishinge and fruitfull soyle, abound-
inge in theis kindes " (p. 260), but further on, during the
journey between this pleasant place and Sidhpur, the
carters and camel-drivers again came to blows " draweing
their swords and wounding each other " (p. 296). At
Sidhpur itself, Mundy noted the beautiful ruined temple
of Rudra Mala " with the best carved worke " he had seen in
India, and deplored its desecration, for it had been made
a receptacle for the " Carcasses of those that dyed by
famine, the Skulls and bones of them to bee scene "
(p. 262).
On the way to Mehsana an unfortunate incident oc-
curred. Certain men who came to collect customs were
mistaken for " pilferringe Theeves," and one of them was
" misused " (p. 263). Retaliation quickly followed and an
Armenian belonging to Mundy's company was killed, after
which a double payment of customs was demanded, the
INTRODUCTION xlv
whole way to Ahmadabad being nothing but a "desert,
barren and theevish Countrie " (p. 264). Not having
sufficient money with him for so excessive a demand, the
"Carts being gon before," Mundy had to leave nine men
as hostages until the amount was sent back from Mehsana,
At Pansar were evidences of Bakir Khan's hasty march
in the form of " men staked by the high way." At this
time the caravan suffered much from dust-storms, and
Mundy caused tents to be set up to protect the goods from
rain. To his disgust, however, the carters and "Cammel-
lers," "immagininge they were provided for them, gott
under, till I was faine to drive them out," and then they
dodged from tent to tent to avoid having to get the bundles
under cover (p. 297).
But Mundy's troubles with his unruly carriers were
now almost at an end. On the 28th April Messrs Wyche
and Knipe came to meet him, and on the 29th he reached
Ahmadabad, " the Metrapolitan of Guzeratt," in safety.
The next day he and the two English factors went to
pay their respects to Bakir Khan and to offer a small
present. To their dismay their offering was " rejected "
and " ourselves not admitted to speake to him." On
appealing to his chief official, they learned that the new
Governor demanded Rs. 20,000 as the price of his pro-
tection of the caravan from Agra. They protested on the
grounds that even if they had gone by themselves and
paid the demands of transport-contractors and customs
between Agra and Jalor, the cost would not have exceeded
Rs. 9000, and that a heavy loss had been sustained by
extra payments to the carters to keep up with his rapidly
moving camp. Negotiations went on for some days, and
in the end they were informed " that for 4000 rupees all
would be remedied." This the English at first refused to
pay, but the Governor promptly sent for Messrs Wyche
and Knipe with the Company's broker, and detained the
two latter, " Soe fearing of some hard usage " and " much
wanting the assistance of the Confined " (p. 300) the money
was reluctantly paid.
xlvi INTRODUCTION
Mundy remained for more than a fortnight at Ahma-
dabad and had time to examine the city with its " faire
Compleat wall," its " Bazares and streets very large, faire
and conformable, now half ruynated and dispeopled by
the last famine " (p. 266). He was much impressed by
the Kankria Tank, " the biggest of this kinde that I have
scene in India." He also noted that the " Tombe of
Captaine Browne " the " poetical " head of Ahmadabad
factory was " well kept and repaired " (p. 267).
On the 15th May, Mundy with two English factors
set out for Baroda. They halted at Mehmadabad, where
they enjoyed " excellent fish and fowle." Near Vasad, on
the Mahl Sagar, they were assaulted by a band of Kolls,
and Mundy was conducted to their chief, to whom he
paid the usual custom. Thence for some few miles they
travelled along " a very strange, deepe and narrow passage,"
a " fitt place for theeves " by whom they were " molested
divers tymes " (p. 270). At Baroda, where there was then
no English factory, they left their " Chirurgeons Mate " to
cure the foot of a Muhammadan friend of the late Governor's
son-in-law.
At Broach, which was reached on the 22nd May, Mundy
found his old friend John Yard, and here he and his com-
panions halted for a day to pay the usual customs and to
get the carts across the river Narbada. On the 24th May
they reached Ankleswar and by nine the next morning
were at Variao, where they left the carts, and Mundy
" with some other English " went on to the " English
howse " at Surat, Thus ended his "tedious journey"
(p. 272). The feelings of joy evoked by his. safe return
to Surat were, however, quickly dissipated at the sight of
the havoc wrought among the Company's servants by the
sickness following the famine. Fourteen of the twenty-
one whom Mundy had left alive in 1630 were dead, and
three were in a dying condition at his arrival, so that the
Company's business was almost at a standstill for lack of
efficient factors.' No doubt Mundy was immediately set
to work, but he only tells us that he " remained all the
INTRODUCTION xlvii
Raines in Suratt," and that in November 1633 ^^ was sent
to Swally as shipping clerk, with Francis Day as his
assistant. His duties were to check the unlading of
cargoes for the Company and to supervise the lading of
goods on the ships bound for Persia and England. The
post was one " of great Trouble, care and vexation for
the while," as he " proved by experience," " haveing soe
many shipps to unlade, relade, to receive from one and
consigne to another, all in hast, one upon the neck of
an other" (p. 313). It was usual for the President of
Surat to attend personally and superintend the dispatch
of the ships, but, probably owing to sickness and shortage
of hands, "this yere " it "was left solely" to Mundy and
Day "though not so much for our ease" (p. 312).
At the beginning of the year 1634 a fleet of seven ships
was ready to sail. Four of these were bound to Persia,
two to Bantam and one, the Mmy^ to England. Mundy
"went aboard" her on the 29th January and with him
three other factors, John Norris, Henry Glascock and
Thomas Wilbraham, also bound home after several years'
service in India. These four with John Jay, "the master,"
and William Slade, purser, were appointed by the Surat
government to act as a " council," in conjunction with
Captain James Slade, during the voyage to England^
There was besides another passenger, Thomas Barlow,
" an excellent mathematician," whom Mundy visited in
London after his return.
The fleet " wayed " from the " outer rock of Swally "
on the I St February (p, 315), and the next day fell in
with six " Mallabarre Frigotts " whose captain came on
board the Mary and agreed, on behalf of the Nayak of
Bhatkal, that English ships should " lade Pepper " thence.
Mundy gives us a spirited drawing of one of these " Malla-
barre Frigotts" (p. 316). The same evening the Mary
parted company with the four ships bound to Persia and
the next day the two Bantam ships left her,
^ See English Factories^ 1634 — 1636, pp. 4 — 5.
xlviii INTRODUCTION
On the 22nd March the Mary passed "neere" Mauritius,
where it was proposed to put in for water, but finding the
crew averse to the idea, Captain Slade " steered away our
course for the Cape of Good Hope," although at Mauritius
there was " assurance of plentie and varietie of refreshinge
for the takinge, of which att the Cape there is a doubte "
(p. 318). Mundy's information, as also his description
of the island, is based on the " relation of others," but
he had personal experience of its fertility in his next
voyage.
On the 5th April a quarter-master was buried "in the
Sea" and on the 23rd May, the day after the Mary
anchored in Table Bay, a man fell overboard and " sunck
downe right and never rose more, while wee were all att
Eveninge prayer" (p. 320).
While at the Cape, Mundy took note of all he saw.
He has remarks on the inhabitants, their method of barter
for water and provisions, the natural productions of the
soil, and the animals and birds to be found there. He and
"two others," one of whom was Thomas Barlow, ascended
Table Mountain, w^hich they found "wondrous steeple"
and "were faine to pull and help " themselves " upp by the
rushes and longe grasse." It was "somewhat late" when
they reached the summit and they had not time to " take a
perticuler view," so only stayed to erect three stones as
a "Token of our being there" (p. 324). The Lion's Head,
the Devil's Peak and the Lion's Rump are also described
by Mundy under the names by which they were then
known to Englishmen, viz., the Sugar Loaf, Charles Mount
and James Mount. Later, Mundy " sett downe the
prospect" of these places "from the Shipp " as "neere"
as he could remember. Before setting sail again in the
Mary, he went with John Jay to Penguin Island, where
they found a partly Europeanised native of the Cape, who
received them in " English habitt from head to foote "
(p. 327). The penguins, of which there were "aboundance,"
greatly interested Mundy and he has an accurate de-
scription and a good illustration of this bird (p. 328).
INTRODUCTION xlix
On the nth June the Mary anchored off St Helena
between " Chappell Valley and Lemman Valley" (p. 328).
The crew went ashore " by turnes in Companies," and
remained three or four days "refreshing themselves"
(p. 332). Thus Mundy had ample time to explore the
island. He saw " aboundance " of goats, hogs, " litle
speckled ginney Henns," partridges, and pigeons, besides
dogs and cats "runne away" (p. 3 30). He found the
climate delightful and considered the island " a most
excellent place for increase of Cattle" (p. 331). The
variety of fish afforded him good sport and he proudly
narrates the capture of a flying fish of between 18 and
19 inches long, weighing 26 " ounces good." " None in the
Shipp ever sawe a bigger" (p. 331).
Leaving the island of Ascension where " noe shipp
would willingly touch," the Mary made her way home-
ward. In July a man fell overboard but was saved,
"although it were rough Weather" (p. 333). When the
ship neared the tropics, the crew was attacked with a
disease which from Mundy's description appears to have
been beri-beri. Three of them died and forty more were
incapacitated. On the 25th August the Captain en-
deavoured to speak with a ship and obtain " refreshing "
for the sufferers, but " shee would not come neere us."
On the 26th their signals were answered, and Captain
Slade and Mundy went aboard a ship bound for New
England. The captain " would willingly have spared us
some beere, but the Sea was high and wee could not
take it in" (p. 335). It was not until the 5th and 6th
September that assistance was obtained from two " barques
of Plimouth," and two ships of the Royal Navy, " whoe
supplyed us with poore John " (dried hake), bread
and " henns," also with " good beere, beeffe," and peas
(PP- 335 — 336). But the help came too late to save
" Goodman Wilson, our Smith," and John Oliver, who
were both "buried in the Sea." Another man too fell over-
board " and could not bee saved." On the 8th September
a ship coming from Lisbon supplied " Lemmons for our
M. II. d
1 INTRODUCTION
sick men," and the next day " wee came before Dover,"
where the passengers were put ashore. At two on the
following afternoon they " tooke post horses " and reached
London at six o'clock in the morning of the loth September.
The voyage had occupied seven months and nine days,
and Mundy had been out of England for six years and a
half
The Mary reached Erith on the 21st September,
and as soon as her cargo was unloaded, Mundy busied
himself in settling his affairs so that he might go down
to see his friends in Cornwall. He had brought home
his " whole estate " in indigo and calico. The former
was a monopoly of the Company, and he therefore
solicited the help of his old friend and patron. Sir Paul
Pindar, to influence the Court of Committees in his
behalf On the 14th November, the Court, " taking
notice " that Sir Paul Pindar had " in private to divers
perticuler men seriously recommended this man for the
Company's favor," decided that Mundy 's " accompts
should be Cast upp " and his case further considered
at the next Court. A week later Mundy renewed his
suit for payment of wages and delivery of goods. The
Court decided to grant his request, except as regarded
the indigo. This they retained " according to their
orders," which they would not " infringe " but allowed
the "Company's price" for the same. In addition, as a
mark of appreciation for his " good service " and " for Sir
Paul Pynders sake," it was decided to " bestow " upon
Mundy " as a gratification " the sum of one hundred
pounds. A week later, Mundy having " cleared " with the
Company, his bonds were cancelled and he was free to
make his way back to Cornwall and spend his Christmas
with his family (pp. 337 — 338).
Certain interesting points come out in Mundy's diaries
regarding the life of Englishmen in India in his time. It
is clear, in the first place, that they had no social or official
standing of any consequence in the eyes of the natives.
They were in fact not regarded seriously in any other
INTRODUCTION ll
aspect than as the representatives of the people of a far
distant land beyond the seas, who could be induced to
part with valuable curiosities in return for protection or
services, or with whom they could carry on a profitable
trade.
The duties of the Company's servants do not seem to
have been onerous, except on occasion, and life must have
run pretty easily on the whole. The writers, who were
clerks and subordinate officials, appear to have had plenty
of time on their hands, while the work of the factors, or
superior officers, was almost entirely confined to trade
matters and to certain diplomatic dealings, of not a high
order, with prominent personages. They naturally made
many serious mistakes, but from inexperience only, for it
is evident that they were acute enough in matters of com-
merce. Wrong and mistaken orders to subordinates at a
distance were, however, constantly issued from ignorance,
and the consequent correspondence must have wasted a
great deal of labour and time. Mistakes also frequently
arose from ignorance of the languages and of the customs
of the country in almost every aspect of life, and these
affected the factor and the writer alike, whether at the station
or on one of the many journeys they undertook. Ignorance
of the climate and of the conditions governing the safety
of life and health of Englishmen in India killed off the
early visitors to an extent that can hardly be realised at
the present day : with such frequency, indeed, that they
became callous to the constant spectacle of the death of
comrades, after the manner of soldiers during a campaign.
That the English residents in India of Mundy's day
were not ordinarily overburdened with work is shown by
their frequent quarrelling, their brooding over wrongs, real
or fancied, and the great labour and time bestowed on
drawing up and answering indictments against one another.
Party factions seem everywhere to have been rife, and
strained relations between members of the small English
communities were apparently the rule. Despite all this,
there was a great deal of trust in the good faith of each
d 2
Hi INTRODUCTION
other as to money matters and the care of each other's
property, arising no doubt out of the conditions under
which they Hved,
In Mundy's time religious feeHng ran high, and the
Company's servants were very strict as to observances,
even in the East and on board ship, being then, as the
EngHsh in India have ever been, exceedingly tenacious
of their own customs and habits. Christmas Day, 1630,
was religiously kept by Mundy and his companions in
camp under many difficulties, buffalo meat doing duty
for roast beef, while real sack was used for the toasts.
Spirits of any kind were, however, welcomed — Oriental
or other — when the familiar European strong drinks were
not forthcoming. In matter of costume they were, never-
theless, largely Indianised, probably from motives of pro-
tection, so as to appear as little isolated as possible. In
appearance, indeed, they must have been entirely Oriental,
except as to breeches, stockings and shoes of European
patterns. They also quickly picked up certain Indian
ways, such as being shampooed, and fanned by swing
punkahs, using kJias-kJias screens for cooling houses and
rooms, having their meals in the open under trees in
gardens, adopting curry and rice, pilait. and other Oriental
dishes, and Oriental cooling drinks, and so on.
It is also to be noticed that the necessity for constant
change of office, position, and station was felt to a much
greater extent than at present even in the earliest days
of the Company, owing to the still existing causes of
sickness, death, and journeys home. In addition to this,
the annual arrival of the ships with fresh supplies of
young men from England caused much redistribution of
offices.
In Mundy's days the servants of the Company spent
quite as much time travelling about the country as at the
stations, and the strength of their nerves, which comes
out clearly enough in the way they faced death and
disease when at their ordinary work, comes out much
more clearly during their many and frequent journeys.
INTRODUCTION Hii
All travel in those days was dangerous and risky, owing
to armed highwaymen and outlaws and to local disturb-
ances and wars en rotite. Journeys had also to be often
undertaken alone, so far as the white man was concerned.
This solitary white man had to be courageous and re-
sourceful in settling fights and quarrels among his own
following and in resisting the perpetual attempts at ex-
tortion along the whole route : he had to be persevering,
tenacious and patient in combating endless and irritating
delays, owing to Oriental habits and the badness of the
roads : he had to be daring in order to undertake
journeys in such conditions, especially as he was inex-
perienced in the ways of the natives, high or low, and in
the seasons for travel, which last was no small matter :
and it required endurance to occupy the native inns he
found on the way. It speaks much for the conditions of
the time that all Englishmen habitually went armed in
the station or on a journey. In short, those who repre-
sented England in India in the first half of the seventeenth
century were no doubt men of a narrow outlook on life
and of small aims, but they were nevertheless typically
English pioneers, strong of nerve and of a solid unflinching
courage.
Mundys Descriptive Relations.
The above sketch of Mundy's life under the East India
Company is drawn principally from the journals of voyages
and travels contained in this volume^ In the case of the
Patna mission and the return journey from Agra to Surat
he added to the statements of fact others justifying his
opinions and actions^, besides six Relations^ almost entirely
descriptive, and probably put into shape from notes made
on the spot, either on the homeward voyage or later.
1 Relations iv., vi., vii., viii., xn., xix.
2 Relations ix., xi., xvii.
3 Nos. v., XI., XIII., XIV., XV., xviii.
liv INTRODUCTION
These deal respectively with Surat, Agra, Swall}-, the
Court of Shah Jahan, and Patna.
In the course of some exceedingly discursive remarks
on Surat, Mundy gives an account of the English factory
house and garden, with its fountain or " pretty conceited
Waterworcke," and of the " long straight streetes," the
" Castle," and the " Great Tancke." He also has a list of
"Townes about," and factories subordinate to, Surat, and
some notes on such disconnected subjects as Junks ("theis
Countrj- vessels "), a Monsoon, " Tarree " trees, bagworms
and weaver birds. He describes " our Dyett," Avhich en-
ables him to give us two Anglo-Indian words, "dopeage"
{diipiydza) for a dish which was perhaps the curry and
rice of to-day or possibly a pilau, and " Charebockhra "
{chdr-bakhra), for a sherbet, neither of which have I found
elsewhere. i\nd in enumerating the gates of Surat he
makes the quaint observation on " Baroche Gate," that
out of it " goe many a Englishman that never returne, it
being the way to our place of Buriall " (p. 29). He
winds up with a vivid description of a sail that he saw
there.
The next series of descriptions relates to Agra and the
Court of Shah Jahan. In June 1632, Mundy, with Sundar
Das, who afterwards accompanied him to Patna, witnessed
the state entry of the Emperor into Agra, a year after the
death of Taj Mahal, when the various carriages and other
equipages excited his curiosity and interest, especially the
numerous vehicles for "transporting weomen in India."
Of these he has drawings, descriptions and comments,
especially on a cliaiDidoll or litter of the great ladies, show-
ing how it was kept cool. This induces him to describe
the well-known swing punkah of India with his usual
clearness. The description is of exceptional interest as
being apparently the earliest on record, for Finch's refer-
ence in 1610 to two " punkaws to gather wind" can
hardly be called a description. Mundy is also careful to
distinguish between the hand punkah and " the great arti-
ficiall fanne of linnen, which hanges downe from aloft "
INTRODUCTION Iv
(p. 191), and thus his reference is especially valuable.
Reverting to the royal procession, he was much impressed
by the state elephants, camels, coaches drawn by " very
swifte " horses called " Kechees " or " Oxen of Extra-
ordinarie greatnes," by the " thousands of horsemen," and
by the kur or collection of royal ensigns. Here again he
provides us with an Anglo-Indian word not yet traced in
any other European writer, for he speaks of " Etimans or
officers with silver staves," i.e. pursuivants or marshals
{sdhib-ihtividni) to clear the wa}'. After these came the
king, his eldest son, and the armed retinue, the whole
making a " most majesticall, warlike and delightsome
sight" (p, 194). Over the king's head was a quitasol or
umbrella, the only time Mundy saw one employed in
Agra. He noted that their use was general on the way
to Patna, but he did not see a single instance of it in his
journey up from Surat. The royal procession is "demon-
strated in some manner by figure," but in the illustration
(No. 13) Mundy makes his elephants' legs to bend like
those of horses.
In the same month Mundy witnessed another royal
procession, when Shah Jahan rode through the city to
celebrate the feast of Bakar'ld " in memory of Abraham
when hee went to sacrifize his sonne, but whether Isaack
or Ishmaell I enquired not, it being a question " (p. 197).
The general details of this procession were similar to those
of the former, but this time Mundy specially noticed the
trappings of the royal elephants, one of whom had " a
frontlet of gold with Jewells" (p. 198), the gold plated
palanquins, and the musical instruments, among them the
" Trumpetts of att least 8 foote longe," with which "they
make a base, hoarse, hollow sound, neither riseinge nor
fallinge" (p. 199). The imperial standards, "in some
manner" resembling those he saw at Constantinople, also
attracted his notice.
A few days later Mundy was present in the audience
chamber where the King " sitts " daily in " a Jarooca or win-
dowe some two bowers " (p. 200), the " raile " surrounding
Ivi INTRODUCTION
it " made grateing wise, plated with silver " said to be of
" the thicknes of half a crown " (p. 200).
Just before he left Agra, Mundy witnessed the festivities
in honour of the marriages of Dara Shikoh and Shuja',
Shah Jahan's two elder sons, and he has a detailed de-
scription of the elaborate firework display, " the ranck of
great Eliphants whose bellies were full of squibbs. Crackers,
etts," the "Gyants," "Monsters" and " Artificiall trees."
The brilliancy caused by the discharge of so many rockets
turned night into day, and the " noyse " was " terrible."
The whole " made a brave and pleasant shew," but like
a typical Englishman, Mundy found that though " Heere
was Cost and Labour enough," it "wanted it may bee
the Arte wee have in Europe of those kinde of workes "
(p. 202).
At the end of Relation XIV. Mundy has short notices
of Asaf Khan, Mahabat Khan and Nur Mahal, three
notabilities " which are heere put for Favourites or rather
great ones att Courte." Unfortunately, however, his in-
formation was gleaned from others, and is partly inac-
curate, as it was " the vulgar report and comon received
opinion " of these " great Personages whoe are all yett
liveinge " (p. 206).
Relation XV. deals principally with Agra and its neigh-
bourhood. The city in Mundy's time was " very populous
by reason of the great Mogolls keeping of his Court
heere," and contained a considerable number of Europeans.
Among these was Jeronimo Veroneo, "a Venetian and
a Goldsmith," for whom Manrique claims the honour of
designing the great mausoleum known as the Taj Mahal.
It is noteworthy, however, that though this building was
in course of construction while Mundy was in residence
at Agra and though Veroneo was personally known to
him, yet he says nothing of the Italian's connection
with the work. Had Veroneo really been the architect,
it is unlikely that so accurate a chronicler as Mundy
would have failed to mention the fact. He saw the work
going on " with excessive labour and cost and prosecuted
INTRODUCTION Ivii
with extraordinary dilligence." The solid gold rail around
the tomb (afterwards replaced by a network of marble) was
already complete by 1632, and Shah Jahan had founded
a suburb to provide a revenue for the upkeep of the mauso-
leum, and had caused " hills to be made levell because
they might not hinder the prospect of it " (p. 213). These
details are of special interest, as we have no other account
of the Taj by an English traveller at this date.
Other " notable " things in Agra that Mundy thought
fit to describe were its " castle," gardens and bazar.
Adjoining Akbar's fort with " its handsome Compleat
battlements," its many " gates and Posternes " and " on
the Topp sundry Turretts, Copulaes, etts. which much
beautifie it," was Jahanglr's palace, to which Shah Jahan
was then adding his Palace of mirrors, " the floore, roofe
and sides of marble inlayd with lookinge Glasses made
into severall workes " (p. 210). Among the gardens,
Mundy devotes special attention to the MotI Bagh, which
he tells us was laid out by Nur Mahal. In its "curiously
contrived" "howse of pleasure" was "the picture of Sir
Thomas Roe, late Ambassadour heere, as it was told us "
(p. 215). The bazar afforded " plentie of all things,"
flesh, fowl, fish and fruit.
Mundy has also a very good description and an illus-
tration (made after he left India) of Akbar's tomb at
Sikandra, five miles from Agra. He was "desirous to
enter " the actual burial place of the king, over which
the " Tombstone lyes" but was not permitted, "by reason"
Shah Jahan " keepes the key of the doore, which is alsoe
sealed with his signett" (p. 211).
The remainder of Relation XV. is miscellaneous in
character and contains a description of " daunceinge
wenches" and their part at a mihindnl or banquet, com-
ments on the chief Muhammadan and Hindu festivals,
the burning of devotees, and the marriage customs of
the Khatrls. There are besides, interesting notes on the
"makeinge of Indico," different kinds of boats at Agra,
the English factory house and the " Habitt " of the
Iviii INTRODUCTION
Company's servants there (p. 218). This last consisted
of a turban, a "white lynnen scarfe over our shoulders,"
a " fine white lynnen Coate, a girdle to binde about us,
breeches and shoes, our swords and daggers by our sides "
(p. 218). One gathers that in modern parlance their
costume consisted of a native turban, coat and dopattd
with a kauiarband^ the only European part of it being
breeches, stockings and shoes. In the cold weather
" pummering," a similar costume made of a warm fine
cloth, was worn.
With regard to Patna, Mundy's remarks are very brief
and, as in the case of Surat, very discursive. He com-
ments on the length of the city, its " longe Bazare " flanked
with trees, and the number of " Grocers or Druggists "
which it contained. He has a description and an illustra-
tion of a bajrd or " Great mens Pleasure Boat " with its
" Curious Chowtree " or pavilion " where the great man
Sitts " (p. 158), and its numerous " Cowe Tailes " hanging
down on both sides of the prow; but the only building
that he thought worth describing was the Madrasa or
School of Saif Khan.
The rest of Mundy's remarks on Patna are devoted to
the Governor at the time of his visit, that " Cruell natured
and covetuous Tirant " 'Abdu'llah Khan, who appears to
have been capable of acts of fiendish ferocity, and is
painted in the blackest colours. Mundy's opinion was
no doubt somewhat biassed, owing to the fact that he had
had to pay Rs. 250, extorted by the Governor from the
broker who sold the Company's quicksilver, " alleadging
that hee had sold Jewells that I brought, which were
none att all " (p. 161). " In fine, hee plaies the Tirant."
A horrible accident occurred to one of the Governor's
daughters during Mundy's stay at Patna. Her clothes
caught fire and she was so " scorched and frighted " that
she died from burns and shock.
In Relation XVIII, Mundy has brief comments on the
" Inhabitants " of India, enlarging, however, only on the
Parsees and their " round, wide, lowe towers " used as
INTRODUCTION Hx
burial places, and on the " Hallalcores " or very low-caste
people, a " kinde of base, abject and contemned people
or Cast" (pp. 305 — 306). He also remarks on the "beasts"
of India and notes a rat called " Goose \_ghus\ as bigg as
a prettie pigg of 10 or 12 dayes old" (p. 307). Among
the birds he mentions the saras, " the biggest flyeinge
Fovvle that I have yett scene " (p. 307). The domunhd,
water-snakes " vulgarly held to have 2 heads," which they
were said to use for six months in turn, puzzled Mundy
considerably. He found a dead one, which " seemed to
have 2 heads indeede," but "for all I could diserne, it
had but one reale " (p. 309). Mundy also heard of, but
did not see, a pinjrapol or " Hospitall " kept up by the
Jains at Cambay " for sick Fowle." This Relation also
contains remarks on the " Mareene " at Swally, with the
" great doeings " there at the time of " landing and ladeing
of goods," and on the temporary bazar erected by native
traders "of Bambooes, Reed, etts.," where all kinds of
provisions were sold, "especially Toddy, which findes
Currant and quick dispatch" (p. 312).
In addition to his purely descriptive relations, Mundy
has many interesting notes in his diaries of his journeys.
Thus we find numerous remarks on elephants, the manner
of catching them, their use for war, state, fighting, and as
executioners. Other animals used for sport, such as an-
telopes, buffaloes and hunting-leopards all receive atten-
tion, as well as the Indian methods of catching water-fowl.
There are frequent allusions to the manner of supplying
water, with detailed descriptions of elaborate step-wells,
tanks and fountains. Nothing, indeed, escaped his atten-
tion, and his comments are of the greatest value on
account of their accuracy. He never indulges in travellers'
tales. When he is not an eye-witness, or when he is
chronicling what he has gathered from others, he qualifies
his statements with " This by relation," " This as I am
informed," &c. For instance, at the end of his account of
the "makeing of Indico" he adds, "This as neere as I can
remember as it was told me by our Indico Merchants "
Ix INTRODUCTION
and is "not soe punctuall as it might have bene" (p. 223).
Again, he just missed seeing both a tiger and a rhinoceros
and frankly owns his disappointment. In the same way
when describing Bakir Khan's "silver Cotte," his innate
truthfulness causes him to add "least wise plated over"
(p. 232).
His errors are remarkably few. He confuses the
Banjaras (carriers) with their tdndds or camp of oxen, a
mihtardiil (female scavenger) with a bhathiydri or " the
lady of the inn" (p. 121), and tells us that cock-fighting,
one of the oldest pastimes in India, "is not heere in use" ;
but these mistakes are trifling in comparison with the mass
of valuable information which he has bequeathed to us.
His accuracy in reporting vernacular words is extraor-
dinary and testifies to his remarkably good ear, which
enabled him to discover that there were " noe thirds nor
fifts " in Indian " Musick as I could heere" (p. 217).
Mundy's remarks on the religions and religious customs
with which he came in contact are also in striking contrast
with those of other travellers of his day, and are a con-
vincing proof of his breadth of mind at a time when
religious tolerance was almost unknown. He certainly
notes cases of " extreame superstition," but his condem-
natory remarks thereon are singularly few. His lack of
egotism is in some ways a loss, inasmuch as we have in
consequence but few hints of his personal feelings and are
obliged to infer them. For instance, we gather that he had
an aversion to tobacco from the contrast which he draws
between it and pdn^ which is " wholesome " and " sweet
in smell."
His close observation is quite as remarkable as his
accurate ear. Thus, he noted the difference in the colour
of the shroud in which a male or female corpse was
wrapped for burning ; he saw that a bridegroom carried
a cocoanut, though he was not aware that it was a pro-
tection from the evil eye ; and he was struck by the fact
that a troop of horsemen whom he met proved to be riding
mares, " it being not usuall " (p. 184).
INTRODUCTION Ixi
The man himself, as revealed in his MS., must have
possessed sterling qualities. His humanity is shown by
his distress at the unavoidable abandonment of two de-
fenceless girls during a journey, and by his regret at the
compulsory overdriving of his bullocks and camels in the
vain attempt to keep up with Bakir Khan's rapid move-
ments. His equable temperament led him to take philo-
sophically the long and unprofitable journey to Patna
and the consequent year's delay in his return to England.
He certainly lost his cheeriness and equanimity on his
way back to Surat, but he was then sorely tried and
was probably feeling the effects of his five years' stay
in India.
Mundy's love of his country and especially of his own
county of Cornwall is constantly in evidence. To quote a
few instances ; he compares the Indian weaver-bird to the
Cornish gladdy or yellow-hammer (p. 37); a "long kinde
of grasse " growing in some marshy ground is such as is
used to " strewe in Churches as in the west Countrie "
(p. 126); the little " Tangans " or Tibetan ponies "are of
the same repute heere in India as our Cornish Naggs "
(p. 136); the heights on which the fort of Rohtasgarh is
situated resemble "the Cliffes about the Lizard" (p. 168);
the "stonie" road to Pipar is like "some places of Cornwall,
beinge of the same kinde of Stone, which wee call Moore
stone " (granite) (p. 246) ; the beehive huts of the poorer
Rajputs are "in forme like our round Corne Stacks in the
feild though not soe bigg nor soe high " (p. 249). He has
besides several references to his earlier travels in France,
Spain and Turkey, in addition to those already noted.
The width of the Ganges is compared with the length of
the " longe Gallery att Paris " (p. 173); the Mogul ensigns
"in some manner" resembled "those I sawe att Con-
stantinople" (p. 199); the " Moores," like "the Turks at
Constantinople," " make their Sepulchers without the
Citties for the most part " (p. 229) ; a Martaban or Pegu
jar for holding water is "like a Tynaja in Spaine" (p. 230);
the "huge stone" on the peak near Siwana that Mundy
Ixii INTRODUCTION
ascended reminded him, as a strange "worke of Nature," of
the " Porto de Sainte Adrian in Biscay" (p. 252).
As in the European travels, described in the previous
volume, Mundy is careful to keep account of the distance
covered in his voyages and journeys. At the same time,
although he is evidently very proud of his feats as a
traveller, he never exaggerates his mileage and often con-
siderably underestimates it. During the six years and a
half that he was absent from England, he reckoned that
he covered 29,584 miles. In reality the distance was
about 2670 miles by land and 27,280 by sea, or a total of
29,950 miles. The outward voyage occupied six months
and three days and the homeward voyage seven months
and nine days, so that he spent five years and rather more
than four months in India.
Although he lived at a time long before the study of
mankind had come into existence, Mundy's close obser-
vation of persons and things, and his guarded remarks on
points about which he had no certain knowledge contrast
favourably with the inaccuracies and errors of many a
traveller both before and after his day. In this connec-
tion it is interesting to find that Father Ripa, an Italian
missionary who visited Bengal in 1709, fully realized the
harm that could be done by the misstatements of badly-
informed writers. He says : " I went with my companions
to Signor Bernabi. Besides offering us breakfast, he invited
us all to dinner, as also a Jesuit Father, to whom he gave
for his amusement Monsieur Luillie's printed journey to
Bengala. It was full of mistakes, he said, the author having
written it without being well informed about the country.
The same happened to me on my return from China. A
relation of that vast Empire came into my hands, and, on
reading it, both I and another, who had also been an
Evangelical labourer in the Vineyard of the Lord, we
{sic) could not help laughing at the great number of things
which were so utterly beside the truth. Such mistakes
hapjjen, I believe, when the writer, who either has not re-
mained long in a place or is not very experienced, writes
INTRODUCTION Ixiii
down whatever he hears from ignorant or ill-informed
persons, or when he copies other authors without distin-
guishing between what is correct and what is not. To
avoid such a serious mistake, anyone who has not remained
long enough in a place to be accurately informed, should
follow the advice of writing only of what he has himself
seen or ascertained from experienced and trustworthy
people. And if there is question of affairs and contro-
versies of greater moment, the advice given me in 1706
by the Abbate Pascoli, a former /\postolic Missionary in
the Indies, was not to write of such matters before one
has learned the language of the country, and has become
quite conversant with the things one wishes to write about.
I followed his advice and had good reason to thank the
Lord for it, because others who succumbed to a pi'uritiis
scribendi, when they had scarcely arrived in these Missions,
were put to the shame of having to retract their own
statements^"
Mundy's Account of the Famme in Gujarat in
1630— 1632.
Contemporary narratives of the famine, known as the
Satiasio Kal, which partially depopulated the province of
Gujarat in 163 1, have been collected in Appendix A.
Mundy's own account of its widespread effects adds another
and equally vivid picture of the sufferings entailed on
natives and Europeans alike in consequence of the pro-
longed dearth. The traveller's scattered remarks are more
forcible when read in a direct sequence. I therefore here
give the story en blocdiS culled from various parts of his MS."-
"About the tyme of our departure for Agra [November
1630] began a Famine, the Secondary cawse thereof the
1 The Abbate D. Matteo Ripa in Calcutta in 1709. By the Rev.
H. Hosten, S.J. (The Cathohc Herald of India, rVugnst 1913.)
2 So far as I know, there is no other printed version of Mundy's
account of the famine in Gujarat, except that gfiven by Sir Theodore
Morison in his Economic Transition of India. That account, however,
contains only a portion of Mundy's remarks.
Ixiv INTRODUCTION
want of rayne this last Season, and much feared will prove
very greivous, poore people begininge to die for want of
Sustenance. God shew mercie on all men " (p. 38).
On his arrival at "Kirka^" Mundy and his party found
the town "halfe burnt upp and almost voyd of Inhabitants,
the most part fledd, the rest dead, lyeing in the Streets
and on the Tombes " (p. 40). At Dhaita " the men and
weomen were driven to that extremitie for want of food
that they sold their children for I2d., 6d., and [?] pence
a peece ; yea, to give them away to any that would take
them, with many thancks, that soe they might preserve
them alive, although they were sure never to see them
againe " (p. 42). At Nandurbar it was difficult " to finde
a roome convenient for our litle Tent, by reason of the
number of dead bodyes that lay scattered in and about
the Towne. Att last wee tooke up our lodginge among
the Tombes." Here " all this day " the travellers' " noses
were infested " and their " bodyes almost infected with
a most noysome smell, which after search, wee found to
come from a great pitt wherein were throwne 30 or 40
persons, men, weomen and children, old and younge, con-
fusedly tumbled in together, without order or Coveringe,
a miserable and most undecent spectacle. Noe lesse lament-
able was it to see the poore people scrapeinge the dung-
hills for food, yea in the very excrements of beasts, as
horses, oxen, etts. belonginge to Travellers, for graine
that perchaunce might come undisgested from them, and
that with great greedienesse and strife among themselves,
general lie lookinge like annatomies with life, but scarse
strength enough to remove themselves from under mens
feete, many of them expireinge, others newe dead. This
was their estate in every Streete and Corner; And from
Suratt to this place (in a manner) all the high way was
strowed with dead people, Our noses never free of the
Stinck of them, especially about Townes; for they dragg
^ For the places mentioned on this journey, see the map facing
P- 39-
INTRODUCTION Ixv
them out by the heeles starke naked, of all ages and sexes,
till they are out of the gates, and there they are lefte, soe
that the way is halfe barred up. Thus it was for the most
part hitherto " (pp. 43 — 44).
Within less than ten days the kdfila with which Mundy
travelled from Surat increased from 150 to more than 1700
persons, with carts and beasts of burden in proportion.
" For the Countrie [people], hearinge of our Comeinge
this waye, resolved, for their better securitie to take hold
of this oppertunitie to save their lives by avoydinge the
famine and repaireinge to places of better releife. Soe that
as wee passed their Townes, they dayly joyned to us by
multitudes, and likely so to continue untill our arrivall at
Brampoore." At Nimgul " wee also stood on our Guard,
fearinge to bee sett upon either by Theeves or famished
people " (pp. 45—46)-
Between Tekwara and Thalner the caravan passed
through a town " about which all the high waies were soe
full of dead bodyes that wee could hardly passe from them
without treadinge on or goeinge over some, and from thence
to Talnear all that way strewed with them " (p. 47). At
Chopda the market was " prettie well furnished with pro-
vision both for horse and man, which was a great ease to
our niindes. Neverthelesse the people lay dead upp and
downe the streets " (p. 48). At Adavad, about fifteen
miles from Chopda, " the people were neere all dead and
fledd, soe that there was litle to bee hadd " (p. 48). At
Navl, " in the midle of the Bazaree lay people new dead
and others breathing their last with the food almost att
their mouthes, yett dyed for want of it, they not haveinge
wherewith to buy nor the others so much pittie to spare
them any without money (there being no course taken in
this Country to remedie this great evill. the rich and
strong engrossinge and takeinge perforce all to them-
selves) " (p. 49).
However, after leaving Burhanpur " wee began to bee
freed from the sadd Spectacle of dead men, but their
places were supplyed by innumerable Carkases of dead
M. II. e
Ixvi INTRODUCTION
beasts, as Elephants, Cammells, horses, Buffaloes, Oxen,
etts. but the greatest number were of Cammells" (p. 52).
At Dilod, there was no longer any trace of the famine.
The travellers found " all the Countrie covered with corne
feilds greene, as of Gotten alsoe, and Gardeins aboundinge
with fruites and hearbes, and within the Towne a most
plentifull Bazare. Our case att this tyme was farr different
from that formerlie, when as nothing was presented to our
viewe but dead Garkases of men and beasts, the woefuU
effects of famine and mortaliity " (p. 55). At Sironj
Mundy saw a tdndd a mile and a half in extent, consist-
ing of " many thousand of Oxen laiden with provision."
Moreover, " all the face of the earth, as farr and distant
as wee could descerne," was " covered with greene Corne.
But of all this aboundance poore Guzeratt was never the
neere, where there was most neede, it beinge all sent to
Brampore to supplie the Kings Laskarrie (or Armie) lyeing
there against Decan " (p. 56).
At Agra Mundy was out of the radius of the famine
and he has nothing more to say of its effects until some
eighteen months later. Then he records the arrival of a
caravan under the convoy of John Leachland in August
of 1632 and notes that Leachland had been induced to
undertake this charge " by reason of the great mortallitie"
at Surat (p. 80). Leachland was entrusted with " a faire
Persian horse " which he was directed to sell at Agra, if
possible, since the animal wanted " nothing but good feed-
ing, the famine of this place having deprived horse and
man of their fitting alloweances which other times have
afforded " (p. 83).
It was not until the following year, when Mundy was
on his way back to Surat, that he fully realized the wide-
spread effects of the misery he had witnessed during his
journey to Agra at the close of 1630. On nearing Chaksu\
in March 1633, he was reminded of the famine by the
1 For the places mentioned on this journey, see the map facing
P- 39-
INTRODUCTION Ixvii
theft of an ox from his caravan " belonginge to some of
our Bulloaches, whoe had brought him and laden him with
graine to carrie to Guzaratt to releive their necessitie with
it in tyme of that great dearth (which begann att my Come-
inge away and yett continued in Some part)" (p. 236).
The town of Garha was found to be "ruinated through the
late famine that raged in Guzarratt, and it seemes reacheth
hetherto, there beinge to bee seene aboundaunce of Skulls
and bones of men and beasts " (p. 248). At Sidhpur,
where a halt was made on the 20th April, was the ruined
Rudra Mala, a Hindu temple, its exterior " ruinated " by
the "Moores," but "much worse within" where they "threw
the Carcasses of those that dyed by famine, The Skulls
and bones of them to bee seene " (p. 262). On reaching
Mehsana, too, on the 25th April, Mundy noted "heaps of
deadmens bones and multitudes of them scattered heere
and there, the sad Trophees of the late mortall famine
not yet extinguished " (p. 265). Even Ahmadabad, the
chief city of Gujarat, with its "faire" bazars and streets,
was " halfe ruynated and dispeopled by the last famine "
(p. 266), and three weeks later, when within a short dis-
tance of Broach, two towns were passed " dispeopled
through famine, exceptinge some Banians that sell graine
for Travellers" (p. 271).
Mundy himself suffered indirectly from the prolonged
effect of the dearth, for it "being a tyme of scarcitie " his
carters insisted on lading " graine etts. provision " in their
already unserviceable carts and consequently retarded the
progress of the caravan, the conduct of which proved an
exceptionally onerous charge.
But it was on reaching Surat, in May 1633, that he
was most nearly touched by the extent of the calamity
that had overtaken the Province of Gujarat. A severe
epidemic had succeeded the dearth and had almost wiped
out the Company's servants there and in the neighbour-
hood. " At my arrivall heere there were but few liveing
of those I left heere att my departure, the rest dead with
the Mortall Sicknesse that imedeatly followed the famine "
Ixviii INTRODUCTION
(p. 272). Of twenty-one persons living at the time of
Mundy's departure in November 1630, fourteen were dead,
and three more died shortly after his return, " besides the
Inferiour sort according to this proportion. The like tyme
vv^as never seene in India, There being Scarce one Man in
all Suratt-howse able to write or sett his hand to Paper
(sometymes). Theis were only by Sicknesse, but the
Famine it selfe swept away more then a Million of the
Comon or poorer Sort. After which, the mortallitie suc-
ceedinge did as much amongst rich and poore. Weomen
were seene to rost their Children ; Men travelling in the
way were laid hold of to bee eaten, and haveing Cut away
much of his flesh, hee was glad if hee could gett away and
save his life, others killed outright and devoured. A man
or woman noe sooner dead but they were Cutt in peeces
to be eaten. Thus much by Common report (because I was
not present). But att my returne I found the Countrie in
a manner desolate, scarce i left of 10, as by instance of
the weavers, for whereas formerly they had brought them
[the factors] 30, 40 or 50 Corge a day, they could now
scarce gett 20 or 30 peeces ; this in Baroach. Att Suratt
none att all, and in Brodra noe Factorie att present. In
my opinion it will hardly recover it[s] former estate in 15,
nay, in 20 yeares ; I meane Guzeratt."
Mundy's notices of the Satiasio Kal, " Death of '87 "
{Sainvat 1687, Hindu reckoning), throw a vivid light on the
treatment of a state of famine by provincial authorities in
the Mogul days. We have the familiar accounts of the sale
of children and the picking of undigested grain out of
excrement, which may be said to be concomitants of all
severe famines, but we have also convincing proofs of the
absence of any attempt to meet the situation officially.
There was no order in the disposal of the dead, leading
directly to pestilence. Following on that fact was added
the liability to sickness naturally caused by the weakness
consequent on insufficient food. The entire want of
administrative measures to cope with the situation and of
attempts by the people to try to help themselves are both
INTRODUCTION Ixix
highly instructive. Those who could fled, but had to wait
for a caravan, which they could join for protection against
road thieves, whom none cared to control, while the travel-
ling members of the caravans specially supplied themselves
with extra food for their own wants, without any idea of
assisting sufferers met with en route. This callous way of
regarding the plight of others was the ruling characteristic
of all, from the rulers downwards. Country people flocking
to the towns were allowed to die in the streets within
reach of food. There was no notion of helping them if they
could not pay for it. Not only was no attempt made to
transport food to the starving districts from plentiful har-
vests close by, but supplies were diverted to public uses
elsewhere and were being transported thither in large
quantities. The subsequent pestilence was truly horrible,
and one has to think in order to realise what it meant,
when 17 out of 21 superior officials of the Company
at Surat, including the Chief, died of it within two years.
On the whole, it is worth while to read Mundy's unim-
passioned, matter-of-fact observations on this famine, if
only to grasp the difference of the conditions of native
life under the Mogul and the British Governments.
The First British Mixed Marriage.
One of the most interesting of the references made by
Peter Mundy to men of his day is his acquaintance and
dealings with John Leachland\ who contracted the first
known " marriage " of an Englishman to a native woman.
The detailed information that has come down to us from
the imperfect records of the day is to be found in Appen-
dix C^ but the circumstances of his case are of sufficient
importance to merit a special notice here.
John Leachland arrived in India in 161 5 and eventually
died there in 1634, so that he was in the country some
nineteen years. He seems to have been a good servant of
the Company and a quiet inoffensive man.
1 See pp. 80—83. 2 See pp. 354—359-
Ixx INTRODUCTION
In 1626, the death of a child of his by a native woman
named Manya discovered a liaison of long standing,
which scandalised the Company's representatives at Surat.
Failing in the attempt to induce him to give her up, they
suspended him from the Company's service, with his con-
sent, pending a report on the circumstance to the Court
of Committees in London. The famine of 1630 — 32 and
the consequent epidemic killed off the Englishmen in
Surat to such an extent that Leachland was readmitted,
in 1632, to fill an obviously urgent vacancy, and he died
in the service of the Company. Meanwhile, he had had
a daughter by Manya, named Mary, and his dying requests
were that wages due to him might be divided between
them, and that the Company's servants should see the girl,
who had been baptized, "christianly brought up." This
was highly approved of by the local authorities and a
compassionate allowance was granted to the "wife and
daughter." The Court of Committees at a distance took
another and more economical view, and the allowance had
to be withdrawn, owing to their "great dislike of himself
[Leachland], family and service " and " of their disorder."
The local authorities, however, persisted in trying to save
the girl Mary, then nine years old, from the life obviously
reserved for her by " a most wicked m.other," who flatly
refused to give her up. At the same time, the President
and Council went on supporting them from the Com-
pany's funds. Henry Bonner, Leachland's brother-in-law
in England, also took the matter up in 1635, and demanded
the transportation of the girl home. By 1639 the mother,
who had become very poor, petitioned the Company for
further assistance, and the girl's uncle William Leachland
had taken steps to obtain custody of her, but apparently
without result. In 1643, when Mary was 18, she was
living with her mother at Broach or Baroda, and the
mother applied to the President and Council for leave
to marry her to William Appleton, a tailor of Surat.
Mary seems to have been a well-behaved girl, and to her
credit resisted the temptations of her surroundings and
INTRODUCTION Ixxi
origin. So she was duly and solemnly married at Surat
by the Rev. Andrew Baines. The couple had a poor
prospect before them and lived, at any rate at first, on
the charity of the Company's servants, and on hopes of
assistance from Mary's uncle, William Leachland, and
from the Company itself out of unpaid wages claimed by
the girl's father.
Such is the story of the first recorded formal marriage
between an Englishman and a locally born Christian girl
of mixed parentage. It affords a strong instance of the
difference of opinion on social matters between men on
the spot in India and those in power in England, who
had never been there. Whatever Leachland had done,
it was clear to the factors at Surat that it was necessary
to uphold the honour of the Christian religion and the
English race in an Oriental country at any cost : a point
that the stay-at-home Court of Committees entirely failed
to appreciate.
The Mimdy MSS.
The writing of the portion of Rawlinson MS. A. 315
comprised in vol. II. of Mundy's Travels is by the
same hand as the earlier Relations, with corrections and
additions inserted by Mundy himself. There are two
other complete copies of the matter contained in this
volume, one at the British Museum and the other at the
India Office.
Sir Paul Pindar's copy, Harleian MS. 2286, with which
the present transcript has been carefully collated, is de-
scribed in vol. I.^ It ends with Mundy's return to England
in 1634 and thus covers only what is contained in the first
two volumes of the Travels. The corrections and additions
in Mundy's hand are more numerous in the Indian portion
than in the earlier Relations. The Harleian copy appears
to have been compared with the Rawlinson version, for the
omission of passages contained in the latter is frequently
^ See pp. Ivii, Iviii, Ix.
Ixxii INTRODUCTION
indicated by an asterisk. There is some difference in the
titles and arrangement of the Relations in the two MSS.
and it is evident that the RawHnson transcript was amplified
from one of the earher copies \
The India Office copy, which contains tracings of the
illustrations found in Rawl. MS. A, 315, and consists of
Relations IV. to XXX. inclusive, was made from that MS.
by, or under the direction of, Thomas Fisher, an eminent
draughtsman and antiquary, who served the East India
Company for forty-six years. Fisher, the younger son
of Thomas Fisher, printer, bookseller and alderman at
Rochester, was born in 1771 and died at Stoke Newington
in 1836. He entered the Company's service as an extra
clerk in 1786, was appointed searcher of records in April
1 816, and retired on a pension in 1834-. The India Office
copy of Mundy's MS. contains a note at the head of the
first page : " Reed, from Examrs Office 5th Octr. 18 14 from
Mr Fisher." The volume is a large folio, bound in un-
dressed calf. It has no title-page, and is written on paper
stamped with a Jleur de lis under a crown. The tracings
are most carefully and beautifully executed. This MS.
appears to have been compared with the British Museum
copy, as it contains some of Mundy's emendations found in
the Harl MS.
There are, besides, nineteenth century copies of Rela-
tions V. VI. VII. XV. and of Relations XXI. to XXVI.
at the British Museum {Additional MSS. 19278, 19279,
19280, 1 9281). These were all acquired at a sale at Arley
Castle, the seat of Viscount Valentia, in 1853. They seem
to have been made from the India Office copy but contain
none of Fisher's tracings of Mundy's illustrations.
Mimdys personal history.
Although some facts of importance have come to light
since the publication of vol. I., the personal history of the
' Vol. 1. pp. Ivii, Iviii.
2 For a full account of Thomas Fisher, see the notice in the Diet.
Nat. Bioj(.
INTRODUCTION Ixxiii
traveller remains tantalisingly incomplete. The identity
of Mundy's grandfather, father and mother, uncle, paternal
aunt and brother, all of whom are mentioned in his MS., is
still a matter of conjecture, nor has it been ascertained
from which son of the Rialton branch of the family^ the
Penryn Mundys claimed descent. It is possible that Roger
Mundy, whose burial is recorded in 1574, may be their
ancestor, since he was the second son of John of Rialton.
This, however, is only surmise based on the fact that Roger
had two sons, Robert and John, and that both a Robert
and a John Mundy are found at Penryn early in the
seventeenth century.
Mr Percy Dryden Mundy, an authority on the history
of the family, questions the accuracy of Nichols, whose
account of the Mundy descent was adopted in vol. I.^ He
says, " Sir John Mundy, Mayor of London, who died in 1 537,
not 1538, was, as far as I can discover, a Buckinghamshire
man, and I do not think of any very distinguished family.
Certainly the Sir John Mundy, 1495 (if such a person
existed at all, which I doubt), was not the father of the
Mayor, and 1 am convinced that the John Mundy, temp.
Edward I., and the eight following generations given by
Nichols are the products of some herald's imagination."
The first Mundys to settle in Cornwall were Thomas,
Prior of Bodmin, and his brother John, known as John
of Rialton^ Mr Mundy has compiled an interesting
memoir of the former from which, with his permission,
I have extracted the following brief notes. Thomas
Mundy, alias Wansworthe, the last Prior of Bodmin, was a
younger son of Sir John Mundy, Kt., Mayor of London in
I522,by his wife Julianadaughter of William Browne Mayor
of London In Exchequer Depositions Elizabeth, Cornwall,
18 Trinity, No. i, it is stated that "one Thomas Vivian
prior of Bodmin in his death bedde [i June 1533] dyd
declare unto Nicholas Prydeaux his servant that none of
his bretherne beinge Chanons of the said priory were
^ See vol. I. p. xiv. ^ See vol. i. p. xiv.
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION
meate and able to be prior there, and to succeed him,
and therefore comended the aforesaid {sic) Thomas Mundy
then a Channon of Martyn [Merton] Abbey in Surrey,
neare London, to be prior after him." After the death of
Prior Vivian, Nicholas Prideaux " so laboured and dealt in
the said cause with the Lord Cromwell [Thomas Cromwell]
and others that by his special travayll...one John Symons
by greate labor of S"" John Arundell of Lanheren, Knight,
and others, being placed prior of Bodmyn aforesaid, was
removed\ put oute, and displaced of his said office, and
the said {sic) Monday placed and stalled prior ther..,."
Mundy was confirmed successor to Symons in May
1534, surrendered his monastery with eight of his brethren
in February 1538, and was granted a pension in 1559. In
1542 (Hennessey, Novum Repertorium Ecclesiasticiim
Parochiae Londinensis, p. 127), he was appointed to the
parish of St Leonard, Foster Lane, London, and in 1 547
was attainted and imprisoned. His will", dated 1548, was
proved in 1554.
With regard to the traveller's grandfather, Peter Mundy,
" Chanoon or Chantor " (? canon or precentor) of Glaseney
College^, there is some difficulty. If he were really a
canon of a monastic foundation, he probably came with, or
followed, his relative the Prior of Bodmin to Cornwall. In
that case it is unlikely that he founded a family, unless,
indeed, he renounced his vocation at the Dissolution and
settled down as a burgess of Penryn. Mr Mundy tells me
that Glaseney College, established in 1 270, was situated " at
the bottom of the Bishop's Park in Penryn," and that The
College acknowledged the King's supremacy in 1534. If
Peter Mundy senior became a layman, he may be identical
with the Peter Mundy who was a resident and taxpayer of
Penryn in 1571 and 1585*.
^ John Symons succeeded on the 6th July 1533, but resigned in
the spring of the following year. (P. D. M.)
^ P. C. C. 19 More. ^ See vol. I. p. xiii.
■* Lay Subsidies^ Cornwall, 88:232 and 88:236 (Public Record
Office).
INTRODUCTION Ixxv
The evidence as to our author's father is even more
vague. I have been unable to verify Tonkin's statement
regarding Peter's parentage^ nor have I found any mention
of a Richard Mundy at Penryn in the sixteenth or seven-
teenth centuries. Mr Mundy's researches have resulted in
the discovery of three ratepayers of the Mundy family in
the borough of Penryn at this period, Anthony, Robert
and John. These were all probably related to Peter Mundy,
though no proof is at present forthcoming. The adminis-
tration of the goods of "Anthony Monday of Budock-"
was granted to his daughter, Philippa Bowyer in 1644*, and
Robert Mundy, as already stated, was buried at Penryn in
October! 646^ Of the death and burial of any John Mundy of
Penryn later than 1604, when Peter's father was still alive, I
have found no trace. Since we know, from the traveller's own
statements, that his uncle and father had business relations
in Spain, it is just possible that the John Mundy who
died abroad and whose goods were administered by Sir
(? Nicholas) Parker in May 1648"' was Peter's father. But
this is mere conjecture based on the fact that Peter has no
mention of his parents after 1635 and that, as will be seen
later, he called his elder son John.
The attempt to identify the traveller's uncle and brother
has also resulted in failure. An inventory of the goods of
the Rev. John Jackson, who married Mundy's paternal aunt^
was taken in 161 7 and " exhibited " in 1623'', but there is no
mention of a widow or other relation.
As regards Peter Mundy himself, the result of my own
enquiries and of Mr Mundy's extensive researches is more
encouraging. The parish registers of S. Gluvias Penryn
contain the entries of the baptisms of John and Peter, sons
^ See vol. I. p. xiii.
2 The word "Penryn" is scored through.
^ Wills and Administrations of the Consistory Court, Exeter.
* See vol. I. p. xiv. ^ Administrations, P. C. C.
" See vol. 1. p. xiii.
'■ Wills and Administrations in the Principal Registry of the
Bishop of Exeter.
Ixxvi INTRODUCTION
of Peter and Anne Mundy^ of Penryn. The former was
baptised in December 1648 and the latter in March 165 1.
Now, Peter Mundy tells us that he started on his European
travels in 1640 and that he returned to Falmouth in 1647^.
It is therefore probable that he married in that year, or
early in 1648, but no record of the event has been traced.
The next reference to the traveller is in 1664, when he
was a resident in Penryn Borough. The name of " Mr
Peter Mundey" appears among the list of those paying
Hearth Taxes in that year^. Mr P. D. Mundy points out
that the " Mr " seems to denote that Peter was a person of
some importance, and it is plain from his MS. that he
returned to Penryn in 1663'' with the intention of ending
his days there. The endeavour to establish the date of
our author's death has, so far, been unsuccessful, but that
he died at Penryn, either at the end of 1667 or shortly
after, seems likely, both from the sudden termination of his
MS.*,and from the following reference in Auhxeys Brief Lives
to which the late Mr W. P. Courtney drew my attention.
" Mundy (16 — 166 — ). Mr — Munday, a merchant,
was a great traveller, and travelled from Archangel to the
East Indies by land. He wrote Memoires of all his
journeys, a large folio, wherein he had draughts of their
cities, habits [dress], customs, etc. He had a great collection
of natural rarities, coynes, prints, etc. Mr Baker [print-
seller by the Royal Exchange] knew him. He died at
Penrhyn in Cornwall about 20 yeares since. Quaere for
them^"
As Mr Courtney justly remarks^ Aubrey's notes are
1 In one entry Anne Mundy's name is given as Agnes.
^ See vol. I. p. xvii.
^ Lay Subsidies^ Cornwall, Public Record Office. (Communicated
by Mr P. D. Mundy.)
■* See vol. I. p. xvi.
^ This is Aubrey's memorandum, meaning that he intended to
enquire about Mundy's curios. Brief Lives ^ chiefly of Contemporaries . . .
by John Aubrey. Edited by Andrew Clark. Oxford, 1898 (vol. li.
p. 90).
" Notes and Queries, 24 Dec. 1910, p. 506.
INTRODUCTION Ixxvii
" very inadequate in strictness of statement," as for instance
that Mundy went to India "from Archangel." Still, his
account is a help towards fixing the time of Mundy's
death. Aubrey's Lives were collected between 1669 and
1696, and therefore, if his "about 20 yeares " is approxi-
mately correct, the date of Mundy's death cannot be later
than 1676 and is probably a few years earlier. Before the
publication of vol. III. it is hoped to establish this fact
beyond a doubt.
Anne Mundy was presumably considerably her hus-
band's junior, as she did not die until 1699. The burial
of "Anne Mundy, widow," is recorded in the S. Gluvias
registers on the 9th January of that year. She outlived
her son John and apparently also her son Peter. Her
will\ dated in May 1697, soon after John's death, was
proved in 1699. Her bequests seem to show that she was
a Bolitho before marriage, for her " brother's sonne John
Bolitho of Penzance " and her " nephew's sonne Thomas
Bolitho " were both legatees. It is possible, however, that
" brother " may be equivalent to brother-in-law. The only
other relative mentioned in the will is a " Cozen John
Odger of Penryn." The " picture of my sonne Peter
Mundy" was bequeathed to Richard Pearn. Anne Mundy's
will, too, helps to explain how the Mundy MS. became the
property of the Worth family^, for she leaves bequests to
" Mr John Worth" and to "Mrs Jane Worth and her son
John Worth." Now, when Tonkin examined Mundy's MS.
it was the property of the " Relict of John Worth Junr."
It seems therefore likely that Anne Mundy gave or be-
queathed her husband's unpublished writings to one of the
John Worths, though how the MS. passed from the Worths
into the hands of Thomas Rawlinson is not known.
John Mundy, elder son of Peter and Anne Mundy,
died in Spain. His will^, dated 28th August 1696, was
proved on the loth May 1697. He describes himself as
1 Wills, P. C. C. 61 Pett. 2 See vol. I. p. Ixiii.
^ P. C. C. 99 Pyne.
Ixxviii INTRODUCTION
"of St Marys [Puerto S. Maria], Spain" and as the "legiti-
mate son of Peter and Anne Mundy the first deceased."
He states that he was born in Penryn, was a Roman CathoHc
at the time of his death and had no children. His mother
Anne was his chief legatee and he left numerous bequests
to Roman Catholic charities of St Mary's and elsewhere.
Among these was one to "12 poor widows" of "12 mantos
[cloaks] and as many petticoats of Hounscot^ to be made at
my charge." John Mundy was evidently a man of substance
who not only had "Spanish concerns" but also "concerns"
in the North of England. He mentions no relative except
his mother, and with his death and that of Anne Mundy the
family of the traveller apparently became extinct.
Regarding the death of John's younger brother Peter,
there is less certainty. It seems probable that he is the
Peter Mundy of London, merchant, whose will is dated
30th April 1695 ^"<^ was proved on the 9th August 1695^.
The testator leaves everything to Francis Paynter, who
proved the will, with the exception of ^10 to his "dear
Mother." If the London merchant were Anne Mundy's
son, it would account for there being no mention of him
(beyond his " picture ") in his mother's will, as he was
dead before she disposed of her property. The only other
Peter Mundy whose will has come to light is a seaman
who died in February 1690^ but I very much doubt his
connection with the traveller since his will is only attested
by his " mark."
The Cavalletto at Verona.
{Additional Note to Vol. I. p. loi.)
Mundy writes, under date the ytk August 1620 : " Wee
proceeded to Villa Nova... from thence to the Cittie of
' Hounscot, or Hunscote, was a woollen cloth which derived its
name from the hamlet of Hunscote in the parish of Charlcote near
Stratford-on-Avon, where it was woven.
-' Wills, P. C. C. (Communicated by Mr P. D. Mundy.)
■■' Wills, J^C. C. 184 Gee.
INTRODUCTION Ixxix
Verona and lodged at the Cavalettee." At the time of
pubHcation I stated (note 5) that I was unable to trace the
Cavalletto Inn at Verona. The Rev. H. Maynard Smith
has since pointed out that in 1646 Evelyn stopped at
" The Cavaletto just over the monument of the Scali-
geri^" and that John Raymond- also stopped there in 1647.
Dr L. P. Tessitori of Udine, who has kindly made re-
searches on the spot, informs me that the inn known as II
Cavalletto was situated by the Arche degli Scaligeri and
that the name is retained in one of two lanes off the Piazza
Erbe and the Via Scala Mazzanti-'. In this lane (Vicolo
del Cavalletto) there is still an old and dilapidated inn, the
Trattoria del Cavalletto.
1 Evelyn's Diary (Every Man's Library ed.), I. 213.
2 II Mercurio Italico, ed. 1648, p. 232.
3 L. Simeone, Verona: Gtnda Storica, etc., 3d ed., 1910, p. 35.
" Due vicoli cioe Due Mori e Cavalletto che ricavarono il loro nome
da osterie. II vicolo del Cavalletto... almeno ha avuto per patronimico
un albergo celebre per aver alloggiato nel 1584 il Montaigne, quando
passo per Verona."
RELATION IV.
A JOURNALL OF A VOYAGE MADE IN THE GOOD SHIPP
EXPEDITION^, BURTHEN 35O TUNNS, THOMAS WATTS^
MASTER, IN COMPANIE OF THE JONAH^, BURTHEN
800 TUNNS, BOTH BOUND FOR SURATT IN EAST INDIA,
^ The Expedition, employed by the Company for a voyage to
Batavia in 1626 — 1627, was ordered to be "made ready" for lading
early in February of 1628, "if found sufficient for another voyage."
She was supplied with "12 pieces of ordnance instead of 10 as hereto-
fore." Her former master was Randall Jesson. After reaching Surat,
the vessel was sent to Gombroon (Bandar 'Abbas), in December 1628,
and was dispatched to England in February 1629. She was not again
employed by the Company. See Cal. State Papers, E. /., 1625 — 1634.
" Thomas Watts, "late master of the London" was entertained as
master of the Expedition, at ^6 per month, on the 4th February 1628.
On the 5th March he petitioned to "have his ship laid over with that
tempered stuff which is said will prevent the danger of fire." In
October 1630 Watts was appointed master of the Hopewell at £y per
month, and received a gratuity of ^10 " to set him to sea and encourage
him to proceed with cheerfulness and alacrity in his voyage." He sailed
to the coast of Coromandel and Bengal, and thence to Bantam, where
he died intestate in 1632. See Cal. State Papers, E. I., 1625 — 1634.
^ The Jonah ox Jonas had been in the Company's service for some
years and had made voyages to Surat in 1621 and 1624. She returned
to England in 1626. In January 1627 she was surveyed to ascertain
if she could "be made serviceable for another voyage," and was re-
fitted. She came home in 163 1, and in 1632 was again sent to Surat,
whence she made voyages to Persia, Masulipatam, etc., and did not
return to England till 1635. She was then repaired and let out on
hire for the King's use. In 1637 she once more went to Surat. In
1640 she made her last voyage. She sailed for Bantam and was lost
at sea on her return in the following year. See Cal. State Papers,
E. I., 1625 — 1634; Court Minutes, 1636 — 1643; English Factories,
1618— 1636.
M. II. I
2 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
UNDER THE COMMAUNDE OF CAPTAIN RICHARD
SWANLY\ AS FOLLOWETHl
Being entertained by the honourable East India
Company as afore mentioned % I was by them appointed
to proceede on the Expedition abovesaid ; and although
my comeinge abord of her was in the Downes, yett I doe
begin her voyage from her departure Blackwall vizt.
The 6th March 1627 [1628]*. Our Shipp weighed from
Blackwall and that night shee Anchored att Gravesend.
()th March 1628. The Shipps company entered into
whole Pay.
\2th March 1628. Shee sett saile from Gravesend and
anchored betwene Shewberrynesse and Lee [Leigh].
13^/^ March 1628. Shee wayed from thence and
anchored Eastward of the Nowre.
i^th March 1628. Setting saile from thence, she
anchored neere the Kentish Knock'. That night shee
^ Richard Swanley, master's mate in the. Jonas 1621 — 1623, "came
home master of the Roy all James" in 1626. In October 1627 he offered
himself to the Court to "serve the Company in the Indies at 10//. per
month," but was requested "to bethink himself of a less demand."
He was eventually entertained at ^100 per annum. He commanded
the Jonas until January 1633, when he was transferred to the Hart,
and on the 7th October 1635 he received a gratuity of 100 nobles for
"bringing the Hart into the Downs without touching at any port in
the west country." In the same year he joined Courteen's Association
and renewed his intercourse with Mundy, as will be shown in vol. ill.
See Cat. State Papers, E. /., 1624 — 1629; Court Minutes, 1635 — 1639,
p. 102.
2 The copy of Relation iv. in Harleian MS., No. 2286, agrees sub-
stantially with the version here given. There are minor differences,
several omissions, and a few additions. The important variations are
noted as they occur.
3 See vol. I. pp. 144 — 145 and note. Mundy had petitioned for
employment on the 31st October 1627.
^ Mundy's arrangement of dates in his diaries varies. Sometimes
he puts the date of the month before the year and sometimes after.
In some cases he adds "ditto" for the year or omits it altogether.
For the reader's convenience, the month and year are given throughout
this volume as above.
^ A shoal 15 miles N.N.E. of the North Foreland.
l628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA 3
wayed againe and the next morning shee anchored ofif of
the North foreland.
\6tJi March 1628. She sett saile from thence, and that
afternoone anchored in the Downes.
ijth March 1628. Before day it proved a Storme. I say
it begun to blowe very hard and proved a storme, which
lastest {sic) till the iSth in the Afternoone.
2Afth March 1628. About this tyme I came dovvne to
Deale with some of the Committees, they comeinge to
dispeed the Shipps out of the Downes,
2yth March 1628. Wee sett saile out of the Downes,
and at six a Clocke in the afternoone, wee sawe the Nesse
[Dungeness] about 5 or 6 Leagues of.
28//^ March 1628. In the morninge, it being hazy, wee
could not see the Land, and the afternoone proved raynie,
but before night wee had sight of St Albones^ bearinge
N.W. 7 leagues offe.
2<^th March 1628. Wee sawe the Start [Start Point]
from offe the fore yard Arme ; this afternoone much
raigne.
30//^ March 1628. Wee sawe Rame head- ; much rayne,
and so much wynd that wee tooke in both our Topp sailes
and Spritt sayles. This day wee saw two Shipps, the one
a Man of Warr of Flushinge, the other a Brazeilman, her
prize, [laden with] 700 chests of Sugar-'. Haveing spoken
with the Flushingar, wee left him^ and proceeded.
'i^ist March 1628. Att two in the morneinge, wee sett
our Topsailes againe. Att six wee saw the Lizard ^ and
^ St Aldhelms or St Albans Head, a headland S.W. of Swanage.
'■^ A point 4 miles S.W. of Devonport, on the Cornish coast.
3 In retaliation for Spanish aggressions in Europe, the Dutch
attacked the Portuguese settlements in Brazil and nearly destroyed
them. Portugal had been annexed by Philip II. of Spain and did not
regain her independence until 1640.
* For a note on the use of both "he" and "she" for ships, up to
the 1 8th century, see Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I., 93.
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has a marginal note here — "The
4 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL, IV
att Noone wee were by Judgment 26 leagues off. This day
wee spake with 4 shipps, Vist., the Abigail (Admirall)^,
the Charitie (vice admirall) and in them the Two Captaine
Kirks, and Captaine Hutchins in a Pinnace, theis three
bound for the Azores, and the Blessinge, Captaine Morris,
bound for the Maderas-.
In the foregoinge Moneth, I have omitted the
Table which each of the folio winge monethes have,
by reason as yett wee beinge in our owne Channell,
there is noe accompte of Latitude, Longitude nor
variation required to bee kept ; Also the windes very
variable, and for the courses and distances on our owne
Coast not unknowne to any indifferent [ordinary]
Seaman.
From the 6th of March, the tyme wee sett sayle
from Blackwall, unto the 31th Ditto att Noone beinge
26 leagues off the Lizard, by computation wee have
gone about 600 Miles.
The use of the following tables ^
You are to take notice for the understandinge of
the followeing Tables and all others of the like kinde
in this Booke : — i. That in the first Colume towards
the left hand are sett downe the most notable things
happeninge in that Moneth^. 2. In the Second, the
dayes of the said moneth. 3. In the Third, other Sea
Occurrants. 4. In the Fowreth is sett downe the
Lizard from whence we reckon the Longitude." Compare Herbert,
p. 2, "The Lizards point... from whence, to the extreamest cape of
Afrique, wee compute our longitude, and not from the Azores the first
Meridian."
^ A term used to indicate the ship carrying the commander of a
fleet.
^ On the 17th December 1627 a warrant for issuing Letters of
Marque was made out to Gervase Kircke and others, owners of the
Abigail oi London (commanded by Captain David Kircke) and of the
Charity oi London. On the 15th March 1628 a similar warrant was
made out to George Henley, John Morris and others, owners of the
Blessing of London.
Wiltiam Hutchins was captain of the Sapphire of London, Clement
Harby owner. See Cal. Slate Papers, Doni., 1628 — 1629.
3 This and the following paragraph headings appear as marginal
notes in the original.
■* These remarks refer to the tabular log which follows in the MS.
l628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA 5
Latitude North or South. 5. In the Fifth, the Longi-
tude East or West. 6. In the Sixth, the variation of
the Compasse from the North towards the East or
West. 7. In the Seaventh, the wyndes wee have had.
8. In the Eighth, the Course wee kept. 9. And in the
Nineth, the Miles wee ran.
Moreover, their dayes are thus recconed. From
the last of March att Noone to the first of Aprill att
Noone is accompted the first of Aprill, because that
day att Noone they observe the Sunne, or when they
may not, yett they make upp their Recconings as
aforesaid, and Consequently the second of Aprill is
accounted from the first day att Noone to that Day
att Noone &ca. And whereas I say overhead, Aprills
Abstract, is because it is an Abreviatt or Abstract of
the Marriners Accompte from whome I had it^
Aprills Abstracts
1st Aprill 1628. Captain Kirkes Fleete parted from us.
Jth Aprill 1628. A sayle seene.
(^th Aprill 1628. The 9 Currant Captaine Morris
departed from us.
wth Aprill 1628. Lansarote^ seene.
12//^ Aprill 1628. Fuerte Ventura^ [seen].
13M Aprill 1628. Easter day.
i6th Aprill 1628. Wee past amonge the Canarie
Islands, and 5 leagues off of Gran Canaries it selfe wee
saw the Peeke of Tenerifif, 35 leagues off, seemeinge hard
by, and in my opinion is the highest hill in the World, att
least that I have seene.
1 The log of the Expedition in 1628 is at the India Office. It is
catalogued as Marine Records^ vol. L.
2 In the original there is a tabular log of eight columns, viz., date,
remarks on wind and currents, latitude, longitude, E. variation, winds,
course, miles. This has been omitted and only the marginal notes
and supplementary remarks are here reproduced. These are entered
under their proper dates.
3 Lanzarote, the most easterly of the Canary Islands. See Herbert,
p. 5.
* The island of Fuerte Ventura lies between Lanzarote and Grand
Canary.
6 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
i^th Aprill 1628. Tropick Cancey.
22th Aprill 1628. The Sun our Zenith.
In this whole Moneth wee ran the some of Miles 2727 \
Mays Abstract.
'x^rd May 1628. Tronados^, Thunder, lightninge, rayne.
Tronados in Portugues signifieth only Thunder'', but is
a name given by them for all the fowle weather etts.
hindrances comonly mett hereabouts, by reason of the
greate and frequent Thunder among the rest. For within
5 or 6 degrees, as they crosse the equinoctiall in this
Longitude, either on the one side of the line or the other,
they seldome misse of very greate thunder, lightninge,
raine, suddaine gusts, calmes and variable winds, theis for
many dayes together ; but by reason the wynds continue
not longe on one poynt, there is noe great Sea^.
i^th May 1628. A saile scene.
2\th May 1628. Crost the Equinoctiall, and from hence
South Latitude.
Sailed this moneth, miles 2283 ^
Junes Abstract.
1st June 1628. Whittsunday.
\Q>th Jjtiie 1628. Tropic o' Capricorn.
\Zth June 1628. Crost the Meridian of the Lizard.
2ith June 1628. Pintados scene, sea birds.
Pintados are certaine Sea birds spotted all over white
and black, seene 2 or 300 leagues off of the Cape". Pintado
1 According to the log, the number of miles should be 2805.
'^ The log has "turnathoes."
3 Mundy is in error. Tornado, Sp. tornada, a turning about, is
generally applied to a local whirlwind. See Ovington, p. 'yj.
* In Relation xxi. fol. 114, Mundy speaks of tornadoes as "a belt
of sea" and writes, "Wee accompted our selves to be in the Tronados."
See Herbert, p. 7; and Fryer, ed. Crooke (Hak. Soc), I., 47.
'"^ In Harl. MS. 2286 the number of miles is 2286, but in the log
{Marine Records., vol. L.) only 1779.
** The Cape pigeon (Port, pintado^ painted), a kind of petrel. These
I628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA 7
in Portugues is as much to say as painted. Wee also saw-
very whyte birds with one or two longe feathers in their
Tayles, seldome seene but betwene the two Tropicks, and
therefore by Seamen Called Tropicque Birds\
23/// June 1628. Velvett wings with white belly es
[seen]-^.
2gth fime 1628. Many white birds seene.
Sailed this Moneth Miles 2785.
Julys Abstract.
1st JiUy 1628. Wee saw many black birds, as black
and as bigge as Crowes 'l
'^rd Ju/y 1628. Wee sawe many seales and Trombes,
which are longe sea weedes, and certaine signes of being
neere the Cape^ This day wee also saw land, and made
it to bee the Cape of Bonesperansa or Good hope. Wee
put not in by reason all our Men were in very good health,
soe past forward.
Zth July 1628. Wee broke our foryard.
26th July 1628. Wee sawe the great Island of Mada-
gascar, or St Laurence.
27^/2 July 1628. Wee Anchored in Augustine Bay^,
where wee stayed out this moneth, and untill the 5th of
birds are further described and illustrated by Mundy in Relation xxix.
(fol. 165 of the Rawl. MS.).
1 The Tropic bird {phaethon) has been so called by sailors from
early times. Its chief characteristics are the four toes of each foot
united by a web, and the great length of the two middle tail-quills.
2 Mundy is alluding to the Sea-mew {inangas de velliido., velvet
sleeves), called by Fryer "Mango-faleudos." See Fryer, ed. Crooke,
I. 51; and Pyrard, ed. Gray, I. 21, ll. 294.
^ Probably the "divells bird" of Herbert (p. 19).
"* For contemporary allusions to the seaweed known as troinba
marifta, see Jourdain, ed. Foster (Hak. Soc), p. 11 and/;/.; Herbert,
p. 20; Pyrard, ed. Gray, I. 20, 11. 294; English Factories, 1624 — 1629,
p. 23. Mundy has a further remark on this weed in Relation xix.
^ St Augustine's Bay on the S.W. of Madagascar. The latitude is
correctly given.
8 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
the next, to refresh our Men. It lyes in 23° 27' South
latitude and 16° 30' West variation.
Sailed this Moneth Miles 2283.
Augusts Abstract.
^th August 1628. Sett saile from Augustine Bay.
\6iJL August 1628. Wee saw Mohilla [Comoro Islands]
and lay a hulP 7 howers.
\yth August 1628. Wee Anchored in 32 fathome.
20th August 1628. Wee. departed and begun our
Longitude from thence W., and from the 24th to the last
[of August] Easterly. The same day wee past by Comoro,
I say the 20th Currentt.
2gth August 1628. Wee Crossed the Equinoctiall lyne,
and came into North Lattitude.
Sailed this Moneth Miles 1863.
Septembers Abstract.
\st September 1628. The Sun our Zenith.
"^th September 1628. Wee saw a Saile, fetcht her upp
and seized on her, shee belonginge to Goga^ over against
Swally hole^; And because her passe was not Currant wee
brought her to Swally, where within fewe dayes, she was
released by the President [of Surat].
2/\.tJi September 1628. A sayle seene.
2^th September 1628. Land seene.
26tJi September 1628. Valentines Peeke^. Anchored in
16 and 15 fathom.
1 "To strike hull in a storm is to take in her sails and lash the
helm on the lee side of the ship, which is termed 'to lie a-hull.'"
Smyth, Sailoj^s Word-book.
2 Gogha, on the Kathiawar side of the Gulf of Cambay.
2 Swally (Suwalr) Hole or Swally Marine, the roadstead N. of the
mouth of the river Tapti.
* Under date 26th September the log has — "At six in the morning
we saw St Vallentines peike. Itt lyes to the Northward John Devacus
[Sanjan] and in sight off Daman." Marine Records^ vol. L. Valentine
Peak is the European name for Mahalakshml, a mountain about
l628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA 9
2'jth September 1628. Sett sayle and anchored in
18 fathom.
[Sailed this Moneth Miles] I743-
Moreover, from Valentines Peeke to Suratt is ac-
compted 120.
Is sailed in all this Moneth Miles 1863, whereof 10 by
land from Swally Towne to Surratt.
Concerning the Tables of Lattitude etts.
September 1628. As touchinge the former Tables
of Lattitude, Longitude, &ca., I was beholdinge for
them to Mr Daniell Hall^, one of our Masters Mates,
out of whose observations I had them, which I have
somewhat altered and much abreviated. For example,
the 24th of September, our Course is sett downe by
him E. 23° 40' South, and I have sett it downe E.S.E.
which is 1° 10' more Easterly then his, for 11° 15'
make one poynt of the Compasse. Likewise for the
Wynde. When it is said it is variable from such a
poynt to such a poynt, I take the meane. As the 26th
of August, the winde from S.E. to S. I have put it
downe, S.S.E., which is the midle poynt betwene both.
Many things omitted and why.
I have also omitted divers other things, as the
bearing of poynts, hills, headlands, &ca., the precise
tyme of the windes shiftinge, the sundry tymes, grounds
and depths of anchoring and weyinge, whereof hee
made 3 or 4 lynes for each day, which concerned him
soe to doe as a Seaman, But they not soe pertinent to
my purpose, I have reduced to one Lyne ; thereby
only that a Man may suddainely [at once] finde what
Lattitude and Longitude wee were in, what variation
of the Compasse and wyndes wee had, what course
wee kept and miles wee runn, and consequently,
whereabouts wee were any day [of the moneth
required] that wee were att Sea, or any other notable
thinge befalling that tyme. And whereas in some
12 miles east of Dahanu. Herbert, p. 34, calls it "an ambitious
piramid of Natures work."
1 Daniel Hall, "master's mate" of the Expedition, was the compiler
of the log of that vessel. See Marine Records, vol. L.
lO A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
places mention is made of a Northerly or Southerly
Current, it is to bee understood, it setts Northerly or
Southerly, but when wee speake of the wynde, it
Cometh from the place mentioned.
Of Measuring the Shippes Way.
Most commonly they account the way of the shipp
by the Logg (a little board fitted for the purpose),
which they lett drive a sterne bearinge lyne, soe that
7 fathome^ to a halfe minitt glasse makes a mile an
hower by their Computation. But it should bee some-
what lesse if a Thousand Geometricall Paces att Five
foote to a pace, which is 5000 foote, make a Mile, For
there being 60 whole minitts in an hower is 120 halfes
att 7 fathome per halfe minitt, makes 840 fathome att
six foote per fathome, amounts to 5040 foote ; soe that
there is 40 foote over plus, not one in the hundred,
which is but a small matter.
2ZtJi September 1628. Mr John Willoughby- and my
selfe went in the Jonahs Barge from of [off] Valentines
Peeke with the Companies letters to advise of our approach^,
and to see how matters stood in theis parts betwene the
Portugales and us, as also the Dutch •*.
2<^th September 1628. Towards night, wee were neere
the Barr of Swally and sawe 5 or 6 shipps"^ rideing within
1 Harl. MS. 2286 adds— "called a knott."
2 John Willoughby served the Company in India from 161 8 to 1626,
when he returned to England. In 1628, "in regard of his language,
10 years experience and other abilities," he was re-entertained as a
factor at ^50 per annum. In 1632 he was sent to Persia, where he
died, in 1639. See Cal. State Papers., E. /., 161 7 — 1634; Enoiish
Factories., 1618 — 1636; Court Minutes., 1640 — 1643, p. 6.
2 The log of the Expedition has the following entry — "Captain
Swanly sent his barge up to Swally rode with two merchants to send
advise to the President off Suratt off our saffe arrivall."
■• On the 8th November 1628 President Wylde wrote from Surat to
Bantam : "Here we have with the Dutch a faire and freindly outward
correspondencie ; what their and our harts are each to other, God and
ourselves best knowe." Relations with the Portuguese were less
amicable, "the Viceroy of Goa having utterly given out to extirpate
both the Dutch and us from this northern trade." Ettglish Factories.,
1624— 1629, pp. 291, 303.
" The log mentions only four ships.
l628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA II
the hole, which wee conceived to bee EngHsh, butt theie
proved Hollanders, and haveing bene a'board the Admirall,
called the Utrec/i, wee went a shoare to Swally Towne\
about three quarters of a mile from the water side, and
there wee understood our President- was newly gon from
thence to Suratt, beinge come downe, thinckinge the Fleete
had bene English, whome wee followed, and over tooke
that night. After deliverie of the Companies letters, hee
returned back to meete our Shipps, and Mr Willoughby
with him, but I proceeded toward Suratt.
■^otk September 1628. I arrived att Suratt, where were
many English merchants, by whome I was freindly
welcomed. The same day our shipps came in to Swally,
and thus, by Gods permission, wee came to our desired
Porte, haveing bene 6 monethes 3 dayes from the tyme of
our setting sale out of the Downes [27th March 1628] till
our Anchoringe in Porte Swally, and gon by nearest
Computation 13,713 miles from Blackwall to this place^.
[Mundy's Notes on the Voyage.]
In the aforesaid Voyage, there is a breife mention made
of Cape Bonesperance, St Laurence, Mohill, etts., which
places I will now a litle insist upon for soe much as I sawe.
The Cape of Bonesperance, or Good Hope, is it selfe
a litle Island or rocke, entringe a good way into the Sea,
within which is a very high hill, Levell on the Topp,
therefore by us called the Tabled Under it lyes the Bay
^ Suwali, a busy seaport town in the 17th and i8th centuries, is
now an unimportant village. It is situated about 12 miles west of Surat.
'^ Richard Wylde. He went to India with Captain Weddell's fleet
in 1624 and succeeded Thomas Kerridge as President of Surat in April
1628, Two years later he returned to England. See English Factories,
1624 — 1633. Herbert, p. 35, speaks of "Master Wyld" as a "modest
understanding Gentleman."
^ According to Mundy's own figures the distances traversed amount
to 13,804 miles. This total does not agree with the reckoning of the
log and it is impossible to reconcile the discrepancies.
* The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has an addition here: ".5". James
12 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
of Soldania [Saldanha], soe called by some, and by others
Table Bay\ Hard by it is the Sugar loafe, a very high
Peeke-, Within - leagues lyes Penguin Island*, and
'^ Leagues to the Northward, Conie Island. Theis
places wee only sawe, but put not in to the road, by reason
our men were in Good health, soe passed by. This Cape
is accounted the most famous in the world. Its discription,
with the People, their Manners and Trade is amply sett
downe in divers places of Purchas his Pilgrimaged
St Lawrence, antiently called Madagascar, is held to
bee one of the greatest Islands that are yett discovered*^.
The Land about Augustine Bay is faire, round and pleasant
to see to, aboundinge with woods and a large freshwater
river^ both which are replenished with foule and fish of
severall sorts, differinge from those in our parts. The
people black, well proportioned^ strongly lym'd, active,
Mount. To the Northward against the Bay of Soldania is another
small hill called James Mount. To the Northward of that, some
leagues off, is Conny Island, where are a number of little Beasts,
which our people call Connyes, although much different in shape.
There are allsoe Penguns and Scales." James Mount is described by
Mundy in Reiaiion XIX. Conie (now Dassen Island) is 35 miles north
of Cape Town. See Herbert, p. 13, for the "Conies (or Cats rather)
great and rammish.''
^ The term Saldanha Bay is now restricted to the small inlet due
north of Cape Town, but in the 17th century "Soldania" and Table
Bay were synonymous.
^ During his homeward voyage {Relatio7i xix.) Mundy gives a full
description of the Cape of Good Hope, Table Mt., Table Bay and the
Sugar Loaf
■" There are blanks here in the original.
"* Penguin Island, now known as Robben (Seals) Island is described
by Mundy in Relation xix.
^ See pp. 761 — 764 of Purchas, His Pilgrimage, ed. 1626.
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 adds— "Soe much I can say of my
owne experience." Madagascar retained its Portuguese name of
S. Lorenzo (St Laurence) for more than a century.
'^ The Onitahy. St Augustine's Bay on the S.W. of Madagascar
was the usual port of call for ships outward bound to India.
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has— "The people verie black, and
not soe black as well proportioned."
1628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA 13
healthie, tractable and sociable with us^ : the haire of their
heads made into little plates, hanging round about, and
somme have part thereof bound upright on the Crowne of
their heads, which they anoynt with butter-, oyle, or grease,
which of them come first to hand. There weapons. Darts :
generally goeinge naked, except haveing a Cloth to cover
their Privities ; but the better sort have a large peece of
Stripe Couloured Gotten Cloth, which they weare some-
tymes about their Midle and sometymes about their
shoulders like litle Mantles. Wee bartered with them
Cornelion beades for Bullocks, of which heere are the
fairest that I have els where seene, with the great highe^
bunches on their shoulders, Also sheepe, smooth haired,
long bigg Tailes'*, hanginge Eares, coulered like Calves,
with great duelopps [dewlaps]. The Cornelion beades
aforementioned are by them esteemed above any other
Treasure, for, offer them peeces of gold or gold ringes with
pretious stones in them, they refuse all for the Bead^ the
other not knowne or accompted of amongst them. Soe
that for 7 or 8 of those Beades, scarse worth jd. a peece
in India, wee should have a Bullock worth 3 or 4 //, in
England*^.
' Compare Ralph Preston's account, in 16 14 — "The people [at
St Laurence] showing themselves both civil and loving, being the-
properest men that I have seen." Letters Received, ll. 255.
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has — "litle plaites, and these
altogeather tyed at the topp of theire heads which they annoynt
with butter."
•^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has "hughe." The African humped
cattle were introduced into Madagascar several hundred years ago.
See Dellon, p. 14.
* The fat-tailed sheep. They are not indigenous to the island.
'^ Compare Herbert, p. 22 — "But if you will buy anything the lie
affoords (I think the He it selfe) you must furnish you with.. .long red
Cornelian beades, of which they are as proud, that the owner be it
King or subject is oft dethroned, spoyled for it, one string able to put
them all in a combustion... for one bead of cornelian you shall have in
exchange, Sheep (big tail'd like those in Syria and Persia) Beeves and
Buffoles, big-bond, fat and Camel-backt."
■^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 adds here— "Of this Island alsoe
14 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
Mohilla, or Molala, is one of the Islands of Comoro ;
the others are Comoro it selfe, Johanna, etts. Att Mohilla
wee stayed 2 or 3 dayes, and traded for refreshinge, not
for beades, but good Rivalls [rials] of eight [Spanish
dollars], giveing 2 or 3, and sometymes 4, for a Bullock.
This Island is in Compasse about^ leagues, faire,
pleasant and leasurelye ascendinge land, open to an ex-
ceedinge highte, full of fruitfuU greene Trees of severall
sortes, as Coconutts, Plantaines-, Lemons, oranges, etts.
Also Papaes, of which latter some are soe perfectly round
every way, as hardly to be discerned with a paire of
Compasses, haveinge a hard shell, and within full of meat
not unsavourie, some 8 or 9 inches about, somme more,
some lessee The fairest and slekest Goates that I thinck
are in any part of the worlds Besides also, small Guinny
henns, being black, speckled all over with small round white
spottsl
In conclusion, in my opinion it is a very prettie,
pleasant and fruitefull Island, as well for necessetye as
delighte, full of shadie woods of strange Trees, Springs
and Rilletts of Water. Heere are alsoe Crowes halfe white
as our Pies [magpies] are in England ; Also Batts, whose
winges extend almost an English yard, their bodyes in
forme and Coulour like Foxes, though noe bigger then
a great Ratf. Theie hang all daye on trees by certaine
there are large relations else where, as in Purchas, Linscott
[Linschoten] etts." Mundy wintered at Madagascar in 1638 and has
a further account of the island in Relation xxix.
' There is a blank here in the MS.
^ "The Plantaine for taste and odour second to none in Mohalia."
Herbert, p. 28.
^ The well known carica papaya; papita^ papaw, poppoy.
* Herbert (p. 29) gives the price of goats at Mohilla as sixpence each,
•'' Mundy has a fuller description of the guinea-fowl in Relation
XXIX. fol. 168.
^ The flying-fox or fruit bat {pteropida). Fryer (ed. Crooke, I. 69)
also found at the Comoro Islands "Crows with white breasts, Buzzards,
l628] TO SURATT IN EAST INDIA 1 5
hookes att the end of their vvinges, with their heads downe-
wards, 4 or 500 together, and att night fly abroad.
Comoro [Great Comoro or Angazia] is a huge, highe
massie peace of land ; but our Shipps never touched there,
by reason of the treacherie of the Inhabitants, only att
Johanna and Mohilla, where the people are more Civill,
though all Mahometans. Wee past by Comoro, and soe
proceeded to Suratt.
Yett a few words more of the precedent voyage, and soe
will conclude.
In our passage, wee crossed the Equinoctiall twice,
vizt. once off the Coast of Congo\ where wee had tirrible
Thunder and lightninge, raine and gustes for many dayes,
it being usuall hereabouts. The other tyme was off of the
Coast of Melinde-, verie faire weather, which wee had all
the voyage with a faire wynde, excepting the Tronadoes as
afore mentioned. In Crosseinge the Lyne, the heat toller-
able, litle Cold, although wee varied Clymates. Wee saw
divers Whales of the Common sort, 3 or 4 att once together,
playing about our shipp close aboard. Also a great Fish
called a Shovell mouth'd whale^, somewhat like a Thorne-
back, but above two fathome broad, and a great number
of flyeinge fishes'*. Divers sorts \vee tooke, as Gramposes,
Porposes, Sharkes, Albachoris"^, Bonetoes'^, Dolphins, Pilate
and bats bodied like and near as big as a Weasel, with large Wings
wove upon strong Gristles."
1 The term Congo was, at this period, used for the whole of the
maritime districts in S.W. Africa.
^ Malindi, the "Amylinde" of Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 45.
^ Mundy has a further description of this "great Fish" in Relation
XXXVI. fol. 228. See also Ovington, p. 65, who calls it a shark.
* Mundy has further remarks on flying fish in Relatio7is xix.,
XXIV. and XXXVI. See also Herbert, pp. 32, 33 ; Dellon, p. 5 ;
Ovington, p. 36 ; Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 35, 36.
^ A large species of tunny. Ovington, p. 48, says they are "so
called from a piece of white flesh that sticks to their heart."
** Bonito is the name given to the striped tunny, common in
tropical seas. Mundy has further remarks on these fish in Relation
XXIV. fol. 159. See also Dellon, p. 5 ; Ovington, p. 48.
l6 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
[pilot] Fishes, etts\ Sondrey sorts of strange sea Fowle,
among the rest a Boobye-, which, Hghting on our Yardes,
suffereth himselfe to be taken with Mens hands.
Amonge the severall sorts of Fishes aforementioned,
I will only decipher the Sharke. The Sharke is a verie
daringe ravenous fish, soe that by report hee often seiseth
on men and boyes as they are swimminge in the Sea
quite sheireing of [the flesh] where soever hee layes hold
on, of about 6 or 7 foote longe, appearing most comonly
in Calmes, accompanied with small Pilate 'Fishes and litle
suckinge fishes^ sticking on his back with their bellies
upwards. The Pilate fish'* usually swimminge before his
nose and about his head as figure i °. This same bold
ravenous fish is easely caught with a peece of Beefe on
a great hooke fastned to an iron Chaine as in figure 2^.
From Mohilla, although the winde and weather were
as faire and Sea as smooth as our hartes could wish, soe
that wee might have bene at Swally 15 or 20 dayes sooner
then wee were, yett did wee shorten sayle, it being the
Companies order that noe shipp should approach untill
the end of September or thereabouts, because that about
that tyme the Raynes began to cease on the Coast of
India, and verye daungerous for shippinge untill they bee
over, by reason of extraordinary foule weather and very
stronge Currants".
Thus much for this present voyage outward bound.
And for my owne perticuler I found it neither trouble-
' Here and frequently throughout the MS. "etts." signifies "and
other."
- A name for ditTerent species of gannet. See Herbert, pp. 11, 12.
•' Sucking fishes are further described and illustrated by Mundy in
delation xxi. fol. 113. .See also Ovington, p. 45.
* See Herbert, p. 7 ; and Ovington, p. 45.
^ See Illustration No. i (figures i and 2).
" See Ovington, pp. 131 ff., for a description of the " Mussoans" at
this period.
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l628] TO SURATT IX EAST INDIA I7
some nor tedious, there beinge soe good accommodation
affoarded the Companies Factors sent out these waves,
haveing had by Gods goodnes a prosperous passage, full
of Novelties every daye, which to those that are adicted
to see his wonders in strange Countries is alsoe some
content. Howsoever, lett all bee done to his glorye. whose
blessed name bee praised for our continuall preservation
and safe conduct to our desired Porte. Amen.
From London to Suratt in East India is by Computa-
tion ]\Iiles... 13713^
THE OF SEPTEMBER 1628, ABOARD THE GOOD SHIPP
JONAH BOUND FOR SURATT IN EAST INDIA, AT THE
CHARDGE OF THE FAMOUS HONBLE. AND RIGHT
WORSHIPFULL EAST INDIA COMPANY".
Forasmuch as it hath pleased Almight}' God of
his infinite goodnes and mercy To graunte unto us
the Comaunders, merchaunts, officers and marriners,
Servants to the above named famous Company, and
passengers in the aforesaid Shipp, safe arivall at our
desiered Porte, and takinge into our Considerations
the prosperous, healthfull and pleasant passadge which
it hath pleased his fatherly goodnes to bestowe upon
us, for which we render unto his sacred essence all
earnest and harty thanksgivinge which our poore
weake and infirme harts are able to conceive and
expresse. Wee therefore, in all humble and fervent
acknowledgment of our d[e]wties to God and in charit-
able zeale to Christs poore members upon earth,
Have willingly, freely and volluntarily contributed such
severall sumes of money as by our perticuler hands
hereunder subscribed are expressed, amountinge in all
unto the Sum of One hundred Eighty and Sixe
Pownds (1S6//.).
^ According to Alundy's figures as given in this Relation^ the
distance traversed was 14,404 miles.
^ Factory Records^ Miscellaneous^ pp. 61 — 63.
M. II. 2
1 8 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
To be I m ployed in furtherance [of] the Hospital 1 at
Blackvvall, a godly and religious worke lately begunn
by the Honble. and Right Worshipfull East India
Company, For the releife of poore Impotente and
decayed persons, inaymed, Impoverished and dam-
adged in their service, which Sum or sumes of money
we are contented and doe hereby condiscend that the
same shalbe deducted out of each mans perticuler
wages, and the money so deducted to be detained in
the possession of the Right Worshipfull the Governour,
Deputy and Comittes, to be by them Imployed to
the furtherance of the aforenamed Hospitall in such
manner and at such conveniente time as to their
worthy discretion shall seem expediente. Provided
alwayes that under favour of the worshipfull and worthy
Governour, Deputy and Comitties, two requests of ours,
as whe suppose reasonable, may be performed, accord-
inge to the tr[e]we intente of this graunte, or elce the
same to be voide and of noe vallidity. The first is
that such monies which by order of the said Company
are to be levyed by Two pence in the pownd out of
each mans wages towards the mainteynance of the said
HospitalP may not be stopte but remitted, and wee are
not sparinge to shewe our reasons, for that wee desire
our benevolence might rather be free and volluntary
then Coactive and Impulsive, hopinge thereby to raise a
greater Sum towards the effectinge of so pious a worke,
And that our good intents and indeavours wilbe more
acceptable to Th'almighty.
And Second that a Scedule or rowle fairely written
and decently fixed upon a frame of wood, conteyninge
therein the severall names and contributions of those
that professe their forward nes to soe good a worke
may be hanged up within the said Hospitall in such
conveniente place as the worthy Company shall
adjudge be seeminge. And the reasons movinge us
thereunto are partely to give satisfaction to some
wellwillers to this good action, and partely the hope
wee conceive this small begeninge wilbe an induce-
ment to others to extend their devotions in more
ample manner. For which wee Beseech the Almighty
^ This deduction proved unpopular and was discontinued after a
time.
1628] GIFT TO BLACKWALL HOSPITAL I9
to incite and stirr up the harts of all such as have
or shall taste of the like godnes of God towards them.
And wee all joyntly and severally beseech his devine
providence to Slesse and prosper that worthy famous
Company and us with others their faithfull Servants.
And that it would please him to accepte of our
poore and weake indeavours proceedinge from harts
unfeignedl}' thanckfull for his unspeakable goodnes
towards us, as it pleased him to accepte of the poore
wyddowes mite in the Gospell, and to inlardge our
harts to performance of Godly and charitable exer-
cises for future times as may be most acceptable to
his Majestie, accordinge to the meanes and abillities
it shall please him to bestowe upon us. Soli Deo
Gloria.
Wee desire That it would please the right Worship-
full Company to take notice that hereby wee intend
not to exempte any from payinge Two pence in the
pownd (accordinge to their order) unlesse they Sub-
scribe hereunder a greater Sum then that will amounte
unto. If any should be backward herein, as wee trust
and are well perswaded to the contrary. Their names
shalbe also hereunto annexed that then it might please
the Company to use such courses as may seeme answer-
able to their worthy discretions.
£ s. d.
I Richard Swanly Commaunder give
Twenty pownds 20 00 00
Witness my hand Rich: Swanley
I John Willoughby Merchaunt give
Eight pownds 08 00 00
[Here follow the names of four more merchants
and then a long list of seamen with the amounts
subscribed by each, making a total of ^186.]
A Guifte by us given the Expedition her Com-
pany towards the mainteynance of the Hospitall at
Blackwall'.
1 The history of The East India Company s Hospital at Poplar,
including its inception in 1617, its actual establishment in 1627, its
rebuilding in 1802 and its final demolition in 1866, has been fully
traced by Mr WiUiam Foster, from whose article in The Home
Counties Magazine for June 19 10 the information in the preceding
note is taken.
20 A VOYAGE FROM LONDON [REL. IV
I Thomas Watts Master give Sixe
pownds
Witness my hand Tho: Watts
I Peeter Mundye Merchaunt give Three
pownds
Daniel Hall, masters mate
[Here follow the names of 55 of the rest of the
crew with the amounts subscribed, making a total of
^71. gs. od.]
£
s.
^/.
06
00
00
03
00
00
04
10
00
RELATION V.
SOME PASSAGES SINCE MY ARRIVALL ATT SURATT IN
SEPTEMBER ANNO 1628 TILL MY DEPARTURE FOR
AGRA IN NOVEMBER ANNO 163O, WITH A DISCRIP-
TION OF SUNDREY PERTICULARITIES IN AND ABOUT
SURATT, VIZT.
After my comeinge and setlinge a shoare at Suratt\
I was imployed to write in the office-, as comonly all new
Commers are, exceptinge Men of place; And there I
continued untill the departure of Mr Richard Wilde on
the Charles'^, Captaine John VVeddle^ in Company of the
JonaJi, whoe sett saile from Swally in Aprill 1630, whoe
^ In Harl. MS. 2286 the title of these first two paragraphs is —
" My arrivall at Suratt : my abyding there twoe yeares."
2 At a Consultation held in Surat on the loth October 1628
"Peter Munday and William Knightly" were appointed "to assist
and write in the office." On the 21st December 1628, in his letter
to the Company, President Wylde explained that Mmidy was so
employed "for want of other work." His salary at this time was
;^3o per annum. English Factories., 1624 — 1629, pp. 285, 310.
^ The Charles sailed from England to Surat in March 1629 and
returned in April 1631. In 1632 she again went to Surat, thence to
Persia, and later was accidentally burnt off Swally, as narrated by
Mundy in Relation xix.
* Captain John Weddell went to India as master of the Lion in
1618. In 1621, 1624, 1628 and 1631 he commanded the fleets that
sailed to India in those years. See English Factories, 1618 — 1633.
In 1634 Weddell joined Courteen's Association. Mundy's relations
with him at that period will be noted in vol. ill.
22 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
went Commaunder of both shipps, It beinge the manner
that when any President goes home To bee Cheife Com-
maunder of the whole Fleete; Mr John Skibbow^ elected
President in his roome, and my selfe Register", which
place I held untill the arrivall of the Create James^,
William'' and Blessinge^, Captaine Morton*^, Captaine
1 John Skibbow, entertained as a factor in February 1627, was
"well reported of for honesty and ability.'"' On his arrival in India,
in 1628, he was made one of the Council at Surat. In April 1630 he
took over the office of President until the arrival of Thomas Rastell.
Skibbow was summoned home on the charge of private trading, but
was detained at Surat to complete his accounts, and as Rastell found
him "both temperate and discreet" he was permitted to continue on
the Council. In 1631 Skibbow was sent on a mission to Bantam. He
died at St Augustine's Bay, on the return voyage, in 1632. Cal. State
Papers^ E.I., 1624 — 1629; English Factories, 1630 — 1633.
2 In this capacity Mundy's duties would be to enter the consulta-
tions and copy the incoming and outgoing letters. The office of
register was established at Surat in 1620. See English Factories,
1618 — 1621, pp. xlvi and 186.
3 The Royal or Great James sailed from England in March of
1630. In 1634 the ship, which had been in the Company's service
for about twenty years, was found to be past repair and was ordered
to be broken up. English Factories, 1630 — 1633 ; Cal. State Papers,
E.I., 1630— 1634.
* The William had been in the Company's service since 1623.
She continued to make voyages to and from India until 1643 when
she was replaced by a new ship of the same name. Cal. State Papers,
E.I., 1622 — 1634; Court Minutes, 1640 — 1643, p. xxiii n.
5 The Blessingv^-A.% built for the Company in 1621 and was employed
for India until 1643 when she was purchased by the Fourth Joint Stock
from the First General Voyage. Cal. State Papers, £.1., 161 7—1 621 ;
Court Minutes, 1640— 1643, p. xxvii.
« Matthew Morton (or Moreton) was master of the Unity, Pepper-
corn, I^udy and Exchange in 1620, 1622 and 1625, and made voyages
to Bantam, Manilla and Lagundy. In 1627 he commanded the fleet
bound from Batavia to Surat. In 1628 he was at Aden and in 1630
he brought out the fleet from England to Surat. He subsequently
sailed to Persia and Bantam, and died in Bantam Koad on the
2ist November 1631. It was owing to Captain Morton's report (in
1625) that "excess in drinking sack" caused the Company's servants
to "untimely perish in the Indies" that the Court ordered "white
wine " to be sent " in lieu thereof." Morton was also the inventor of
a "conceipt for contriving the bread rooms" in the Company's ships
so that "less fire might serve the turn." See Cal State Papers, E.I.,
1617— 1634.
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 23
Wills^ and Captaine Greene^, under the Commaund of
Mr Thomas RastalP, in September 1630, whoe came out
President Generall of all that wee call India, as well
Bantham and Southerlie^ as theis parts and the North-
wards with Persia.
It was by him and his Councell determined That I
should assist with Mr Norris"^ in Barroch*', which held not.
Then was I againe enordered to be second to Mr Wych^
1 Matthew Wills commanded the DolpJmi in 1623 and 1624. In
1625, 1627 and 1631 he made voyages for the Company to Surat and
Bantam. In 1634 he was Admiral of the fleet bound to Surat and was
subsequently presented with a piece of plate " with the Company's
arms graven thereon" on account of his "good services in the fight
against the Portugals " on Swally Sands. In December 1640 Captain
Wills was appointed "as master (the Court resolving to entertain no
man under the title of captain again) of the LondonP He resigned
his command a month later and died before 26th January 1642, when
his widow appealed to the Court regarding his estate. See Cal. State
Papei's, E.I., 1622 — 1634; Court Minutes^ 1640 — 1643.
2 Michael Greene succeeded Captain Humphrey Fitzherbert as
second in command of an Anglo-Dutch fleet sent against the Portu-
guese on the Malabar coast in 1621. Complaints of peculation were
brought against him, and he was sent home for examination and
punishment in 1623. In April 1625 he petitioned for re-entertainment
" declaring his poverty, imprisonment, expenses and disgrace ; but the
Court told him they all came to him by his own wilful misdemeanor,
uncivil behaviour, and riotous and loose living in the Indies." He wag
apparently restored to favour in 1629 and placed in command of the.
Blessing. He died in 163 1, a month after setting sail from Surat to
Gombroon. See Cal. State Papers., E.I.., 1622 — 1629 ; English Factories.^
1630— 1633.
■^ Thomas Rastell had served the Company in India from 1616 till
1625 and had previously held the post of Chief at Surat (1622 — 1625).
His death, on the 7th November 163 1, is mentioned by Mundy in
Relation xvi. See Roe, ed. Foster (Hak. Soc), p. 491 n.
■* " It had been decided to reduce Bantam from a Presidency to
an Agency, and to place that and all other factories in the East under
the care of Rastell, with headquarters at Surat." English Factories.,
1630— 1633, p. vii.
^ This was John Norris, entertained as a writer in January 1624,
and appointed second at Broach on the loth October 1628. He was
agent on the Coromandel Coast from 1631 to 1633 when he returned
to Surat and came home in the Mary in 1634, as appears in Relation xix.
Cal. State Papers, E.I.., 1624 — 1629 ; English Factories, 1624 — 1634.
^ Broach, where the EngHsh established a factory in 1616.
" Nathaniel Wyche was entertained as a factor in February 1627
and sailed to India in the Mary. For a further mention of him and a
note on his services, see infra, Relation xvi.
24 rastell's instructions to MUNDY [REL. V
in Bodera [Baroda], which also brake off. Finally it was
concluded I should for Agra, there to bee second to
Mr William Fremlen^ my selfe to have the keeping of
the Companies Accompts and Cash in that place and
Mr John Yard- to goe with mee as third. Wee had a
monethes tyme to fitt our selves with thinges needfull, as
Armes, beddinge, Apparrell for the waie, etts. to passe
soe longe a Journey, for as in Turkey, soe heere, noe
manner of accommodation, but what you carry with you,
only sometymes you have Saraes or Canes ^ on the waye*.
ABSTRACT OF INSTRUCTIONS FROM PRESIDENT RASTELL
AND COUNCIL AT SURAT TO PETER MUNDY AND
JOHN YARD, PROCEEDING TO AGRA, lO NOVEMBER
1630^
At Burhanpur they are to endeavour to recover
from 'Rajah Raw Rutton' [Rao Ratan Singh Hara,
Raja of Bundl] the amount due for some tapestry
recently sold to him by Willoughby. The price
agreed upon was 18,450 rupees, of which 1,000 were
paid, while a 'screet' \scritto, obligation in writing]
was given for the rest. That 'screet' is now in the
hands of 'Cassidas' [KasI Das], Virjl V5ra's agent.
It is uncertain whether the Raja is at Burhanpur or
still in the Deccan, 'unto which parts hee is lately
1 William Fremlen entered the Company's service on the ist April
1626. He was third at Agra in 1629 and apparently became head of
that factory in the following" year. His subsequent services are noticed
in Relation xvn. See Cal. State Papers, E.I., 1624 — 1629 ; English
Factories, 1 624 — 1629.
2 There is no record of the election of John Yard. He was sent to
India in the fleet commanded by Captain Morton, in 1630, and was
appointed to Agra on his arrival in Surat. A sketch of his later
career will be found in Relation xvi.
3 Sardi or khan, a building for the accommodation of travellers
with their pack-animals. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Khan and Serai.
^ See ante, vol. i. pp. 52 — 53.
'■' JCnglish Factories, ed. Foster, 1630 — 1633, p. 90. The original
of this document is in the Surat Factory Outward Letter Book, i. 69,
preserved in the Bombay Record Office.
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 25
gone with the Kings (or be it Assuff Cauns) [Asaf
Khan's] laskar, \lashkar, army].' If he has not re-
turned and is not expected within two or three days,
they should not delay, but proceed on their journey to
Agra; if, however, they find him at Burhanpur, they
are to enlist the assistance of 'Jadowe [Jadu], the
kinsman of Gourdas [Gur Das], and of Calliangee
[Kalyanji],' a former broker for the Company, and
obtain an interview with the Raja. To him they should
present the President's letter and the 'skreet,' and
solicit 'his order for the passing and makeing of a
barratt \bardt, order for payment.]' This, if obtained,
is to be left in the custody of 'Cassidas,' for whom
a letter from the President is herewith delivered to
them. Then they should resume their journey for
Agra, where they will receive further instructions.
PS. They should make use of the favour of ' Ghinga
Ram' [Ganga Ram], one of the Raja's chief servants,
and to this end may present to him in the President's
name, a case of strong waters.
Suratt Howse — The English Garden — A pretty
conceited Waterworcke.
But now, before our departure, letts not forgett Suratt
howse and Suratt in Generall; and first the howse where
wee live. Suratt howse is of the best sort in Towne, very
faire and stronglie built, the Roofifs in generall flatt and
tarrassed alofte to walke on, very substantiallie done with
lyme, etts., soe that noe rayne can peirce it, and belowe
a faire hall, Chambers and roomes for the President and
Councell etts. Marchants, with compleat warehouses,
Walkes [etts.^] belowe^. Wee have also a garden which
1 This word is added from the copy in Harl. MS. 2286.
^ See Roe, ed. Foster, p. 510 /;., for remarks on the various
buildings occupied in Surat by the English as a factory house. See
also Fryer, ed. Crooke, i. 214 ;/. Mandelslo, who was entertained at
the English factory in 1638 by Wm. Fremlen (then President), speaks
(p. 17) of various chambers, "a great Hail. ..a great open Gallery. ..the
place of our ordinary rendezvous, where we met every night." Under
the head " Surrata described," Mandelslo writes (p. 23), "The Dutch
and English have their houses there which they call Lodges, and are
spacious and well built, consisting of many fa[i]r apartments, Lodgings,
Chambers, fair Halls, Galleries and Chappels."
26 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
for its bignes is the neatest and costlyest in all the
Countrey hereabouts; beinge neere 4 square, haveing 4
verie faire longe walkes round about \ all covered over
with vynes supported with tymber, very curiously con-
trived^. It hath 4 other allies which goe from the midle
of the longe walkes into the midle of the Garden, where
stands a Chowtree^ or prettie roome, covered overhead to
sitt and passe the tyme. Before it stands a little Tancke
to wash in tyme of heats and rayne. In the midst of which
is a spowte, which att pleasure is lett to Runn'', upon
which they add others (as ocasion serveth) among the
rest, this First six Spowtes running outwards from the
Topp of the mayne spowte, and one right upp, over
which is a round plate fastned soe that the water, strikeing
with violence against it, causeth it to defuse and disperse
itselfe soe equally, every way, and every part of the water
soe conjoyninge with the other that it perfectly resembles
the halfe of a great glasse Globle® or a Cristall Copula**, the
edge whereof is againe by the under^ spowtess cutt into
^ This garden may be the one described by Mandelslo, in 1638
(p. 18), as "a fair garden without the City, whither we constantly
went on Sundayes after Sermon, and sometimes also on other dayes
of the week, w[h]ere our Exercise was shooting at Butts.... After these
divertisements we had a Collation of Fruit and Preserves, and bath'd
ourselves in a Tanke or Cestern which had five foot water." Fryer
(ed. Crooke, I. 214), however, says that the English formerly had
a " neat " garden " in the City," but " Seva Gi's coming destroyed it."
[It was in 1671 that Sivaji sacked Surat.]
2 Compare Dellon, p. 38, "A!l houses of people of any fashion [at
Surat] have their gardens surrounded with fine Arbours, bearing Grapes
twice a year."
'■'' Ckabfiird, chaiita7'd, chautra^ chauin^ is a platform or raised place
u?ed for rest and conversation. It is often surrounded by a low rail
and is sometimes roofed in.
"^ There is a difference here in the copy in Hnrl. MS. 2286, where
the sentence runs: "Before it stands a little Tancke. ..which. ..is lett
to Runn, it haveinge a pretty Invention where it issues, As first six
spouts."
^ "Globe" in the copy in Harl. MS. 2286.
" Throughout the MS., in both Ha7-l. and Raiul. copies (with one
or two e.\ceptions), "cupola" is written "copula."
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has "outer."
faciyig p. 27
2 5
o w
o
2:;
Hakliiyt Sociely-I
[Scries If, Vo!. 35.
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 2/
soe many devisions like the valens of a Cannopie. And
because it is a prettie conceited [cleverly contrived] Arti-
ficiall Waterworke, I have hereunder sett the figure thereof,
somewhat more or lessee The lowermost figure demon-
strates the spowtes discovered. The Water that supplyeth
this Tanck is drawne from a well by Oxen, which serveth
also to Water the Garden most comonly every day out of
the tyme of raynes. This for the major part is the manner
of their Country Gardens, conteyning raritie- of strange
trees, flowres, fruits, herbes, etts., altogether unknowne in
our parts.
In the Howse aforesaid dwelleth the President and
Councell etts. Merchants and under Factors, ordinarilie to
the number of 10 or 12, a Preacher and Surgeon, Steward,
Attendants etts. [and other] Officers, as Cookes, Bakers,
etts. men of service, altogether to the number of 25 or 26
persons English.
Our Dyett heere for the most part is such as wee have
in England, fine bread of wheate, Beefe, Mutton, Henns,
pigeons, dressed after our owne manner by English Cookes^
Sometymes wee have this Countrey wilde fowle, Antelops,
and perchance wilde boare ; but ordinarilie wee have dopeage*
^ See Illustration No. 2.
2 " Varietie " in Harl. MS. 2286.
^ When Ovington visited Sui-at, in 1689, he found the table at the
factory " spread with the choicest Meat Suratt affords, or the Country
thereabouts.. ..And that nothing may be wanting to please the Curiosity
of every Palate at the times of Eating, an English, Portuguese, and an
Indian Cook are all entertain'd to dress the Meat in different ways for
the gratification of every stomach" (pp. 394, 397).
* This word represents dopydj, the vulgar pronunciation of the
Pers. dufiiydsa, a savoury dish. From the context, "dopeage and
rice " probably means curry and rice, though one would have expected
the contemporary word "carriel" to have been used. In the Ain
Akbarf, tr. Blochmann, 1. 60 — 61, we find, among " Meats with Spices,"
a recipe for ^'' Dupiydzah^'' vis. " 10 ser meat, middling fat ; 2 s. g'/ii ;
2 s. onions ; j s. salt ; |^ s. fresh pepper ; cuminseed, coriander seed,
cardamums, cloves, i drachm of each ; 2 dr. pepper ; this will give
five dishes."
28 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
and Rice, Kercheere\ and achare- or pickled Manges
[mangoes]. Our stronge Drinck is Racke [arrack, 'aral^],
like stronge water, next a kinde of beere made of Course
Sugar" and other ingredients, pleasant to the taste and
wholesome, but many tymes waters There is sometimes
used a Composition of Racke, water, sugar and Juice of
Lymes called Charebockhra".
The Factors [Factories] subordinate to Suratt*', besides
Persia', are Agra, Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad], Brodra
[Baroda], Baroche [Broach], and sometymes Cambayett
[Cambay]*. In each place there are ordinarilie resideinge
a Principall with 3 or 4 Factors, sometyme[s] more or
lesse, where they live very contentedly together, being very
well accommodated'' and plentifully furnished with any
thincr That that rich and fruitefull Countrie affoards.
^ Khichri. " Kichery...is the ordinary Food of the Poor and it is
called Kichery because it is made of a Grain of the same name boiled
with Rice, Water and Salt." Thevenot, Part ill. p. 52. See also
Ovington, pp. 310 — 311, and Hobson-Jobsoii^ s.v. Kedgeree.
2 Ac/iar, a term used for any acid or salt relishes. See Hobson-
Jobson, s.v. Achar.
^ Coarse, very brown sugar made from the sap of various palms.
See Hobson-Jobson., s.v. Jaggery.
■* " That most antient and innocent drink of the world, Water, is
the common drink of East India." Terry, p. 100.
'■^ A sherbet composed of four ingredients, Hind, chdr-bakhra., four
portions, divisions. I have found no other instance of the use of the
word among seventeenth century writers, nor does chdr-bak/ira in the
sense of a compounded beverage appear to be in the dictionaries.
" Charebockhra " appears to answer to Mandelslo's "Palepuntz [pale
punch], which is a kind of drink consisting of aquavitae., Rose-water,
juice of Citrons and Sugar" (p. 18).
^ Surat was appointed the chief factory of the East India Company
in India in March 1616. Lettc7's Received., iv. 301.
' The Company's factories in Persia were at Gombroon (Bandar
'Abbas) and Ispahan.
* The business of the Company at Cambay was transacted partly
through Ahmadabad, and factors were not in constant residence at the
former place.
" In Ha7'l. MS. 2286 this passage runs, "where they doe theire
busines cherefuUy and live very contentedly togeather haveingc ex-
cellent accomodation."
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 29
Suratt its Description.
Suratt it selfe lyeth Eastward from Port Svvallye, dis-
tant about 12^ miles on the River Tapee [Tapti], and may
bee neere 2 miles in Compasse, environ'd with a badd
ditch-, excepting towards the River side. There are 7
Gates belonging to it, vizt. Baroche Gate-^, out of which
goe many a Englishman that never returne, it being the
way to our place of BurialH. This Gate leadeth to
Ahmudavad and soe to Agra that way; Brampore [Bur-
hanpur] Gate leadinge to Brampore, Decan and to the
English garden without the Towne; Nunsaree [Nausari]
Gate to Nunsaree etts. [and other] Sea townes to the
Southward, and the way to the great Tancke', with others
which I omitt.
Heere are some reasonable long straight streetes, as
thaf^ goeing to Nunsaree gate etts., some faire buildings
scattered heere and there, a strong Castle'^ furnished with
1 Harl MS. 2286 has " 10 miles."
^ The " mud wall " mentioned by Herbert. See Jourdain, ed.
Foster, p. 129;?. In 1638 Mandelslo says (p. 23) "on the land side
it hath a good Rampier of stone," but Tavernier (ed. Ball, I. 7), who
was at Surat later than Mandelslo, describes the walls as "only of
earth."
"^ See Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 252 and note, for the position of Broach
Gate. Finch, in 1609 (Purchas, ed. Maclehose, iv. 28), and Mandelslo,
in 1638 (p. 23), only speak of three gates. See also de Laet, India
Vera., pp. 16 — 17.
* For the "stately Burying places of the Europeans" at Surat, see
Ovington, p. 405 ; see also Th^venot, Part ill. pp. 23 — 24.
•^ Harl. MS. 2286 adds here: "There is one gate more by the
water beyond the Castle greene."
^ "The Bazaar" in Harl. MS. 2286. See Ovington, pp. 216 — 217,
for the streets of Surat.
^ Compare the following seventeenth century accounts of Surat
castle :
1623. "On the other side of which River [the Tapti], something
on the right hand as you go into the City [Surat], which hath no walls,
stands a castle, lately built, but very ill design'd." Delia Valle, ed.
Grey, p. 23. [Delia Valle is mistaken as to the date of the castle,
which was built in the middle of the sixteenth century.]
1626. "A Castle of stone is strongly built at the South-West side,
the river washing it; planted with great Ordnance and other shot;
30 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
good ordinance. By it is a ver)^ faire spacious greene,
called Castle Greene\ alsoe the Bunder [/?a7ida7-] or wharfife,
where Goods are embarqued to be transported unto shipps
or Juncks rideinge att Swally or the Rivers mouth.
Junckes.
Juncks are theis Country vessels, soe called by us,
of which many belong to this place, among the rest some
of looo or 1 200 Tunn each, and but one Deck. Theis put
to Sea with Easterly Monsoon, and before the wynde out
goe our Shipps, by reason of the monstrous breadth of
their maine sayles-, soe fitted of purpose, as being con-
fident of the continuance of faire and moderate winds
and weather duringe that Monsoon.
What a Monsoon is.
Monsoon is a tyme of the yeare when the wyndes blowe
continually one way, of which there are twoe, J^ict. the
Easterly Monsoon and the Westerly. The Easterly begins
about the end of September, and continues untill the Midle
of Aprill followinge, with perpetuall faire weather, except
perchaunce some 2 or 3 dayes of rayne happeninge in that
Tyme. The Westerly Monsoon beginneth from the midle
of Aprill and continueth untill the end of September
againe, in the latter 3 monethes whereof fall the raynes
awed by a Garrison, who make dainty to admit [are chary of admitting]
a stranger to see their fortifications or parapets." Herbert, p. 36.
1638. "The Castle which they say was buik by the Turks, upon
an invasion which they made into this Country, hath but one Gate,
which looks into a spacious plain which serves for a Meidan [;;/aiddn,
open space, park] to the City." Mandelslo, p. 23. See also Finch (in
Purchas), ed. Maclehose, IV. 27; De Laet, Ifid/a Vera, pp. 16—17;
Thcvenot, Part in. p. 15; Tavernier, ed. Ball, I. 6—7; Fryer, ed.
Crooke, I. 248; Ovington, p. 215.
1 See Ovington, p. 217.
'^ The term junk is here used to indicate a native vessel. See
Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 123 ;/. Later, the word was applied to any
large vessel in the Indian Seas. See Howrey, ed. Temple {Hak. Soe),
p. 181 71., and Hobsoii-Jobson, s.v. Junk.
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 3 1
accompanied with great Stormes and violent Currants etts.\
soe that in this Monsoon there is noe putting to Sea, their
vessells beinge either hailed [hauled] on Shoare or drawne
up into secure places.
The Great Tancke.
The Great Tancke is a Fabricke of as great Coste,
labour and tyme, admirable for its workemanshipp and
bignes. Tancks in generall are 2 sorts, vist. naturall and
artificiall. The first are some lower ground, whereunto
the waters runne from the upper part in tyme of Rayne.
Of this sort there bee many, both great and small, which
wee may terme Lakes, Ponds or Pooles, according to their
bignesse. The other sort are artificiall, made by hands
(as this of Suratt), by takeing away the earth, makeing it
to what depth they please, which is afterwards built of
stone to what forme they thinck best-. Theis sorts are
in or neere to Citties and great Townes for Common use;
Also great men and others have them in their Gardens
and dwellings of a lesser sort. Theis Tancks being places
of much use and delight, by reason of the want of rayne
most part of the yeare in theis Countries. Suratt Tanck
is neere half a mile about, made into 16 squares, built
of great hard hew^en stone, haveing from the upper Super-
ficies stepps descending downewards about 20 in number,
which goe round about. Betwene every 5 or 6 is one
much wider then the rest to walke on. It hath 8 en-
trances for people and Cattle, which goe downe wards ;
with walls, turretts and very faire pavement of great
Stones. In the midle of all stands a howse. The passage
where the water cometh in deserveth also notice, walled on
^ See Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 124, 128, on " Mossoons or Monsoons " ;
also Ovington on " Mussouns," pp. 131 — 137. For an elaborate note
on " Monsoon" see Indian Antiquary, xxx. 393—396.
^ For the origin of the word "tank," indicating a reservoir, well or
cistern, see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tank.
i^
PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
each side, vaulted and supported with pillars. In the
Midle of this Entrey lyes a very prettie small Tanck, hard
by the greater. This I conceive is that the troubled water
might settle there before it runne into th' other, beinge
that the litle one must be first filled, which is done, in
tymes of Rayne, as well litle as greate; and then in the
greatest may bee about 3 Fathom water att the deepest,
and before the rayne Come againe very litle, or none att all,
makeinge use of the bottome or floore for the soweing of
muske and Water Millions [melons], which growe up verie
sodainely there\ Round about stand many faire Tombes,
gardens and trees, which make a pleasant prospect, the
Tancke beinge full, whether wee resort manie tymes for
recreation, and sometymes to the Toddy gardens, which in
[tyme of]^ Rayne are very faire and green, yeilding forth
a most fragrant smell.
Tarree trees.
Of these Tarree trees are a verie great number round
about Suratt, out of which they drawe a Liquor wee call
Toddy, or rather Tarree \tdri]. The best sort thereof
may bee compaired to new white wyne, both in Coulor
and Taste, pleasant and wholesome, which distilleth from
severall sorts of trees'^, as the Coco tree, the date tree and
another called ^ in forme all alike, dififeringe a
1 All the seventeenth century travellers appear to have been much
impressed by the celebrated Gopi Talao or tank at Surat. See Roe,
ed. Foster, p. 112 and note. Thevenot (Part ill., p. 25) writes of this
"lovely Tanque" that "it may be compared to the fairest that the
Romans ever made for publick benefit." See also Finch (in Purchas),
ed. Maclehose, iv., 28 ; Terry, pp. 187—188 ; Dellon, p. 40, and supple-
ment, p. 27; Fryer, ed. Crooke, I., 261 and note.
- These words are added from the copy in Harl. A/S. 2286.
■^ See Hobsoii-Jobson, s.v. Toddy. For various seventeenth century
accounts of the making of tdt'l (tary, terry, houry or toddy), see Delia
Valle, ed. Grey, p. 62; Terry, p. 92; Mandelslo, p. 23; Thevenot,
Part ni., p. 17; Dellon, pp. 62—63; Ovington, pp. 238—239.
' There is a blank here in all the copies. Mundy probably intended
to add the palmyra palm or tar tree, which gave its name to the liquor.
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 33
litle in the spriggs or leaves on the Topp, having noe
branches but the maine Stemm. The Governour hath
yerely for the rent of the said Tree 12000 Ms. [makmudls].
Above the rest the Coco tree is most wonderful! and
necessarye, as in many places elsewhere is described.
[The Inhabitants.]
The Inhabitants of Suratt are Mogolls, Banians and
Parsees. I may chaunce to write somewhat of each here-
after if God lycense mee\
Townes about Surratt.
Places adjoyninge are Raneile on the other side of the
River, a pleasant Scituation^, Also Ragem^, Battee^, etts.
on that side. On Suratt side are Ckhaturgam [Katargam]
Pulparre, where the Banians burne theire dead®, Cankei
Carro'', a curious Sollitarie place with a litle Brooke make-
ing many deepe and learge pooles, fine shadye bancks and
trees on the Margent, frequented with fowle, and stored
with fish.
1 Mundy has remarks on the Banians in Relation viii, and on the
Parsees in Relatio7i xvill.
^ Rander, two miles above Surat, on the right bank of the Tapti.
In 1638 Mandelslo (pp. 22 — 23) describes "Reniel" as "an old ruin'd
City where the Dutch have a Ware-house.... The streets of it are narrow,
and the houses are so raised from the Foundation, that there is not
any but hath one step to get up to it." Later, Th^venot wrote (Part in.,
p. 23), " Renelle is an old Town about a quarter of a League distant
from Surat. It stands on the other side of the Tapty, and though it
daily fall into ruin, yet the Dutch have a very good Magazin there."
Fryer (ed. Crooke, I. 300 and note) calls the place "Ro Neal." See
also Finch's description (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 28.
^ Identified by Mr W. Foster as Arajan, a village below Surat.
See English Factories^ 1622 — 1623, p. 265 n.
* Mr Foster conjectures that Bhatha, on the right bank of the
Tapti, is meant. English Factories, 1622— 1623, p. 279 n. In Herbert's
time "Batty" was "famous for good Toddy."
'^ Phulpara. See Mr Crooke's note in Fryer, I. 255.
'' Kankra Khari {khdrt, salt-water creek) immediately South of
Surat. See Map of Stcrat Collectorate, 1871 (Map Dept. India Office).
M. II. X
34 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
The Banian Tree.
The Banian Tree is a litle beyond the Great Tanck
and not to bee forgotten, being of those the Portugalls call
Arbore de Rais [7-a/s, Port, 'tree of roots'], because the
roots descend from alofte. This is of an exceedinge bredth,
much honoured by the Banians^
Townes neere the Port.
Neere Porte Swall}- lyes Swally [Suwali] Towne", Dam-
kee [Damkin], Mora% etts., much frequented by English
in tyme of Shippinge, whether they resort for recreation.
The burning of a Banian woman with her
dead husband.
Now before I take leave of Suratt I will relate one
accident that happened att m}- beinge there, whereof I
was Eye witnesse, zu'.vf. a Banian Woman that voluntarilye
burned her selfe alive with the body of here dead husband.
The manner of it was as followeth:
A Certaine Banian dicing att Suratt, his wife resolved
to burne herselfe alive with the body of her husband, It
^ For early descriptions of the banyan tree {ficus mdica) see
Purchas, His Pilgrimage^ ■^. 57; Mandelslo, p. 9; Hobson-Jobson^
s.v. Banyan-Tree. For detailed accounts of the particular tree
described by Mundy, the celebrated Kabir Ba7-h, see Tavernier, ed.
Ball, II. 198; Fryer, ed. Crooke, i. 265. In Dellon {Supplement^
p. 27) the banyan tree at .Surat is thus described: "The Sacred Tree.
About a musket shot from thence [the great Tank] is to be seen that
Tree, call'd by the Pagan Indians The Sacred Tree, of such a bigness,
that its Branches spread two hundred and fifty Paces round. The
Banians have a particular Veneration for this Tree, and adorn it with
Banners ; under its shadow is a Pagan Temple, resembling a Grotto,
dedicated to a certain Idol, which they call The Mother of Mankind.
At the Gate, there is constantly attending" a Braman, who receives the
Offerings, and marks the Fore-heads of such as come to pay their
Devotion, with a red Stroke."
* Mundy has further remarks on Swally in Relation xvni. See
also Fryer's account, ed. Crooke, I. 210 — 212.
3 For the position of these two villages, see Fryer, op. cit., note on
p. 213. At "Uamre" Mandelslo saw (p. 23) "abundance of wild Ducks
m the Rice."
facing p. 35
No. 3. A CASE OF SATI AT SIJKAT IN 163O
Haklnyt Society.]
[Sci'tcs 11, Vol. :?5.
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 35
beinge an ancient Custome used in India, but now not soe
much by farr as in former tymes. The Mogull haveinge
Conquered their Countrie hath almost abolHshed that
Custome, soe that it may not bee done without speciall
lycense from the kinge or Governour of the place where
they dwell. This Woman through much importunitie gott
leave of the Governour^ of Suratt to effect her desire.
The Body of her husband was carried to Palparre
[Phulpara], which lyes on the River Tapee [Tapti]^ where
are many of their Pagodes or Churches, and great resort
thither att severall of their Feastivalls. There was it
layd att the brinck of the river, with his feete and part
of his body in the Water. His wife by him, with other
weomen in the said river, stood upp to the midle perform-
inge on themselves certaine washinge Ceremonies, for they
attribute much holynesse to great Rivers (especiallie to
Ganges), and much of their religion consists in Washinges.
In the meane tyme there was readye made the pile or
place for the funerall fire, layeinge a good quantitie of
wood on the floore round about, which were stakes driven
in, on which are put a great quantitie of a small kinde of
drye Thornes and other Combustable stufife, fashioned like
a little lowe house with a doore of the same to it. Plrst
the dead body was brought and layed on the said pile,
on whome they sett more wood and drye Oxe dunge (a
great fuell in this Countrie). Then came his wife from
the River accompanied with Bramanes [Brahmans], (whoe
are their Preists). Then Compassinge the Cottage three
tymes, shee taketh leave of her Kindred, freinds and
acquaintance very Cheirefullie, without any shewe of feare
or alteration att all, and entreth into it, where sittinge
1 Mir Shams was Governor of Surat in 1628. See infra, Relation
XVI.
^ Here is a marginal note — "In this river are many crocodiles of
which wee have seene divers."
36 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
downe, shee taketh her husbands head on her Lapp. The
doore is presentlie [immediately] shutt upon her, one of her
kindred holding a greate pole against it, and others with
longe poles in their hands to Right the fire if neede bee
(or rather I thinck to knock her downe if shee should
chance to gett out). Then shee herselfe with a litle torche
she carried with her (made of Oyled Lynnen) kindleth it first
within, when her freindes without with the like Torches sett
it on fire round aboute, which on the suddaine burneth with
greate violence. The Spectators in the meane tyme make-
inge all the noyse they can, some with drumms and Countrie
Instruments, beateing of brasse platters, Cryeinge or hol-
lowinge, Clapping their hands, all in a Confused manner,
while the furie of the flame lasteth. This I conceive is
to drowne her voyce if shee should chance to Crye. The
sides and upper part of the place was quicklye consumed;
yett satt shee upp with life in her, holding upp both her
Armes, which might bee occasioned through the scorch-
inge and shrinckinge of the Sinnewes, for shee held her
handes under his head untill the fire was kindled; soe att
last not able to sett upp anie Longer, shee fell downe
upon her husbands body, when by their freinds they were
covered with more fuell untill they were both burned to
ashes, which presentlie [immediately] is throwne into the
river. Hereunder I have set it downe in figure, as neere
as I can'.
A Strange Worme.
Yett a little more. By the Toddie gardens on the
thorne trees there is a litle worme woven in a Case or Codcl
fastned to a sprigg of the said Tree, as it were by a bigg
thredd, soe stronge that it is hardly to bee pulled of. The
' See Illustration No. 3. Compare Dellon's description of a sati
at Surat (pp. 48 — 50), which closely resembles Mundy's account. In
Relation xxxvi. Mundy describes a sati that he witnessed in 1655 at
Kajfipur, differing in many particulars from the one he saw at Surat.
facing p. 37
No. 4. BAGWORM AND WEAVER BIRD
JJakltiyt Society.]
{Series II, VoL 35-
1629-30] PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT 37
outside of the case is covered round about with thorne
pricks, neere of equall length, the bigg ends upwards and
the poynts downewards, about one inch longe and as bigg
as the topp of one htle finger as in the fiigure No. i on the
other side^ I opened some of them and found within a
Shapelesse Creature such as the Silkworme is in the Codd
at the tyme of her change. And as that, even soe this
questionlesse att a convenient tyme atteyneth to a perfect
forme, but what sort I know notl
As Strange Birds nests.
Also in many places heereabouts are certen Birds Nests
made of small threds of rootes or Coconutts or such like as
No. 2^. The mouth (as att Letter A) hanges downward ;
att B is the place where they sitt, about a foot long in all.
There are two sorts of Birds that use them that I sawe, the
one like a Glady^ th'other like a lynnett^ But whether
the one makes use of the others Nest I know not. They
are fastned to the bowes of trees, about howses and in
woods, but more commonly over forsaken wells, soe that
noe kinde of vermine dare adventure to come neere to hurt
1 See Illustration No. 4.
^ Colonel Alcock has kindly identified this insect. He writes as
follows: "The 'strange worme' is no doubt one of the many species
of bagworms. Bagworms are the caterpillars of moths of the family
Psychidae; they (the caterpillars) live in a case made of bits of stick
etc., firmly knit together with remarkably tough silk. The case is
usually suspended from the under surface of leaves, etc., in such a way
that the caterpillar can feed by protruding its head. In India one
sometimes sees a tree with hundreds of bagworms hanging from its
leaves, something like the ornaments on a Christmas Tree."
3 See Illustration No. 4.
* Glady or gladdy is a name given in Devon and Cornwall to the
yellow-hammer.
° Mundy is describing the nest of the common weaver bird {ploceiis
baya), which is found all over India. He may also have seen one
of the other varieties of this family, but it is more probable that he
observed the bird at two different seasons and mistook it for two
distinct species. After the autumn moult the common weaver bird in
colouring resembles a linnet and after the spring moult a yellow-
hammer. See Gates, Fatma of B7it. /., Birds, ll. 174, 180.
38 PASSAGES ETTS. ATT SURATT [REL. V
their Younge, the Nest hanging in that manner, as also
over the waters The nature and instincte of abillitie in
theis two htle Creatures is to bee wondered att, especially
the worme, for how it should close itselfe within that
Pallisadoe (being it is not to be thought it came in att the
Lower end) and hang in that manner as it doth I leave to
bee discussed".
The begininge of the greate Famine.
About the tyme of our departure for Agra began a
Famine^ the Secondary cawse thereof the want of rayne
this last Season, and much feared will prove very greivous,
poore people begininge to die for want of Sustenance.
God shewe mercie on all men.
^ In Hm-l. MS. 2286, there is no description of the weaver bird
in this Relation., but in the account "of India in geneiall and of the
]\Iarreene at Swally" {Relation xviii. in the Raiul. MS.) the following
paragraph occurs: "There is a small bird like a Yellow hammer whoe
makes her Neste with more Arte then I thinke any other Foule in the
world, farr surpassinge the Swallowe. It is fasted to an end of a
sprigg of a tree or most commonly some bushes that grcwe over a
forsaken well. It hangeth downeward over the water, some of them
i yarde longe, the entrance right underneath resemblinge a home
funnel!,' into which the bird goeth upp, and descends againe into a
receptacle on the one side where lye her yong ones or eggs."
- Here is a marginal note — "A pretty question.'"'
^ Full and graphic details of the terrible famine of 1630 are given
by Mundy in Relation vi.
INDIA N
D E S E R T
M A R W A R
Isanpi
^Mehmadaj
or*'*';
G U^^^A \jk T
/Corel"''* /Xasao'
fBaroda
^Karvan
Parang 9
(Broachj
suffer
Gu/f of
Cambaj
.^t-^
Narbada R-
K H A
1^ D
t
Handiya
^Charwa
TNandgaon
^9 ^-^
<> Q- "^ ^
"^ BAGLAN
(Borgaon
pAsirgac
^BURHANPUR
Tapti B.
English Miles
D E C G A N
Mundj/'s Routes between Surat and
A^ra 1651 and 1633.
RELATION VI.
A JOURNEY FROM SURATT IN GUZARATT [GUJARAT] TO
AGRA IN HINDOSTAN^ WHETHER PETER MUNDY AND
JOHN YARD WERE ENORDERED AND SENT BY THE
WORSHIPFULL THOMAS RASTELL, PRESIDENT ETTS.
COUNCELL, TO ASSIST MR WILLIAM FREMLEN
THERE RESIDEINGE IN THE HONOURABLE
COMPANIES AFFAIRES, AS FOLLOWETH.
The iitk November 1630. Wee departed from Suratt att
eveninge, and that night came to Cumwarra [Khumbaria]
(3 course)", where wee mett, as wee expected, one Mirza
Mahmud Saphee [Mirza Mahmud Safi], a Persian,
travellinge to Brampore [Burhanpur] to the Kinge, unto
whome the President had recommended us for our better
safetye and accomodation in soe hazardous a tyme ; for
there was a great famine begun, causeinge the highwayes
^ In January 1610 William Finch journeyed from Surat to Agra
via Burhanpur and wrote an account of his various stages. In October
of the same year John Jourdain followed him and also chronicled his
halting places. Later, in 1645, J- B. Tavernier covered the same ground
and wrote a list of the towns and villages passed, with the distances
between each. Jourdain's route has been dealt with by Mr Foster,
together with the greater number of Finch's halting places, and
Mr Foster's identifications have been freely used in tracing Mundy's
route.
^ Kos, a measure of distance, nowadays two miles. See Jourdain,
ed. Foster, p. 141 ;?., and Mundy's own remarks at the end of this
Relation. The distances given within brackets are found in the margin
in the MS.
40 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
to be as it were impassable for Theeves and others whoe
infested it, not so much for desire of riches as for graine
etts. food\
TJie \2th November 1630. From thence wee came to
Barnolee (10 course)^, an other Towne, where came to
us the Governours servants of this place demaundinge
20 Rupees for Jagatte^ or Custome of our twoe Carts,
10 Rupees each, but through Mirza's meanes wee came off
with the giveing of one Mahmudee* to his Peones^
TJie I'^th November 1630. Beara [Viara] (12 course).
This is a small Towne, yett fortefied with a good Castle''
and accomodated with a very prettie pond or Talao^ stored
with fish and fowle ; heere the Governour of Suratt put
his Elephants to feede. This place is daungerous for
Theeves.
The \\tli November 1630. Wee came to Kirka*
(7 course), a poore Towne, halfe burnt upp and' almost
voyd of Inhabitants, the most part fledd, the rest dead,
lyeing in the Streets and on the Tombes. Here were
more of the Governours Camells feedinge, of a sort called
Bagdad somewhat differinge from the other ordinarie sort,
being thicker and stronger made, with short leggs and
1 For various accounts of and allusions to the famine of 1630, other
than that given by Mundy, see Appendix A.
2 Bardoli, 19 miles from Surat. Jourdain and Finch took the road
passing through Mota and Karod, but Tavernier followed Mundy and
went to "Barnoly," which he describes as "a large town where you
cross a river by a ford." Tavernier, ed. Ball, I. 48.
3 Jagdi, custom, toll, duty on goods.
* Mahmfidz, a coin worth nearly an English shilling.
s Port, pedo, foot-soldier, messenger. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Peon.
'' Roe (ed. Foster, p. 87) calls the place Biarat and also mentions
its "walled castle."
" Talao, ialdb, a pond, tank or reservoir.
^ See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 142 ;/. De Laet, India Vera (tr.
Lethbridge), p. 30, speaks of "the large village of Curca which lies
on the North side of the river."
'^ The two-humped Baghdad! camel.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 41
verie hairie before. Heere were the bancks of a faire
River, but the water neere dryed upp.
The i$th November 1630. By the waie hither (Noua-
pora [Narayanpur], 13 course), wee made accompte to
have mett with Rashpootes^ whoe are here rife, but wee
mist them, although betwene this place and Kirka (wee
goeinge somewhat of the foremost, and our Company upon
some occasion or other unknowne to us stayinge behinde)
wee found our selves alone by the side of a litle brooke
beinge neere the high way, there past by 11 or 12 of them
on horseback, all well armed and provided with gunns,
swordes, launces, bowes and arrowes, where espieinge us
alone, made a stand, but seeinge wee were not those theie
looked for, left us, goeing on their way, giveinge out they
came to meete and Conduct Mirza. But after our Companie
came upp, wee understood they were Rovers and watched
for the Caphila \kdfila, caravan], whoe by reason of the
hilly stonie way was gon somewhat the farther about in
the vallye and soe mett them not. Howsoever it was
sett upon by a great Company of footemen, whoe att
length were faine to betake themselves to flight. Hard
by us lay the Skulls and bones of sundrie men, said to
bee killed by these fellowes.
TJie i6th Noveinber 1630. In the morninge wee de-
parted from thence, and that eveninge wee came to Dayta
[Dhaita], (10 Course), where wee pitched neere the Towne
in a Grove of Trees hard by the River side [the Sarpini].
The Governour of this place demaunded Jagatt of every
Cart layden with goods, which Mirza for his part denyed,
and bidd them take it of the Banian merchants^ for that
wee were his people and our goods as his goods. This
^ Rajput thieves. Here is a marginal note— "In daunger of
robbers."
2 Banya, baniyd, trader, but used by the early travellers for Hindu.
The point is that the Muhammadan Mirza was making the Hindus
pay the duty.
42 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
nighte hee came the round according to his wonted
Custome, which wee perceiveinge, went forth to meete
him, and entreated him to rest a Htle in our Tent, which
hee then excused, but a while after came without light
wuth another Mogull or Persian, and 2 servants, and
remained with us neere 2 howres, when hee related unto
us the cawse of his Journey, which was that hee had a
brother, named Dianett CkaunS lately dead in the Kinges
Service^ and that the Kinge had sent for him to bestow
on him his said brothers estate and other advancement as
hee should thinck fittinge. Hee told us alsoe how kindley
hee was used by Captaine Weddell [in] former yeares in
his passage from Surratt to Gombrone^^ and by all the rest
of the English, which obliged him to love them ; and soe
with many Curteous proffers hee departed for that tyme.
Children sold or given away.
In this place the men and weomen were driven to that
extremitie for want of food that they sold their Children
for 1 2d., 6d. and ■* pence a peece ; yea, and to give
them away to any that would take them, with manye
thancks, that soe they might preserve them alive, although
they were sure never to see them againe.
The ijth November 1630. Wee came to Baadoore"^
(10 course), where wee heard there were 150 or 200 horse-
men that awaited the Comeinge of this Caphila, haveing
1 Ckaun^M^^z with a nasal n. Mundy and other writers of the
17th century used initial ck and ckh to represent the Persian and
Arabic guttural, corresponding to the ch, in such Scotch words as loch,
which is more guttural than the German ch in ich, etc.
^ Diyanat Khan, a title of Muhammad Husain, atnir of 2000, who
served under Shah Jahan and died at Ahmadnagar in 1630.
3 Captain John Weddell made voyages from Surat to Persia in
1621 and 1625. He was at Gombroon (Bandar 'Abbas) in February
1622 and in November 1625.
* There is a blank here in both MSS.
^ Rhadwar. See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 143 «. De Laiit, tr.
Lethbridge, has — "Badur a foul city and a nest of thieves."
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 43
but a litle since robbed a whole Towne, wherefore that
night wee kept an extraordinarie watch, both our selves
and Peones, as did Mirza and his people, whoe all night
walked to and againe to see it duely observed.
The manner of watching in a Caphila.
The manner of watchinge in Caphilaes is by the
Continuall beateinge of a great Kettle Drumme (which
most comonly they carry with them), and once in a
quarter or halfe an hower one or other cryes, Covardare
\khabarddr\ when all the rest of the people answer with a
showte, Covardare, which is as much to say as take heeded
And this they do all night.
The i?>th November 1630. From Baadoore wee came
to Netherbarre [Nandurbar], (12 course), a greate place^,
where wee were much troubled to finde a roome convenient
for our litle Tent, by reason of the number of dead bodyes
that lay scattered in and about the Towne^ Att last wee
tooke up our lodginge amonge the Tombes^. This place
Mirza chose for us, whoe alsoe invited us to dine to daye.
The igtk November 1630. Heere wee stayed all day,
where Mirza supplied himselfe with some needfull provision
for his Companye, there being to be had heere, although
att unreasonable rates. All this day our noses were
infested and our bodyes almost infected with a most
noysome smell, which after search, wee found to come
^ Compare Bernier's account of night watchmen in the royal camp :
"To prevent robberies every Omrah provides watchmen, who con-
tinually perambulate his particular quarters during the night, crying
out Kaber-dar ! or Have a care ! and there are guards posted round
the whole army at every hve hundred paces, who kindle fires and also
cry out Kaberdar ! '' Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 369. Thevenot, Part
III., p. 19, has a similar account of night watchmen in the streets of
Surat.
^ Nandurbar is one of the oldest towns in Khandesh.
•^ Here is a marginal note, "A place pestred with dead."
* " Nonderbar a Citie, short of which are many Tombes and houses
of pleasure." Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 30.
44 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
from a great pitt, wherein were throwne 30 or 40 persons,
men, weomen and children, old and younge confusedly
tumbled in together without order or Coveringe, a miserable
and most undecent spectacled Noe lesse lamentable was
it to see the poore people scrapeinge on the dunghills for
food, yea in the very excrements of beasts, as horses, oxen,
etts. belonginge to Travellers, for graine that perchaunce
might come undisgested from them, and that with great
greedienesse and strife among themselves, generallie
lookeinge like annatomies^ with life, but scarse strength
enough to remove themselves from under mens feete, many
of them expireinge, others newe dead. This was their
estate in every Streete and Corner ; And from Suratt to
this place (in a manner) all the high way was strowed with
dead people, Our noses never free of the Stinck of them,
especially about Townes ; for they dragg them out by the
heeles starke naked, of all ages and sexes, till they are out
of the gates, and there they are lefte, soe that the way is
halfe barred upp. Thus it was for the most part hitherto^'.
Much of this place [Nandurbar] is seated on a Rock,
walled, with a Castle*, without beinge a prettie Messitt*^ on
a litle hill, and Tancks'', but for the most part drye as att
this tyme. The Comon sort of howses, as well of this
Towne as others hitherto, are litle and lowe with mudd
walls. The better sort built of Stone (theis but fiew) with
Gallaries on the outside like the Balconies in Spaine, with
Chowtrees, which are open roomes, where they sitt and
1 Here is a marginal note — "a most inhuman spectacle."
2 Anatomy, a skeleton with the skin left. The O.E.D. has
quotations in this sense from 1586 to 1861.
^ Here is a marginal note — "The miserable effects of the famine."
** See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 143 and note. The old fort at
Nandurbar still exists.
•■' Masjid, mosque. Probably the one built by Akbar in 1583 is
intended.
^ Several of these old ponds are still to be seen.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 45
dispatch their businesses Heere is alsoe a very faire
Sarae [sardiy.
The 20th November 1630. Untill wee came neere to
this Townes end (Limbgoore-', 15 course), wee past it
reasonabhe quiett all daie, and arriveinge heere in Twi-
light, there were 3 carts Cutt of from the Caphila by
theeves in the reare, and carried cleane away, the people
escapeinge but not without wounds. This happeninge in
the night could not bee remedied. Besides, the Caphila
consisted of such a multitude of Carts and people, which
drewe to such a length, that hetherto wee could never see
both ends from one place, and yett increasinge daylye.
For you shall understand that, att our comeinge out of
Suratt, Mirza and all his people, our selves and all the
Strangers that came with us from thence were not in all
150 persons and about 15 or 20 Carts with some Cammells.
And now I thinck there were noe lesse then 17 or 1800
people and 250 or 300 Carts, besides Oxen and Buffaloes
of burthen^ For the Countrie [people], hearinge of our
Comeinge this waye, resolved, for their better securitie to
take hold of this oppertunitie to save their lives by
avoydinge the famine and repaireinge to places of better
releife. Soe that as wee passed their Townes, they dayly
joyned to us by multitudes, and likely soe to continue
^ Here is a marginal note, "A Chowtree what it is." See ajite,
Relation v., p. 26 n.
'^ "There are no common Inns in all the Kingdom of Guzuratta,
nor indeed of all the Mogul's Countrey ; but instead thereof, in Cities,
as also in some Villages, there are certain publick Buildings, called
Sarai, built by some persons out of Charity, for the convenience of
Strangers and Travellers, who, were it not for these, would be forced
to lie in the open Aire. These are the Caravanseras which have onely
the four walls, and a covering over head ; so that to be accommodated
therein, a Man must bring along with him what is not to be had there."
Mandelslo, p. 82.
■^ Nimgul. See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 143 11. De Laet, tr.
Lethbridge, p. 32, remarks of this place, "Lingul...the inhabitants are
infamous for their habits of thieving."
■* Here is a marginal note, "The Caphila mightilye increased."
46 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
untill our arrivall att Brampoore [Burhanpur]. Heere wee
also stood on our Guard, fearinge to bee sett upon either
by Theeves or famished people.
The 2\th November 1630. Wee past some trouble this
day before wee came hither^ (Tankwarro-, 8 course), for
first w^ee were molested by some that demaunded Custome
in Mirza Backurs name^, but takeing two of them and
beating them on the soles of their feete (the ordinarie
punishment in Turkie), they confessed they belonged to
a Banian, and soe, beinge well beaten, they were lett goe.
After that wee passed by a Towne verye quietlye till the
latter part of the Caphila came upp, which, beinge of the
poorer sort, they forced some thing from them before wee
could come to their rescue. After that wee descried afarr
of 5 or 6 horsemen and 20 or 30 foote on a litle Hill neere
which wee should passe, soe wee made a stand till all the
Caphila was come upp. Then the horsemen made towards
us ; But, on Commaund, there came but one of them, whoe
told us that they were come on purpose to meete Mirza
(which wee beleive they did, although with a badd intent).
Theis also wee past. Comeing neere the Towne, wee lost
two Carts out of the Caphila, and halfe the night was spent
in passing the River [the Tapti] and getting all the Carts
upp the hill att [the]* Townes end.
The 2'^th November 1630. From Tanckwarro wee came
to Talnear-' (10 course), haveinge stayed all yesterday to
^ Here is a marginal note — "A troublesome day."
'^ Tekwara. Jourdain and Finch halted at Sindkhera. See
Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 144 11.
^ The personage here mentioned is Mirza Muhammad Bakir,
afterwards 'Azam Khan and Iradat Khan, and is not the same man
as the Bakir Khan of Relations XII. XVI. and xvii. {g.v.). Mirza
Muhammad Bakir was brother of the famous Asaf Khan (Ja'far Beg).
He was in turn Governor of Bengal, Allahabad, Gujarat and Jaunpur.
He died in 1649.
* This word is added from the copy in Harl. MS. 2286.
•'' Thalner, the hrst capital of the Faruki kings. See Jourdain, ed.
Foster, p. 144 7t.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 47
regaine strength to our Oxen in Tanckvvarro aforesaid,
where wee kept an extraordinary watch, by reason wee had
notice of 150 horsemen, whoe would be with us that night
or waylay us in the morning^ ; but wee saw them not that
night, only to day some fewe horse and foote skulkinge
among the bushes in our waie. Wee passed through a
Towne called Firpoore [? Sherpur], about which all the
high waies were soe full of dead bodyes, that wee could
hardly passe from them without treadinge on or goeino-e
over some, and from thence to Talnear all the way strewed
with them. Hard by this Towne was a litle Garden watered
with a well, which was the only place that gave the Eye
content in rydeinge neere 200 myles.
The Governour heere informed Mirza that the way
betwene this and Chopra was verie dangerous^, and there-
fore wished him to stay heere one dale more and to hire
more strength, but Mirza replyed that the Kinge had sent
for him, unto whome hee carried a present, and that if any
damage should happen unto him within his Comaund, it
should be required att his hands (It beinge theCustome in
theis parts).
The 2^th November Anno 1630. Haveinge remained
one day moare att Talnear wee departed thence in the
morninge. The Governour of the place with a good
Company of horse and foote accompanied us about 3 miles
out of Towne and then returned, leaveing 2 of his cheife
men to conduct us further ; and after a while, they also
departed, Mirza haveinge given them an ename^ unto
which wee did contribute two rupees. Comeinge neere
Chopra [Chopda] (16 course), wee sawe a great flock of
Sheepe and Goates, which to us all was as comfortable as
^ Here is a marginal note, "Newes of theeves."
"- A similar warning was given to Roe in the neighbourhood of
"Chopra" in 1615. Roe, ed. Foster, p. 88.
'^ l7iam, a gift, gratuity or bakhshish.
48 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
strange. The Governour of this place came out also to
meete Mirza, expresseing great kindenesse, feastinge him
in his Castled The Bazaree or Markett was prettie well
furnished with provision both for horse and man, which
was a great ease to our mindes-. Neverthelesse the people
lay dead upp and downe the streets.
Jlie 26th November 1630. The Governour of Chopra,
with a good number of Horse and foote, brought us out of
Towne, About the midwaie, while wee were steyinge till
the Carts all came upp, there was word brought us of a
loose Elephant neere about^ the River, which, haveinge
chased, wee tooke, and beinge knowne by the Governour,
it was sent back to Chopra. Otherwise Mirza would have
brought it alonge with him. From hence the said Governour
returned, and wee kept on our waie to the Towne (Rawood
[Adavad], 10 course)^, where the people were neere all
dead and fledd, soe that there was litle to bee hadd. Only
the Governour affoarded Mirza some provision for his
money, which was all the Courtesie hee received there.
TJie 2'jth November 1630. Wee proceeded to Beawly
[Yaval or Byaval], (11 course), a bigg Towne with a great
although ruynated Castlel This was the first place about
which wee saw any fruitefullnesse, heere beinge feilds of
Paan [pan] or Beetle \betel\ Sugar Canes and Beares*^,
a fruite as bigg as a Damson, which being ripe, is yellowish
and in Tast pleasant, somewhat like unto Apples.
1 Remains of this fort still exist.
2 Chopda was a famous mart in the seventeenth century.
■' The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has "above in."
■* Jourdain gives the distance between Chopda and Adavad as six
kos and between Adavad and Byaval as ten.
•'' The castle appears to have fallen into ruins subsequent to the
visits of Finch and Jourdain. The former describes it as "a faire
castle."
" The bcr or zisyphus jujuba. Among the "sweet fruits" of
Hindustan, enumerated in the Aln Akbari, tr. Blochmann, i. 66,
we find — "^^r, per ser., 2 dCwisP
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 49
The 2%th November 1630. From thence wee came to
Navee [Navl], (8 course). By the way was discovered one
of our Caphila, whoe would gett a Course before, and there
stand as though hee were sett there for a watchman,
makeinge manye of the poore people pay Jaggatt for their
Carts, but beinge found out, hee was soundly chawbacked\
the mony taken from him, and made to runne fast pinioned
that dale. Heere in the midle of the Bazaree lay people
new dead and others breathing their last with the food
almost att their mouthes, yett dyed for want of it, they not
haveinge wherewith to buy, nor the others so much pittie
to spare them any without money (there being no course
taken in this Country to remedie this great evill, the rich
and stronge engrossinge and takeinge perforce all to them-
selves)^. Heere wee kept a very strickt watch. Mr Yardes
peece broke into many peeces and hurt 2 men, but not
much. This Gunne was taken from the Portugalls in the
Skirmish betwene the English and them on Swally sands,
where were of them 28 taken prisoners and many slaine,
performed in the last moneth^; myselfe then att Suratt.
The 2gth November 1630. From Navee wee came to
Baderpore [Bahadurpur]'^, (12 course), a learge Towne with
a faire streete or twoe and a plentifull Bazare. Heere
Mr Yard shott an arrowe att a Dogg that had stolen and
eaten in the night some butter, etts. from us and hitt him
betwene both shoulders. The Dogg presently [immediately]
strove to scramble away with his two fore feete, not being
able to move his hinder parts, which may seeme strange.
The reason may bee, hee was struck in the very marrowe
and pith of the back bone, by which from the braine all
^ Flogged with a chdbuk or whip.
^ Here is a marginal note — "A pittifull destruction by famine."
•^ For contemporary accounts of this engagement, which took place
on the 17th October 1630, see Appendix B.
* See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 144 n.
M. II, 4
50 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
sense and motion is derived to the whole body. wSoe that,
that beinge hurt, it should seeme they were Cutt of and
stopped from the lower parts, which was the cawse of the
aforesaid defailement.
TJie '^oth November 1630. Wee came to the Cittie of
Brampore (3 course)^ where wee stayed five dayes, through
the backwardnes of our Broker Jaddoo [Jadia] in not
provideing us Cammells according as wee advised him two
dayes afore hand. Soe that it was the 6th of December
before wee could gett forth of Towne.
Brampore — The Kings How^se — The Castle — The River.
Heere wee could noate noe greate matters in our short
stay, as also being busied for our further proceede, onlie
the kings howse which is within, and a fine Castle- standinge
on a hill towards the rivers side (itt is that that runneth by
Suratt [the Tapti]), from whence hee hath a faire prospect
as well of the said river, as of the Countrie Eastward and
on the Strand. On the other side are often presented
before him severall pastimes. As fighteing of Elephants,
wilde Bufaloes, Antelops, coursinge of Hares, runninge of
horses etts.
The Bazare or markett place which joynes to the Castle
is very faire and spacious, and now, by reason of the Kinges
beinge heere, plentifully stored with all provisions, beinge
supplied with all thinges from all parts, farr and neere,
which otherwise, it may bee beleived, would feele the same
Calamitie with her Neighbour Townes, for theire is litle or
1 According to Mundy's reckoning, the distance between Surat
and Burhanpur was 170 kos, and he took 17 days to accomphsh the
journey and had three halts of a day each ; Finch did the journey in
16 days with two halts of two days each, and he makes the distance
152 Jws; Jourdain took 19 days to reach Burhanpur with one halt of
four days, and his estimate is 166 kos; TiefTenthaler (i. 366) states
that from Surat to Burhanpur is 15 days' journey or 150 "Cosses."
2 The Lai Kila. See Th^venot's description of "Brampour,"
Part HI., p. 71; and Tieffenthaler, i. 365 — 366.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 5 1
nothinge growes neere it for many miles. It being in
Compasse about 7 course, invironed with a poore mudd
wall, graced with some great mens Tombes and Messits^ ;
the buildings heere as in former places discribed-. In the
River is an Eliphant cutt in Stone and coulered in such
a posture that it seemes to the life a farr off^
The 6th December 1630. Haveinge taken our leave of
Mirza Mahmud Saphee, rendringe him many thancks for
our kinde usage by the way, wee left him at Brampore and
departed. That eveninge wee came to Pansure^ (4 course),
a poore Towne. Neere it is a verie high mountaine or
rock^ whereon stands a Castle called Haseere", about halfe
a mile in Compasse on the Topp, which is plaine, this
beinge in former tymes the Cheife seate of the Kings of
this province. Called Candesse [Khandesh], next adjoyne-
1 The tombs of Prince 'Adil Khan FarukI (1457 — 1503) and of
some of his successors, and the Jama Masjid built in the reign of
All Khan FarukI (1576— 1596).
^ Mundy apparently refers to accounts by earlier travellers, e.g.
Finch, &;c.
^ Finch, De Laet, Herbert, and Thevenot also remarked on this
stone elephant — "By the Castles side in the River lyeth an Elephant
of stone, so lively, that a living Elephant comming one day to drinke,
ranne against it with all his force, and brake both his teeth. The head
is painted red in the forehead; and many simple Indians worship it."
Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 32.
"In the river is a rock in the form of an elephant's head; the
resemblance is so striking that it frequently deceives even the elephants
themselves as they go to bathe." De Laet, tr. Lethbridge, p. 33.
"Brampore... in the river, an artificiall Elephant so skilfully shaped,
that by the Bannyans 'tis adored, and by others admired." Herbert,
P- 70- .
"In the middle of the River... there is a Figure of an Elephant
done to the natural bigness, it is of a reddish shining Stone, the back
parts of it are in the Water, and it leans to the left side ; the Elephant
(which the statue represents) died in that place fighting before the
Cha-Gehan [Shah Jahan]...who would needs erect a Monument to the
Beast because he loved it, and the Gentiles besmear it with Colours,
as they do their Pagods." Thevenot, Part in , p. 72.
* Apparently an error for Haseere (Asir), though the distance
given is too little.
•^ A hill of the Satpura range.
^ AsIr or AsTrgarh. See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 146;?.
4—2
52 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
inge to Guzaratt [Gujarat]. The Mogull [Akbar], about
34 [30] yeres since, took the kinge thereof Prisoner (by
treacherie as some say)^, whoe yett Hves and receives from
this kinge Shaw Jehan [Shah Jahan] a pension of rupees
50 per daie for his maintenance, The kinge reservinge this
place, by reason of its strength (it beinge accompted
amongst the Cheifest in India), for the keepeing part of
his treasure under the trust of an Amrawe [//;«(7r«, pki., for
aniir, noble].
The yth December 1630. Now in our Journieinge
(Burghkheesara [Barh kl Sarai, for Borgaon], 4 course), wee
began to bee freed from the sadd Spectacle of dead men,
but their places were supplyed by innumerable Carkases of
dead beasts, as Elephants, Cammells, horses, Buffaloes,
Oxen, etts. but the greatest number were of Cammells.
The 2>th December 1630. Wee came to Naysara [Nau
Sarai, the New Saral, for Sehara]^, (6 course), meeteinge by
the waie manie and great Elephants goeinge to and
comeinge from Brampore, the former beinge fedd and
fitted to the kinges use, and the latter sent away to that
end. Of theis hee hath a great number, the report variable,
some say loooo, others more, some lesse. The highest
hardly attaine to 4^ yards^. Theis are kept in severall
places of his dominion, which serve him for state, for the
warrs and for Carriage of Tents etts. Also every Amraw
or Lord hath, according to his degree, some 10, some 8,
and somiC 5 or 6 of Horses of severall kindes, As Persian,
1 See the account of the taking of the castle of "Syra" (Aslr) in
Purchas, His Pilg7'iinage^ p. 518; see also Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 146 ;/.
where Finch's version is quoted. For a modern account of the siege
and the history of the Faruki kings, see The Niiiiar Dist. Gaz.^
PP- 19— 3I5 202—203.
'^ From AsTrgarh to Dilod, Mundy's route is difficult to ti'ace, as he
does not follow the road taken by Finch and Jourdain. Most of his
halting-places have, however, been identified. Mundy's "Naysara"
still bore that name in Rennell's time. See Atlas of Bengal.
'■' The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has "4 yeards."
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 53
Arabian, Keeches\ elts. Hee is sayd to have in his owne
stables about 12000 or 14000.
The gtk December 1630. By the way hither (Cheanpore^,
9 course), wee conceive it had rayned, for there was ap-
pearance of grasse, but burnt upp againe with the Sunne.
All the waie from Suratt gates (or as I may say from the
English Garden there), wee seldome sawe any grasse or
greene thinge till wee came hither. There came now in
our Companie many Eliphants. One amounge the rest,
beinge feirce and dangerous, went with greate Chaines to
his leggs, as also men with long staves and fireworks att
their ends to hinder him from doeinge hurtel With theis
fireworks they also part them when they fight, which is one
of the kinges pastimes, most comonly twice in the weeke^
Att this Towrie there seemes to have bene a faire goodly
River, now dryed upp, only some standing pooles in the
Channell.
The loth December 1630. (Charvva^ 10 course). The
Countrie now began to shew it selfe with a litle better
countenance then hetherto. The small Townes and villages
as wee passed were stored with graine in the streets or
Bazares, And all the way as wee went wee mett with
many thousands of Oxen laiden with Corne goeing for
Brampore.
^ Kachhi, the hollow-backed horse of Kachh (Cutch) which had, in
Mundy's time, the reputation of being equal to the Arabian horse.
See Ain Akbari^ tr. Blochrnann, i. 133.
^ This place appears as Cheinpoor in Malcolm's map in his Central
India, dated 1824. It may be represented by Nandgaon, on the
Chhota Tawa, in lat. 21° 45', long. 76° 45'. See Indian Atlas, sheet 54.
^ This sentence has been corrected from the Harl. copy. The
Raiul. MS. has "att their ends from hindring them from doeinge
hurte." Here is a marginal note, "Fierce elephants, the manner of
their conductinge."
^ Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 277, describes the fighting of elephants
and their separation by charkht or Catherine wheels. Mundy has a
further allusion to elephant-fighting in Relatioti vni.
^ Charwa, a village in the Harda tahsTl, 5 miles S.E. of the Khirkian
Railway station, lying on the old high road from Delhi to Burhanpur.
54 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
The iitk December 1630. (Bechoula [Bichola], ii
course). To day through a levell Countrie, yett full of
woodes. Wee had some rayne, as also j'esterday, a thing
unusuall att this time of the yeare.
The I2th December 1630. Wee came to Standeene^
(4 course), and by the way wee saw some feilds of Corne,
which seemed to us noe lesse pleasant then Comfortable.
Neere this Towne wee past by Handeea [Handiya], a faire
Castle, built of stone-, on the banckes of the river Nerbadare
[Narbada], which runneth by Barroache [Broach] into the
Sea, beinge plentifull in fowle and fish. The Raya [Raja]
of the place made us pay rupees 3 for our 3 cammells
ladeinge, although it were noe other then beddinge,
apparrell, provision, etts., and the Cammells \ rupee per
Cammell and 2 pice a man. Standeen is on the other side
of the river.
The I'^th December 1630. By reason of some heat
which the Cammells cannot well endure, wee came to this
place (Tombree [Tumrl], 9 course), in the night, and that
through Solitarie woods. It is a poore Towne.
The \\th December 1630. Wee came to Eechahoore
[Ichhawar], (14 course), the way mountainous and woodie.
About the midd way were watchmen, but wee payed
nothinge. This day wee mett with many Bannjares*,
which are great drovers of Oxen and Buffaloes laiden with
graine etts. provisions for Brampore ; about the Towne a
Champian [champaign, flat, open] Countrie with some
greene feilds of Corne.
1 I have not succeeded in identifying this place, nor in finding any
village in the position indicated by Mundy.
2 "We came in six days [from Burhanpur] to a river called the
Narbada, where there was a town called Andia ; there was also on the
bank of the above-named river a little fort situated at the crossing-
place." Manucci, ed. Irvine, I. 67.
3 Banjara, the carrier or drover caste, found all over Khandesh,
and noticed by all European travellers of the last three centuries.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 55
The \^th December 1630. In our waie hither (Seehoore
[Sihor], 7 course), were 50 or 60 of the Kings Elephants
feedinge, the Countrie Champian and some feilds of graine
and Sugar Caines, also a great Tanck with aboundaunce of
Fowle, 3 miles short of the Towne.
The i6th December 1630. Hitherto a good Countrie,
adorned with many fruitful! feilds of graine, Sugar Canes
etts., and neere the Towne (6 course)^ another great Tanck
as well furnished with fowles as the former, whereof wee
killed some.
The ijth December 1630. Allmost all the way to this
place (Delawood [Dilod], 7 course), wee mett Baniares^ of
Corne, manie feilds thereof on either hand, and passing
through the woodes, wee saw many peacocks and peahenns
with their Younge wilde.
The \%th December 1630. This dale also wee mett
many Baniares, or Caphilaes of Graine, Butter, etts. pro-
visions goeing to the Campe att Brampore, where the
kinge lyes to prosecute his warrs against Decan. But
neere this Towne (Barowe [Barrai], 7 course) that object
ended, they comeing then out of our waye. However, that
want was supplyed with a prospect as good, namelie all
the Countrie covered with corne feilds greene, as of Cotten
alsoe, and Gardeins aboundinge with fruites and hearbes,
and within the Towne a most plentifull Bazare^ Our case
att this tyme was farr different from that formerlie, when
as nothing was presented to our viewe but dead Carkases of
men and beasts, the woefull effects of famine and mortallity.
The igth December 1630. Wee came to Pomareea
[Pamaria], (9 course), all the Countrie noe other then one
entire plott of greene Corne.
^ The unnamed town may be the modern Duraha.
2 Here, and in the following paragraph, Mundy confuses the
carriers with the goods carried by them.
^ See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 151.
56 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
TJie 20th December 1630. This Cittie (Serunge [Sironj],
10 course) is encompassed with many faire villages and
much fruitfuU ground. By it was a goodly Tanck stored
with fowle, although att present almost drie. In this place
are made greate quantities of Excellent Pintadoes or
Chints, much nominated and esteemed throughout India,
and next in goodnes to those of Muselipatan^ Heere wee
had also very good redd roses and whiter but the latter
excelled in smell. Wee made a Moccam^ or dayes staye
to refresh our selves and Cammells.
The 22th December 1630. By the way, sittinge on the
Topp of a litle Hill, wee sawe a Baniare* and many thousand
of Oxen laiden with provision. It was att least i^ miles
in length, and as many more returninge emptie to bee
reladen, and all the face of the earth, as farr and distant as
wee could descerne, covered with greene Corne. But of all
this aboundance poore Guzeratt was never the neere, where
there was most neede, it beinge all sent to Brampore to
supplie the kings Laskarrie \lashkar'\ (or Armie) lyeing
there against Decan as aforementioned. This place
(Mogolca Sara [Mughal Saral], 6 course) is in the Province
of Malwa.
The 2^th December 1630. Wee came to Sendhore
[Shahdaura], (9 course), the Countrey continueinge fruite-
full and pleasant, with many faire great trees of Manges
[mangoes] and Tamarinde. Wee past by Puttatalaw^ a
1 "White muslin of the kind called mahmudi is here [Sironj]
manufactured." Ain Akbari, tr. Jarrett, ll. 202. See also Jourdain,
ed. Foster, p. 151; and Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pintado. Mundy has a
marginal note, "Serunge noted for the best Pintadoes or painted
linen."
2 De Laet (tr. Lethbridge, p. 38) says that "Syrange" was "sur-
rounded by delightful gardens."
^ Makdm^ a halt.
■* Here again Mundy uses "Baniare" [banjCxrd) in the general sense
of caravan, including drivers, beasts of burden and baggage.
•'' Patthar-talao, the stone tank, now apparently represented by
Patarl. On the same spot Malcolm (in 1824) marks Kachhar Sara!
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 5/
Towne by which is a great Lake or Tancke, where they
saye the kinge, in his passage from Agra to Brampore
etts. those parts, doth usuaUie pitch his Tent to take his
pleasure of fowHnge and fishinge, there beinge great store
of both in the said Tancke and the Marish grounds ad-
joyninge.
The 2^th December 1630. Heere (Abdul Hasenca Sara
[Abdu'l-Hasan ka Sara, for Hasanpur], 8 course) is a very
faire foresquaire, strongly built and well contrived Sara of
Brick (haveing seene none such hitherto), by which runneth
a River [the Asa]\ where wee stayed a litle while to please
our selves with the prospect of the Sara and River afore-
said, as also of the Countrie round about, in which wee
could hardly see one spott of untilled ground, the fishes
playeing and leapeinge in the Clear water the meane tyme.
It is generallie observed that this Province of Malwa never
failed of aboundance^ and from hence are supplied many
other provinces of India in tyme of scarcitie.
The 2^th December 1630, and Christinas day. Comeing
to this place (Collaroze [Kulharas], 9 course)^, wee passed
through the same Countrie of Corne, although not al-
together soe well replenished with tillage, yett still meete-
inge with Baniares laden therewith.
Newes from Agra — Our Christmas faire —
Unmannerly doggs.
This day came to us a Peon, whoe brought us a
letter from our loveinge freinds Mr William Kremlin and
{Centt'al Ittdia, map); and in a map of Eastern Rajputana of 1871
{Archaeol. Survey^ vol. 11.) we have Kuchnal Sarai. It is quite possible
that this is the halting-place intended by Mundy.
^ Here is a marginal note, "A dainty River."
^ " The province of Malway, or Malwa, is very fertile." Mandelslo,
p. 20. See also Am Akbari, tr. Jarrett, ll. 195.
^ See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 151.
58 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
Mr Crispin Blagden^ in Agra, whereby wee understood of
their welfare, whereof wee were very glad ; and beinge
come to our Manzull- (or restinge place), wee fell to our
Christmas Cheare. The Cheifest dish boare the name of
a peece of Rost beefe (because this day of all dayes it is
most in request), but the trueth is, it was a peece of
Buffalo, both hard and Tough, a sufficient tryall of our
Jawes and stomacks ; but for our better disgestion wee
added a Cupp of Sack, of what was left us, and therewith
remembring our freinds. For the rest of our good Cheare,
wee found our selves beholding to Captaine Moreton, whoe
furnished^ us with some salt porke and Neats tongues
English, which with much adoe, wee preserved from the
doggs att our Manzulls, of which, neverthelesse, for all our
care, they carried away more then came to their share.
But our Servants (being Moores [Muhammadans]), con-
sideringe howe wee loved it, would not so much as touch
it with their hands or fingers, nay scarse with a paire of
Tongues. If the doggs had had so much manners, they
would not have carried so much away with their Teeth.
Note that Hoggs flesh is held an abhomination by Moores,
Turkes, as also by Jewes.
The 26tk December 1630. Wee came to Dungree
[DongrI], (8 course). In our way, Signor Claus and
Signer Daniell^, 2 dutch men, came from their Caphila
1 Crispin Blagden was in India "under Captain Browne" in 1625.
He returned to England in 1626 and in January 1627 was entertained
as a factor in the East India Company's service. He reached Surat in
1628 and in 1630 was sent to Agra with John Willoughby. In 1631,
" in respect of his language and knowledge in travel " he was " inordered
to accompany the caphila to Surat." He reached Bahadurpur in March,
very "indisposed," and there he probably died, as after that date he
disappears from the Company's Records. See Cal. State Papers, E.I.,
1625 — 1634; English Factories, 1625 — 1634.
2 Mansil, march or stage in a journey.
^ Mundy means "had furnished." Captain Morton did not accom-
pany the caravan. He was in Swally Road in December 1630.
* These two Dutch factors were probably Claes Helmont and
Daniel Coller. The former was sent from Surat to Burhanpur to
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 59
(which consisted of about 800 Cammells) to meete us, and
brought us to their Tent in the Middest of their Caphila,
which lay neere to Cipree [Sipri], a Stone walled Towne\
by a prettie River [the Ahir Nadi]. Wee dined and stayed
with them about two or three howres, then tooke our leaves
and departed. They were bound for Suratt with their
goods, beinge Indico and Saltpetre, and wee to overtake
our Cammells, which was not till wee arrived to our
Manzull. This day wee conceived our selves to bee in
some daunger, meetinge and overtakeinge divers suspitious
fellowes in verie badd places, the way beinge much of it
woody and rockey and wee but weakely manned, haveing
sent most of our people alonge with the Cammells.
The 2'/th December 1630. Wee came to Nurware
[Narwar], (6 course) passinge through a Mountainous
Rockie and woody Countrie^, seeing by the way many
ruynes of faire buildings, of which this Towne consisted,
it being the best wee saw yett, seated by a Rivers side
[the Sind] in a valley among many Hills [the Vindhyas],
Upon one of which adjoyninge to the Towne, stands a
Castle, or rather a Cittie for its greatnesse. The whole
Topp of the hill (being plaine) is about three miles in
Compasse and is taken in with a mightie stone walP.
buy saltpetre in July 1629, and wrote from that place in March 1630
relating his difficulties in dispatching the consignment. Hague
Transcripts^ no. ccxcviii. In a letter of 11 March 1631 Helmont
is called " Closse, the Duch." He was then at "Roude" (Aravad).
E7iglish Factories^ 1630 — 1634, p. 138.
Daniel Coller is mentioned at Surat in August and November of
1632. In November 1633 he was one of the signatories to a contract
between the English and Dutch regarding the trade in indigo.
In a letter of January 1634 his "sad and sudden death" in or about
December 1633 is noted to the Directors of the Dutch East India
Company. Hague Transcripts^ nos. cccvii., cccv., cccxix.
^ See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 151 n.
" "A road desolate and infested with robbers." De Laet, tr.
Lethbridge, p. 38.
^ See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 152 and note. Tieffenthaler, i. 175 —
176, has a detailed description of the fortress and walls of Narwar,
and of the "faire large Tancke" also. See also Archaeol. Survey
Report^ II. 307 — 321.
60 A. JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
This lyes to the westward of the Towne, And to the
Southward is a faire large Tancke^ wherein, to our seeme-
inge, were thousands of wilde fowle, but the Raya [Raja] of
the place hath forbidden the killinge of them, on paine of
looseing a hand. This Towne hath many faire Tombes
etts. buildings and plentie of all provisions.
The 28/// December 1630. On the left hand as wee
came hither (Pelacha [Paraich]-, 7 course) was a very high
hill, and on the very topp thereof, a faire Messitt \inasjid,
mosque] and Tombes (for some tymes they are all in one) ;
on the right hand a goodly fruitefull Countrie. Heere wee
laye in a good Sara.
The 2^th December 1630. By the way hither (Burre
Ka Sarae [Barh kl Sarai], 7 course) wee passed through a
Champain Countrey, full of villages, with many faire wells
called Beaulees^, running brookes of water, and Tancks
which did abound with wilde fowle of all sorts, as geese
ducks, widgeon, Teale, Also Gaelones^ this Countrie fowle.
The 30/// December 1630. Wee came to Gualleere
[Gwalior], (9 course), a Towne verie much adorned with
faire stone gates, Tombes, messitts, the forepart of their
houses supported with stone pillars. Round about were
many faire buildings, as Tombes, beaulies or deepe wells.
Arches, etts., shewing themselves farr and neere, very
beautifull to see both within and without the Towne.
1 This tank must have been recently constructed when Mundy saw
it, for Cunningham {Archaeol. Su?'vey Report, ll. 324) says it bears an
inscription dated S. i687 = a.d. 1630.
- Tieffenthaler (i. 180) calls this place " Palaitscha" and mentions
a fortress on a slightly elevated situation, but has no allusion to Mundy's
yuasjid.
^ Bciolt, a step-well.
* By "gaelones" Mundy means the galeeny {gal/ina uwrisca, guinea
fowl) and not the guinea-hen (turkey) ; see Relation xvni. zftfra. These
birds were sometimes confused in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies, and both are common nowadays in this part of India. The
earliest quotation given in the O.E.D. of "galina" for a guinea-fowl
is 1796.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 6l
Gwalior —
An admirable, strong and beautiful Castle.
But the Castle above all is to bee admired, being a
worke of Magnificence and gallant prospect, both Nature
and Art haveinge bene very liberall and free thereon^ It
stands elevated on a very high hill^ in the midle of a great
plaine, The Topp whereof is levell and in Compasse alofte
about 2 miles. Crowned with the aforesaid Castle. The
walls and Turretts whereof extend to the Extreamest part
of it every way, from whence downewards unaccessablie
steeple and rockie, and I conceive 4th of a mile per-
pend iculer, under which lyes the Towne ; and on that side
[the eastern] is the Ascent or goeing upp to the said
Castle not soe steeple as the rest, but with soe many
intricate walls, bulwarks, etts. fortifications that it is
strange to behold. On the sides of the hill or rock are
holes or habitations of foqueeres-^ (a kinde of voluntarie
beggars in India), whoe can neither goe upp or downe,
haveing their meat lett downe to them by a stringe ; the
wall round about well kept and repaired, full of battlements,
Turretts and goodly edifices, amonge the rest the kings
howse [the palace of Man Singh] to the Towneward, A
Costlie and curious buildinge, adorned with Galleries,
windowes, Copulaes [cupolas] pillers etts. Curiosities.
Heere the Kinge keepes his noblemen prisoners (such as
deserve it), from whence they hardlie [with difficulty] gett
out againe. The Compasse of the skirts of this hill may
1 The copy in Har/. MS. 2286 has : " But the Castle most of all is
admirall as if nature and Arte had agreed to make this place the
patterne of state and magnificence."
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has a marginal note here: "From
the sides of this hill are great store of loadstones digged out and
transported."
■■^ In the margin Mundy has written : "Joogees \_jogl\ foqueeres
[faktry He is alluding to the dwellers in the caves containing the
famous rock-sculptures at Gwalior, executed c. 1460 and mutilated
by order of the Emperor Babar in 1527.
62 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
bee neere 4 miles, and for my part it is the rarest place
that ever I sawe, I speake for the outside of this Castle,
and all in generall considered, it seemes rather the worke
and monuments of the Auntient Romaines then of
Barbarous Indians, as wee esteeme them, such is the
wonderfull warlike and delightsome prospect of all, as well
the Castle as Towne etts. places heere adjacent ^ The
designe thereof I have sett downe, which somewhat
resembles the manner of it-.
To this may bee added a great deepe ditch by which
wee came alonge, neere 3 miles in length and reacheth
within one mile of the Towne, which was told us was made
long tyme since by the Kinge of this place to bringe a
River to Gualleire, but proved to noe effecte. It may bee
by Judgment 12 fathome deepe, and 20 fathom broade,
verie narrowe in the Bottome, where was to bee seene a
litle Channell with gravell and peble stones, signes of
runninge water, which may bee only in tyme of raynes.
Now it remaines only as a Monument of extraordinary
labour and Cost to small purposed Heere are two very
faire Saraes. This place is nominated to yeild the best
1 The fortress of Gwalior from its cession to Akbar until 1761
remained in Mogul hands and was used mainly as a state prison.
All the seventeenth century travellers were impressed with the
strength of Gwalior castle and are very full on the subject. For
various descriptions, see Purchas, His Filgriinage, p. 5 1 1 ; Jourdain,
ed. Foster, pp. 152 — 153 and 364 (Finch's account); De Laet, tr.
Lethbridge, p. 10; Mandelslo, p. 20; Tavernier, ed. Ball, I. 62;
Thevenot, Pt. ill. pp. 66 — 68 ; Manucci, i. 69 — 70; Ovington, p. 362 ff.
None of these travellers, however, mention \.\-\& fakirs'' caves which so
impressed Mundy, and he, on his part, has no reference to the stone
elephant described by nearly all the authors. For a detailed history
of Gwalior fortress, Man Singh's palace, &c., see ArcJiaeol. Survey
Report, II. 330—396.
2 See Illustration No. 5. Tieftenthaler, i. 246, has an illustration
of Gwalior castle and a full description on p. 186.
" Mundy appears to be alluding to one of the numerous irrigation
works, perhaps the MotT-jhIl, constructed by Man Singh during his
reign of 37 years (i486 — 1523).
,^ ^, --, ^--j ^ I '.
f /^ rri^mi^i <tfji>rr2. j(tia.ts '■ '^ : it. /fzuul/ otyTitCi-fo-^ ^^omT rm-f\f J'/f9fo^t: 'f'^/^'V^
fjailiiyt Socitty.^
No. 5. GWALIOR FORT, 163I
Hv-
\Strics //, Vitl. 35.
1630] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 63
Chambelee^ or sweete oyle which is much used in India to
annoynt their heads and bodyes, and is from hence carried
to divers places.
The ■^it/i December 1630. Wee passed by many small
ruinated and depopulated Tovvnes, but the cause hereof
wee could not learne. Heere (Mende Sara [? Mundiakhera],
1 1 course) wee received another letter from our freinds in
Agra.
The 1st January 1630/31. Wee came to Dholpoore
[Dholpur], (9 course), neere to which wee passed over a
faire and learge River [the Chambal] as broad as the
Thames in many places now in the drye time"; but the
bancks are twice as broad, which are filled in tymes of
rayne and very deepe. Heere are many great passinge
boates, both ends lookeing upwards like a halfe moone or
as you use to painte Shipps of auntient tymes, or Noahs
Arke^. Heere are great store of fowle. Wee had some
trouble passing over. Some 3 miles before wee came to
the river, wee passed through the strangest peece of ground
that ever I savve. I cannot better compaire it then to the
tumblinge and totteringe waves of the sea in a storme.
Before wee came neere all appeared plaine, but att our
approach wee found it all such strange deepe Crackte
ground in generall that it was fearefull to see, amongst
which lay our way, and indeede very daungerous, for there
might lurke many thousand, and wee never the wiser, it
1 Chambeli or jasmi7in]n grandifloriim. " Fine smelling flowers.
The Chambeli. White, yellow and blue. In the rains, and partly
during winter." Am Akbari, tr. Blochmann, i. 76. "For their
flowers... not many of them... are any way fragrant. Amongst them
that are, there is one white flower, like to Spanish jessamin (if it
be not the same), which is exceedingly well scented, of which they
make a most excellent pure sweet oil, with which they anoint their
heads and other parts of their bodies ; which makes the company
of those that do so very savoury and sweet." Terry, p. 99.
2 See Finch's description quoted in Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 153 n.
^ Several Indian boats correspond with this description, e.g. the
pulwar or skiff, the khobiaiya or gondola and the dengi or dinghy.
64 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
was soe full of intricate passages, Trenches, Crackes, [etts.J^
verie deepe and thick together. The occasion hereof, God
knowes. Only I conceive thus much : — the ground att
first was (questionlesse) plaine as the rest, which being
verie softe and clayish, then raineing upon it, the Sunne
commeing on that againe, cawsed att first some small
Cliffs^ or Cracks, upon which following more rayne washed
them deeper from tyme to tyme even to the present
profunditie carryeinge all that wanted betwene into the
River ; or otherwise some Earthquake That should shatter
it soe.
Haveing passed the River [the Chambal], wee found
the like ground on the other side for three miles, and then
wee came to firme ground againe, where were many faire
Tombes, Messitts^ etts., and a Beaulee or well of admirable
workemanshipp and depth, The descent consistinge of
above 80 stepps, a faire and artificiall arched porch for
entrance, and many passages with staires, roomes and
galleries as you goe downe, on either hand alike, all built
of learge redd stone. The Kinge is also buildinge a new
Towne heere which by its begininge doth promise much
for state and Coste^
The 2d JaniLary 1630/31. In the way hither (Saya
[Saiyan, Sainya], 1 1 course) wee passed over a faire large
stone bridge-', comparable to that of Rochester, It had
20 greate Arches, 2 Piramides att either end, with prettie
1 This word is added from the copy in Harl. MS. 2286.
- The Harl. copy has " clifts."
•' Under Akbar, Dholpur was the residence of Imperial governors,
and it is to buildings erected by them that Mundy is probably
aUuding.
•* Mundy is evidently alluding to the suburb of Dholpur erected
by Fathu'llah Khan, Shah Jahan's Siibadar and called after him
Fathabad. See Rajptitana Gaz.., ed. 1879, !• 247 and 265. The
Gaz. of Eastei'fi Rajpiitana, 1905, omits this historical confirmation
of our author's statement.
•'' Possibly at Jaju where the road crosses the Utangan river.
163 1 ] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 65
Cupalaes etts. in the midle, whereof this Countrey uses
much about their Tombes, messitts, Saraes, etts.
' TJie '^d January 1630/31. Wee arrived att the Cittie
of Agra (9 course), the now imperiall seat of the great
Mogoll or kinge of India^ lyeing in the Province of
Hindaston, our much longed for place of repose, and with
much joy were received by our loveing freinds, Mr William
Fremling [Fremlen] and Mr Crispin Blagden, three miles
forth of Towne. Nott long after came Signor Henrici
Vapore-, Principall of the Dutch, And soe altogether wee
went to Darreecubaag [the Dehra Bagh], the Kings garden,
and haveinge refreshed our selves there some 3 or 4 howres,
wee departed to the English howse, where some 2 or three
dayes passed in receiveinge and visitinge our freinds,
vizt., Signor Vapore, Signor Salomon^, etts. of the Dutch
howse, Signor Jeronimo*, an Italian, Signor Francisco, a
^ Prince Khurram was proclaimed Emperor at Agra on the
6th February 1628, under the title of Shah Jahan. Agra remained
the capital until his death when the seat of govenment was once more
transferred to Delhi.
^ Hendrik Arentszen Vapour, about whom an amusing incident is
recorded in 1629. In January Vapour came from Agra to Surat with
a caravan of Dutch goods and started to return in Apnh On the 25th
" at the gate of the city Factor Hendrik Arents Vapour was detained
by the guards and ordered to dismount. A quarrel ensued and Vapour
was wounded in the arm but managed to leave the gate. The governor
sent 50 horsemen after him commanding him to return to Suratte,
which order Vapour ignored but sent Mr {sic) van der Graaff with
his horse, Vi'hich they had tried to detain, to explain matters and
complain of the rough treatment the party had received. On arriving
before the governor it was found that the horse was not a Persian
breed at all but an ordinary nag. Many excuses were offered and the
fault thrown on the guards." Hague Transcripts, no. cxcviii. Vapour
died about the end of the year 1632. Dagh Register-, 1631 — 1634, p. 169.
^ Salomon Voorknekt, Dutch factor, was sent from Surat to Agra,
in charge of a caravan, in 1629. In 1634 he was at Surat and was one
of the signatories of a contract between the Dutch and English relating
to the indigo trade. In 1636 and 1642 he was at Agra, after which date
I have found no mention of him. See Hague Transcripts, nos. ccxcviii.
and cccxiv. ; Dagh Register, 1636 and 1642. Mundy has a further
allusion to Voorknekt in 1633 {Relation xvi.).
■* Jeronimo Veroneo. He and Francisco are both mentioned again
in Relation xv.
66 A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA [REL. VI
Frenchman, and other Christians, and then applyed our
selves to follow the Companies affaires, accordinge to the
enorderinge of our Principall. Gods holy name be praised
for our preservation to this placed
From Suratt to Brampore [Burhanpur] is ac-
compted small course 170
From Brampore to Agra is accompted great course 226
170 small course att i^ mile per course is miles 212^
226 great course att i^ mile per course is miles 339
in all 551I
396 Course of India make English Miles 55 1^
And this is the smallest Computation that I thinck
ever was made, for there bee some that make it 700, other^
800, and some 1000 miles, but I have recconed as neere as
I could Judge, and with the least of the number of the said
Courses^ I informed my selfe dayly of our Carters and
Cammellers as wee passed from place to place, whoe
accompted the great course to be much longer then is
heere sett downe. Howsoever, by my Judgment and some
tryall, it is nearest i^ miles, rather more.
Theis Courses are vulgar, but those used by the Kinge
and great men are farr longer^ for when they travell
among other people of service (of whom there are multi-
tudes) there be two appoynted to measure the way before
1 The Harl. copy adds "Amen."
2 The Har/. copy has " others."
3 Mundy is quite right in his statement that he has not exaggerated
his mileage. In fact he has under-estimated it. Tieffenthaler, ill. 27,
gives the distance from Surat to Burhanpur as 201 miles (it is really
about 237), and from Burhanpur to Agra as 380, i.e. 581 against
Mundy's 55 15. However, as Mundy did not follow the usual route
between AsTrgarh and Dilod, but struck across country in a more
direct line, his estimate may not be far short of the truth. Pelsart's
estimate is much higher. He says (p. 19) that from Surat to Agra,
7>m "Baramprour" is "500 cos."
* The Narl. copy has a marginal note here : " How much the
antient Corse is and how measured."
163 1] A JOURNEY FROM SURATT TO AGRA 6/
him\ which is in this manner: — There is a lyne of 25
common Cords [?^<3:^r] of Agra in length, the ends thereof
made fast over two mens sholdeers, which they stretch at^
length. Then the former makes a Stroake on the ground
with a stafife and passeth foreward, the other following him,
alwaies keepeing the said lyne Tought [taut] and Straight.
And when the hindermost cometh to the Stroke hee
calleth out, which is for that one they have gon. Then att
that instant doth the other make another marke, being then
the length of the lyne before him ; and when the latter
cometh upp to the Stroke hee cryeth againe, which is the
Second, and the foremost marketh againe ; and soe untill
they make 200 of the said lynes, never stoppinge att all,
but continually goe on a good pace, keepeinge their
recconinge on beadsl And so much is their auntient
Course, vizt., 200 lines att 25 Coards is Coards 5000^; att
I yards English is yards 4000 ; att 3 foote per yard is
12000 Foote; att 1000 paces Geometrical! per mile and
5 foote per pace is 5000 feete per mile. A Course, 12000
of the said feete, is 2|'' mile English, their auntient Course
not vulgarlie knowne, only used as aforesaid by great men
in their Travells ; And soe the great Course mentioned in
our Journey have the name thereof, but not the Contents.
Noate that from Suratt to Agra is 396 Course and
amounteth unto as on thother side, English Miles 551^.
^ "Whenever His Majesty travels, the distances are recorded in
pole measurements by careful surveyors, and their calculations are
audited by the Superintendent and inspector." Ain Akdari, tr. Jarrett,
IT. 414—415.
^ For other accounts of " measuring the way," see Manucci, ll. 70 ;
Ovington, p. 191 ; Tiefifenthaler, I. 24.
^ "Akbar fixed the kos at... 400 poles, each pole of I2j gaz or
5000 gaz to the kos. Ain Akbari, tr. Jarrett, il. 414.
* Akbar's kos was, however, rather more than 2^ miles. See
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Coss ; Elliot, Hist, of India, \u. 163. Mundy's
" cord" is clearly the gaz of c. 33 in., probably through "covid," then
its equivalent.
5—2
68 [REL. VI
MUNDY'S PRIVATE LETTERS.
Appendix to Relation VI.
Two letters from Peter Mundy to Crispin Blagden,
dated 24th January 163 1. O. C. Nos. 1339
and 1339A.
Mr Crispin Blagden
Your good health and prosperous Journey^ wished
for in the first place. Next, these are to advise you
that this morning very early I writt to Sigr. Caspar^
aboutt your Jewell, which returned answear that it was
nott ready butt would be by Dopore \do-pahar, noon],
which were I ascertained [assured of], I would have
kept one of these men to have carried it you. How-
soever I will send to him againe ; and if itt bee ready,
and that it may com [to] you in tyme, I will send one
from our house away with itt ; [or] when nott [if not
then], itt may bee sentt to overtake you on the way.
As for the Pistol, as in regard I am butt slenderly
armed here and you are better and bigger provided
there, I do entreat you to leave it for my owne defence,
not knoweing how soon I may have occasion to use
itt. So ending, as I began, with my prayers to almighty
God for your good Journey, I Committ you to his
gratious protection and Remayn, Your very loving
freind
Peter Mundy
\2A^t]i\ January Anno 1630 [1631]
[Endorsed]
To his very loving freind Mr Crispin Blagden
Merchant In Mogulcaseroy [Mughal-kl-saral]'\
1 Blagden was in charge of the Company's kafila from Agra to
.Surat. See ante, note on p. 58.
2 " Sigr. Caspar" is probably identical with the " Caspar Boudaen,"
mentioned in 1636 as the owner of a "magnificent jewel" of which Shah
Jahan desired the refusal. See Hague Transcripts, no. cccxxxv.
■' This caravan station, the modern Mughal Saral, was Mundy's
halting-place on the 22nd December 1630. See ante, p. 56.
[631] mundy's private letters 69
Mr Blagden
Sig. Gaspar this afternoone sent your Jewell which
goeth here inclosed, but hee sent not word of any thing
dew to him for making etts. I doe send it you
Imediately upon receipt, and these beeing to no other
purpose doe Committ you to God and Remayne, Your
loving Freind
Peter Mundy
A^-ra the 2AftJi Jaimary 1630 [1631]
Tisserapore {tisrd pahar, afternoon)
[Endorsed as before]
Letter from Peter Mundy to John Skibbow,
dated 6th September 1631. O.C. No. 1373.
[Mr John SJkibbowe^ and Worthily respected Freind
By a letter receaved from Mr Glascocke^ the 2d
Currantt, I perceave what you had Don ffor mee ;
Nott only paying unto him Ms. \iiiaJiinudis\ 409 : 13,
which were in your hands of Myne, Butt allso im-
presting mee Ms: 500 more, which could never com
mee better to passe, and ffor the same I Do render
you many humble and hearty thancks ffor your kind
Remembrance. By letters receaved the same tyme,
1 See ante^ note on p. 22.
^ Henry Glascock was entertained as a factor by the Court in
January 1626. He went to Surat, and in 1631 was appointed "to
followe the customehouse buisines " there. In 1632 he apphed for
permission to return to England, his six years agreement being
expired ; but as he was then acting as Warehousekeeper and could
not be spared, he was detained till 1632, when he sailed with Mundy
in the Mary as appears in Relation xix. On his arrival in England
he was accused of having carried on extensive private trade and was
called on to explain how, in spite of having been "a great gamester
and lost at dice above 2,500 /.," he had yet come home with "a very great
estate." After various denials, Glascock owned to a certain amount of
private trading and acknowledged that he had burnt his account books
before leaving Surat. In February 1635 he was fined ;^4oo, but on the
intercession of his brother the sum was "abated" by 300 marks. At
the end of the same year Glascock petitioned, first for re-employment
under the Company, and next for a passage to India in one of the
Company's ships. Both requests were refused, and he then joined
Courteen's Association and once more became associated with Mundy.
See Cal. State Pape^^s^ E.I., 1625— 1634; English Factories, 1626 —
1634; Court Minutes., 1635 — 1643.
70 iMUNDY'S PRIVATE LETTERS [REL. VI
I was ascertained You were gon to Bantam, and att
your retourne thatt you were resolved ffor England,
God grauntt all may bee with health and prosperity,
uppon which occasion I shall make bould with you
once againe and trouble [you] with a letter to bee
Delivered to Mr Job Harby\ which I will make r[ead]y
and send before your Departure. I have not more to
inlarge [bu]tt my pr[ayers to the] Almighty to prosper
your intended voyage and bring y[ou saf]e- to thatt
good land where wee all hope to arrive att length, and
soe Remayne, Yours to bee Commaunded
Peter Mundy
A_^ra tJie 6tk September Anno 1 6'^ i
[Endorsed]
To his very much esteemed and Worthy freind
Mr John Skibbow Merchant,
delivered In Surat
1 For Mundy's connection with Job (afterwards Sir Job) Harby, see
vol. I. p. liii.
- The letters and words between square brackets are torn or illegible
in the oritrinal.
RELATION VII.
A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE [KOIL] AND SHAWGURRE^
[SHERGARH], being DISPEEDED by MR FREMLIN
ABOUT THE COMPANIES AFFAIRES, VIZT.
The ijth December Anno 163 1. I departed from Agra
in the afternoone and that night went noe further then the
other side of the River Jemina [Jamna], (Shecundra,
1 course)^, where wee stayed in a poore Sarae.
The i^th December 163 1. Wee came to Jellesere
[Jalesar], (13 course), passing by and through theis
Townes, vizt. Nusarae*, 3 course ; Aulkeera [Anwalkhera],
2 course ; Neemake sarae [Saral Nim], 4 Course ; and to
this place, 4 course; in all 13 Course. This is a great
Towne, haveing a Castle-*.
A Robberie — A daungerous place [Jalesar].
To day morninge in our way there was 7 or 8 bundles
of Cowdunge fuell and a boy standinge by it, whoe told us
that a litle before day certaine theeves had carried away
1 The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has : "A little journey from Agra to
Cole and Shawgurre, the River Ganges etts.''
2 Sikandra is 5 miles N.W. of Agra.
' Nau Sarai or the new sardi^ probably identical with the modern
Sarai Hazam.
* According to Cunningham, the fort at Jalesar is supposed to have
been founded by the Rajas of Taragarh and was altered and occupied
by Muhammadan governors. See Archaeol. Survey of India, iv. 215 —
216.
72 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE ETTS. [REL. VII
Two weomen, 4 Oxen and 6 asses, which were goeinge
towards Agra, and meeteing them in that place, threw
downe the fewell and boy, takeinge along with them the
Weomen and Cattle, departed ; hereabouts beinge the
most daungerous place for Robbers that is in all India
(by report), as usuall neere to great Citties. Alsoe att
Neemeke Sarae, where wee baited, there was taken per-
force from thence the foregoeinge night two Horses and
some Carts.
The \<^th December 1631. This Towne is also called
Shecundra^ (8 course). It hath a Castle ; nothinge els to
day worth Notice.
The 20th December 163 1. Wee discerned this place
(Cole [Koil]-, 14 course) longe before wee came to it,
because it standeth on a round hill, haveing a highe Tower
on the topp that may bee seene a farr ofife^. It is a faire
Towne with a Castle, but in none of theis Castles could
I perceave any Ordinance. Halfe way wee past through
another great Towne called Ecbareabad [Akbarabad, now
Akrabad], much dispeopled by sicknes.
Munares with dead mens heads.
One day (my busines permitting mee) I went to take
the ayre about the Towne, and att one side thereof were
many Munaries^ or litle Turretts with many mens heads
^ The modern Sikandra Rao.
2 The ancient town of Koil joins the suburb of Ahgarh and is now
usually called by the latter name.
3 The Koil Minar, erected in a.d. 1253 to commemorate the victories
of Sultan Nasiru'd-dln. It was pulled down in 1862. For a description of
the tower see DisMct Gaz. of the United Proi'inces, vi. 165 ; Transac-
tioits Archaeol. Society of Agra, 1874, pp. vii.— xii.
4 Minar, turret, obelisk. Compare Manucci, ed. Irvine, i. 134:
"Every time that a general won a victory the heads of the villagers
were sent as booty to the city of Agra.. ..After twenty-four hours the
heads were removed to the imperial highway, where they were hung from
the trees or deposited in holes on pillars built for this purpose. Each
pillar could accommodate one hundred heads."
1631] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE ETTS. 73
round about it, made into Morten It is built of purpose,
in forme like a Pigeon howse, not exceedinge 3 or 4 yards
in height and soe many more in compassed Theis heads
were of certaine Theeves lately taken by the Fousdare
\faujddr'\ of this government, Tage Ckaun [Taj Khan]-.
There bodies were hunge upp by the heeles in a grove of
Mango trees, and by which wee also passed through. Of
theis Theeves soe lately taken, some were roasted alive,
and the rest their heads cutt off; Alsoe about the Towne
were many of their bodyes on Stakes I Munares are
comonly neere to great Citties.
A Fousedarre is a Captaine of 2 or 3000 horse with
5 or 6000 foote, more or lesse accordinge to the place
where hee is sent, appoynted of purpose to keepe that part
of the Countrey quiet^ there beinge a Governour besides
ordinarilie ; but this man held both places, haveinge his
maintenance from the Labourers whoe are generally
Hindowes, whome they call Gauares-5, useing them as the
Turks doe the poore Christians that live under his Tyrannie
(in some parts), takeinge from them all they can gett by
their labour, leaveinge them nothinge but their badd mudd
walled ill thatched covered bowses, and a few Cattell to
till the ground, besides other misseries". For theeves that
forage over this part of the Countrie doe many tyme
belonge to Some stronge place afarr off, takeing their
1 See Illustration No. 6.
"- I have found no reference to any official of this title. According
to the Gaz. of the N. W. Provinces, 1875, il. 488, Nijabat Khan was
fatcjddr of the district now known as Aligarh, at the beginning of
Shah Jahan's reign.
3 See Terry's account (p. 354) of punishments for murder and
theft.
* Mundy uses the i&rmfaujdar as a military governor of a district,
but under the Mogul Government the term was usually applied to an
officer in charge of the police. See Hobson-Jobson., s.v. Foujdar.
•5 Ganwar, gawdr, gwctr, a rustic.
c The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has marginal notes : " The estate of
the Common Countrie people — theyre miseries."
74 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE ETTS. [REL. VII
lodgeings in theis poore villages (which they [the villagers]
durst not contradict nor cannot prevent), from whence they
make their Sallies on passengers. Newse hereof cometh
to the Fousedare, whoe makes to the place with his
Laskarre \Jashkar, camp, army], and without resistance
kills most of the men. The rest, with weomen and
Children, are carried away and sold for Slaves. Other-
while the people of a whole Towne are removed to another
afarr off, and the people of that towne to this againe. This
happens sometymes to those that are Innocent ; But for
the most part the Townes themselves are not without store
of theevish Gacoares^ Heere nowe are in this Castle about
200 of them^ prisoners, because they cannot pay the Tax
imposed on them, which heretofore was paid when their
Corne was sold ; but now they must pay for it in the
ground. This is the life of the Hindoes or Naturalls of
Hindostan etts. [and other] parts of India under the
subjection of the Mogoll hereawaies.
The 2/\th December 1631. I departed from Cole and
qame to Kerneabaz [Karanbas] (17 course), seated on the
bancks of the river Ganges (called heere Gonga [Ganga]).
In our way wee passed through divers Townes, as Shirta
[Chherat], Shercoopoore [Shekhupur] where wee baited,
also ^, att whose gate wee found the brother
to Raia Aneerae'* (in whose Jagaere' wee now were), with
^ Mundy appears to be alluding to marauding Gakkhars. For the
history of this Rajput tribe, see Ind. Ant. xxxvi. 8 — 9; and Tribes
and Castes of the Punjab and N. W. Frontier Province, ll. 274^277.
^ "Them" refers to the villagers and not to the "theevish
Gacoares."
^ There is a blank here in the original.
* Anup Ral, one of Jahanglr's Rajput attendants, who risked his
life for the Emperor in a tiger-hunting expedition and was rewarded
with the title of An! Ral Singh-dalan and a grant of 84 villages under
the name of the pargana of Anupshahr. See Memoirs of Ja/idngtr,
pp. 186 — 188; Dist. Gas. United Provinces., V. 148: Roe, ed. Foster,
p. 282.
5 Jdgir., an assignment of land and income therefrom: estate.
1631] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE ETTS. 75
many other on horseback, and footmen armed with Guns,
bowes, launces, etts. demaunding of us what wee were and
whither wee went that way. To whome, giveing faire
words, wee passed. This they doe because that sometymes
men of Noate doe flie out of this Kingdome (which
reacheth not above 80 or 100 Course this waie) to Comaun
Ghurre [Kumaon Garh] belonging to a Raie [Raja] not
subject to this Kinge\ although hee send him presents now
and then.
Ganges River.
The River Ganges (vulgarly called Gonga, by somme
of the better sort, Ganghem)^, soe famous in auntient
tymes and att present, and noe lesse honoured by the
Hindooes, Had att this place (3 course [from Karanbas])
and tyme noe more water then runneth before Blackwall
att full Sea (it beinge now out of the raynes) ; neither were
the Bancks much more then -|- a mile from side to side
hereabouts, although both above and belowe it the Channel!
appeares to be above 2 miles in breadth, which is full of
great shelves and bancks of verie white sand, amonge
which the water runneth heere and there. Att the place
where I passed over is about 7 or 8 fathome deepe, the
water of somewhat a darke Greene. In tyme of Raines it
overflowes the Bancks the distance of 8 or 9 miles, the
banck of the hither side somewhat highe, and the Countrie
for 10 or 12 course verie fruitefull, pleasant, peaceable, and
well governed, being in the Jaggueere of Raja Aneera
^ The district of Kumaon was governed by the Chand Rajas, who,
as Mundy rightly observes, were practically independent. The ruler
at this time was Trimal Chand (1625 — 1638). See Gaz. N. W. P.,
1884, XI. 560. By Kumaon Garh Mundy seems to mean the old fort
near Almora, then the capital. See op. cit., p. 539.
^ Mundy is here probably confusing the term gdngam, Ganges-
water, i.e. holy water from the Ganges, for Ganga, the vernacular
name of the Ganges itself. I am indebted to Dr F. W. Thomas
for this suggestion.
7^ A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE ETTS. [REL. VII
aforesaid. Of Ganges I can say noe more att present,
although the superstitious Hindoos reporte a thousand
fables of it, and come as many miles almost to wash them-
selves in it cleane of all their sinns, it being accompted
most sacred amongst them. I passed to the farther side in
a small boate, but swamme back, it being not very broad,
as afore mentioned.
Note that from Cole hither I came not about the
Companies busines, but understanding the River to bee
soe neere, and haveinge some leasure, I tooke occasion to
come and see it.
TJie 2$t/i December 1631. I returned to Cole (17 course)
where in fewe dayes I bought, weyed, filled and skinned
40 great fardles^ of Indico, enordringe some servants to goe
to convey it to Agra, myselfe being to goe for Shawgur
[Shergarh]- about the Companies Saltpeter lyeinge there.
The ^th January 163 1/2. I came to Shawgurr (8 course),
where I weighed, filled, skinned, and bowsed about 400
Fardles Saltpeter. This is the onlye place about Agra
where it is sold and made, which is after this manner.
From about 20 Course of[f] they bring a kinde of earth on
Carts, which is spread abroad in places made of purpose,
powringe water thereto, which in few dayes will Cake like
Ice on the Topp. This they take away now and then, and
after refine it by boylinge it in water, all the durt and trash
goeinge to the bottome. This is the best Saltpeter that is
transported out of India to Christendome^
^ Fardle, or fardel, a bundle, was the English term for the churl,
the Anglo-oriental unit by which indigo was bartered (see Yule, Hedges'
Diaiy, ill. 171 ;?.). Foster, English Facto7-ies, 1618 — 1621 (p. 60 ??.),
gives the weight of the greater churl as a little over five maunds and
of the smaller about four. Mundy's "great fardle" would therefore
be equal to the greater churl.
" .Shergarh on the right bank of the Jamna 22 miles north of
Muttra. I have found no other mention of this place as a depot for
saltpetre.
" See Pelsart, pp. 1 1 — 12, for saltpetre in the neighbourhood of Agra
and the manner of makintr it.
163 1] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO COLE ETTS. "JJ
With the Courser sort, water or other drincks are made
very Coole in this Countrey in tyme of heats, by puttinge
a quantitie to dissolve into a Kettle of water ; and in it
they continually stirr the vessell with the fresh water etts.
till it growe cooled
A Raja is heere Governour under the Kinge, although
accompted halfe a Rebell.
The i6th January 163 1/2. I returned to Agra (32
course) another way which is heere omitted, I say the
perticuler names of the Townes etts. passages.
From Agra to Cole and soe to Ganges amounteth unto
Course 56, att \\ mile each, which is miles 84
From Ganges back to Cole, from thence to Shaw-
gurr and soe to Agra is course 64, miles 96
Miles 180
^ See Ain Akdari, tr. Blochmann, i. 55 — 56, for a similar account.
RELATION VIII.
A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA IN THE BORDERS
OF BENGALA, WITH 8 CARTS LADEN WITH QUICKSILVER,
A SMALL PARCELL OF VERMILLION, AND SOME ENGLISH
CLOTH FOR THE ACCOMPT OF THE HONBLE. COMPANIE,
TO BEE THERE SOLD AND RETURNES MADE\ AS
ALSO TO SEE THE STATE OF THE COUNTREY
AND WHAT HOPES OF BENEFITT BY
TRADEINGE INTO THOSE PARTS,
VIZT.
The 6th Attgtist Anno 1632, I departed from our howse
in Agra, beinge in the Streete called PuUhuttee [phal-hatti,
fruit and vegetable market], and crossing over the river,
I came to Noore mohol ca Sara (i course), which is a very
faire one, built by the old Queene Noore mohol [Nur
Mahal] for the accommodation of Travellers", in which
may stand 500 horse, and there may conveniently lye 2 or
3000 people ; All of Stone, not one peece of Timber in it,
the roomes all arched, each with a severall Copula. It
1 The copy in Haj-L MS. 2286 adds: "and the money to be there
Invested."
2 The sardi, called after Jahanglr's queen, was built by him in the
district known as Nurmahal. A portion of the building still exists and
the gateway was restored and repaired in 1882. See Prescrv. of Nat.
Monuments in f?idia, 3d Report.
1631] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 79
Stands betwene Two gardens, built also by her\ Mr John
Robinson accompanied mee over.
TJie yth August 1632. Wee remained all day in ditto
Sarae. About ten a Clock morninge came Mr Fremlin
and Mr Yard over to us, and altogether [we all together]
went into one of the aforesaid Gardens, where wee dined
and passed away the tyme till 4 in the afternoone, att
which tyme Mr Fremlen and Mr Robbinson, with
Mr Yard, tooke theire leaves, returned to Agra, and left
mee to prosecute my tedious and troublesome Journey.
Att this instant came Sanderdas [Sundar Das] to goe
alonge with mee for an Assistant. Hee was Couzin to
Gourdas [Gur Das], (Broker in Surat)^ to Dongee [Dhanji],
our Broker in Agra, and Panju [Panju] in Baroache
[Bharoch, Broach], theis being the Sonns of two brothers,
whereof Jaddoo [Jadu], Broker in Brampore [Burhanpur],
is the 3d^ Now, whereas I mentioned Mr John Robbinson
to bee in Agra, You shall understand that on my request
to the President and Councell att Suratt to lycense my
repaire to my Countrie (my tyme being neere expired)*.
1 One of these gardens is the Moti Bagh, which Mundy tells us, in
Relation XV., was built by Nur Mahal. The second garden may repre-
sent the site of Nawal (or Nawab) Ganj, erected in Shah Jahan's reign.
See Cunningham, Aj'chaeol. Surv. of India^ iv. 159 — 162.
^ These words have been supplied from the copy in Harl. MS. 2286.
There is a caret in the Rawl. copy marking the omission.
^ Jadu and his nephews were in the Company's service for nearly a
quarter of a century. Gur Das was broker at Ahmadabad and Surat.
He died in 1632. Dhanji, "your auncient Agra broker," was dismissed,
in 1644, for "negligence in your busines, disrespective abearance. ..but
chiefly for endeavoring to distroy Mr Turner by sorcery." Panju,
after twenty years' service at Broach and Ahmadabad, was also dis-
missed, in 1636, on account of "misdoings." Jadu was broker and
interpreter at Surat as early as 161 1. In Sir Thomas Roe's time he
was "Court broker" at Agra. In 1623 he embezzled the Company's
money and was removed from his post, but in 1630 he was again
in favour. In 1633 he was reported to be "very poor." The latest
mention I have found of him is at Agra in 1635. See Letters Received,
161 1 — 1617; English Factories., 1618 — -1645.
* Mundy's five years' agreement expired in February 1633.
80 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
they graiinted it ; and thereupon sent upp the said
Mr Robinson to supply my place in case of my departure.
Hee came with one Captain Quaile as his Lievetennant
in^ Swally about^ ; and by reason of the great mortallitie^
(as alsoe haveinge very good parts of his owne) [he] was
entertained-*, and sent uppon [(sic), up here] with 253
barrells of Quicksilver, under Conduct of Mr John Leach-
land as farr as Brampore ; and from thence to Agra
himselfe came with it, whoe alsoe brought about 100
Quintalls^ of Vermillion and 25 or 26 Balles [bales] of
Broadcloth. Captaine Quaile** came from England in a
very small vessell [the Sea/wrse] with a pattent or lycense
from the Kinge to come for the redd Sea, there to make
reprisall of any the Kings Enemies or those with whome
hee had not peace. Att his returne from thence, hee putt
into Swally without effectinge any great matter.
1 The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has "into."
- There is evidently an omission here. Perhaps the date, 1631, is
intended.
3 Owing to the pestilence succeeding the famine of the years
1630 — 1632.
* John Robinson was "entertained out of Captain Quaile's ship as
factor" at a Consultation held in Surat on the 9th February 1632.
English Factofies, 1630 — 1634, p. 206. He is mentioned again in
Relations xil. and xvi.
^ A weight of one hundred pounds, a cwt. (112 lbs.).
^ For Captain Richard Quail's Royal Commission, his seizures in
the Red Sea, his quarrels with the Company's servants at Surat, and
his death in October 1632, s,&e English Factories, 1630 — 1634, pp. xvi. —
xvii.
1632] INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN TEACHLAND 81
Directions and Instructions given by us the President and
Councell of India in behalfe of the honble. Company to
our good freindes Mr John Leachland and Mr John
Robinson, in this their Journey for Brampore
[Burhanpur] and Agra, with the Quicksilver
and Vermilion this yeare Landed^
The great quantities of Quicksilver and Vermilion
brought out by private traders in the James and her
fleete the passed yeare and the Mary &ca., this to the
honble. Companys extraordinary Losse and hindrance,
hath moved us to take to consideration some waie or
meanes how to cutt the combe of private traders and
to reduce the foresaid Comodities to their pristine
esteeme and valuation here. The former wee find,
Like Hercules his fight with the Hidra, when one head
is cutt of, two come in the place ; the latter wee have
strong hope to accomplish, our freindes Mr Kremlin
&ca. in Agra advizing us in divers Letters the fore-
named Comodities to be worth rupees 5 and ^\ that
seare, being of 30 pice, and is rupes 3 the Surratt
scare of 18 pice, which being far more hopefull then
Ms. \inahinudis\ 3 and 3|-, as the price is made here
(by the jugling of our Mariners and Banians together
at Swally), and the proceede profitable to the Company
for the supply of our enordered Indico Investment
against next yeare, and saving much money Lost
usually in Expences, Wee have resolved upon the
sending up of all this yeare Landed by the waie of
Brampore. And being deprived by the hand of
Almightie God of a great number of our able freindes,
have cause to give you thankes Mr John Leichland,
in that at our request, before Mr Rastell his death,
you accepted on the convoy of Quicksilver, treasure,
&ca. for Amadabad and goodes backe againe, and
now also of this imployment with these goodes for
Agra, and therefore doe confer on you the full power
and authoritie in convoy of the same thither, being
well assured your Language and experience in the
Countrey Customes and manners will passe through
1 Factory Records^ Surat, vol. I.
M. II. 6
82 INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN LEACHLAND [REL. VIII
all difficulties with facillitie. Notwithstanding", for
your more comfort and societie in this your Journey,
wee have ordeined Mr John Robinson your Assistant
and Coadjutor, who without doubt wilbe respectfull
and conformable unto your injunctions ; you have
along with you for more safetie on the waie 4 English
Musketeers who are to attend you till arrival at
Brampore or encountring with the Agra Caphila,
and after to returne hither in Company of the said
Caphila...
Wee have upon the encouragemente given us by
William Kremlin &ca. in Agra, and discouragements
in base prices [here] and in Amadabad, Consigned to
the said William Fremlin &ca. all the quicksilver and
Vermillion and most of the cloath this yeare Landed
and committed the same to the care of you, Mr John
Leichland and John Robinson, who is to succeed you
in authoritie in case of mortallitie ; and both to be
ordred and commanded by Mr William Fremlin after
your arrivall in Agra, whether the Lord bring you
with your charge in safetie. While you stale there, in
regard of your antiquitie in the Companies service,
wee assure ourselves Mr Fremlin will esteeme you,
Mr Leichland, in matter of place at table next to
himselfe, Mr Mundy, Mr Yard, and Mr Robinson
descending in order. But if Mr John Robinson please
to remaine in Agra and Mr Mundy desirous to come
awaie, then doe wee confer on him the place of second
to William Fremlin, as wee shall advise them by other
conveiance.
If your arrivall at Brampore male produce anie
hope of sales either of Quicksilver, Vermillion, or
Cloath, you have an Invoice herewith delivered you
to divert you therein, and wee earnestly desire you to
putt of what you can, either to the kings Circar [the
sarkdr of Agra] or otherwise. And for your better
helpe therein have dispenced with our Court Broker
Jaddo [Jadij], whose assistance wee well know will
stood you in all things...
Wee make account not to give you anie advices
for carefulnes and vigilance on the waie is needles,
the danger of travailing in this Countrie being well
knowne unto you, wherefore to the Almighties pro-
tection and your owne watchfull circumspection wee
refer you.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 83
You are fitted with strong waters and sword blades
to gratifie anie freindes or to use your selves on the
waie. Racke ['arak] as you know being dearer here
then strong waters in England, what remaines wee
praie you deliver to Mr Fremlin.
You have also a faire Persian horse, which wanteth
nothing but good feeding, the famine of this place
having deprived horse and man of their fitting
alloweances which other times have afforded. Wee
praie you sell him there if possible
Your assured Loving Freind
Joseph Hopkinson.
Siiratt the 2yd ATarch 163 1 [1632].
Mr John Leachland, an Englishman, sometymes the
Companies servant, haveing done prime offices, for the
love of an Indian Woman refused to returne to his
Countrie (his tyme being out), and soe lives with her in
Suratt, by whome hee had sundrie Children ; and by
reason of the great mortallitie hee was imployed in the
forementioned service, haveing now noe referrence to them
[the Company], but lives of himselfe. The English some-
tyme resort to his howse to visitt him and to passe away
the tyme etts^
The 2)tk August Anno 1632. Wee departed from Noore
Moholca Sarae and came to Ahmudpore [Mahmijdpur],
(6 course), nothing happeninge on the way worthie notice,
only two rancks of Trees, on each side of the waie one,
which from neere to Agra reacheth to this place. The
trees are distant one from the other about 8 or 9 ordinarie
stepps, and the rancks from side to side about 40. It is
generally knowne that from Agra there are such rancks of
^ For the history of John Leachland and his family (1614— 1644),
see Appendix C.
6—2
84 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
Trees which reach as farr as Lahore^ beinge 300 Course,
and they say this doth to Puttana [Patna], done by
Jehangereere [Jahanglr], the Father of this kinge [Shah
Jahan], planted for the ease of Travellers and for shade in
hott weather"^ The Sort of Trees are Neeme (like to
Ashe), Peeplee (like great Peare trees), Dhaca and Bhurr^,
with broad leaves ; and others, which continue all waies
greene, as most of all the Trees in India doe the like.
The gth August 1632. In the way hither (Perozabad
[Firozabad] 7 course) is a faire Tanck [at 'Itimadpur] four
square, called Etmead ca talao ['Itimad kd taldo\ with a
faire building in the middest and a bridge to goe to it*.
In theis Taloes \taldo\ or Tancks, Gardens, Tombes, Saraes
[sardJ], Beaulies [l?do/i] or deepe wells, Theis Countrie
people bestowe great Cost and are very curious in
[particular about] them during their lives ; but the
founders being dead, if they goe to ruyne, they are seldome
repaired, for heere noe man enjoyes lands or anything els
but during the Kings pleasure. This Tanck is accompted
one of the most auntient in India. Perozabad, where wee
lay, is a good bigg Towne^
1 "Between Agra and Lahore, which two cities are now by far the
chief of the empire, there is a distance of 400 miles. The whole
intervening region is a perfectly level plain, and the royal road is
shaded on both sides by trees, like a pleasant garden-walk." De Laet,
tr. Lethbridge, pp. 10 — 11. See also Roe, ed. Foster, p. 537 ; Herbert,
p. 69; Terry, p. 81; Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 284; Manucci, ed.
Irvine, I. 164.
'^ "His Majesty ordered [in 1619] obelisks to be erected at the
distance of every cose on the high road from Agra to Lahoor : at
every third obelisk a well was sunk and each side of the road was
planted with trees for the refreshment of travellers." Gladwin, Nis^. of
Hmtiostan, p. 47.
■^ Nlm {inargosa)^ pipal {ficiis religiosa), dlidk [butea frondosa),
barh^ banyan {JicKS Indicd).
* The tank of 'Itimad Khan, who built 'Itimadpur. See Aln
Akbarl, tr. Blochmann, i. 428. See also Gaz. N. IV. P., vii. 745,
for a description of the tank, octagonal building in the centre, and
causeway leading to it.
•^ Firozabad, 25 miles N.E. of Agra. There is still an encamping
ground and a rest house on the west of the town.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 85
The loth August 1632. Cominge from Perozabad, wee
saw the Laskarr \_lashkar, camp] of Mirza Muckay [Mirza
Makkl]\ whoe had pitched his Tent a litle without the
Towne, which made a verie gallant Showe, your {sic)
smaller Tents like comon buildinges, and the other great
faire Tents like to principall howses, and of the better Sort.
Hee was goeing to Odesha Jagurnaut [Jagannathpur in
Orissa] to be Governour. It is a place 300 Course beyond
Puttana.
About noone wee past by the Laskarr of Mirza Ana
tolae [Mirza 'Inayatu'Uah]^, which was not soe great, nor
made soe faire a shew as the former. He came from
Berach [? Broach], whereof hee was Governour, beinge sent
for by the Kinge, for that the Governours of places are
usually changed from one place to an other once in three
or four yeares.
Some 2 course short of our MonzulP (Shekee Sara
[Shikohabad] 8 course), wee passed through a small Towne
called ■* where the Kinge kept many Eliphants
to feede, whereof there were 25 sent to Bengala by way of
Puttana with them^, to Catch wilde Elephants in the
deserts there, which allthough they did declare unto us the
^ Mirza Makki was a popular name for Mu'takid Khan, who suc-
ceeded Bakir Khan as Nawab of Orissa, in 1632. He was the son
of Iftikhar Khan, and is said to have been a foster-brother of Shah
Jahan. For accounts of him, see MadsiriUl-Uinara^ ill. 482 ; Memoirs
of Jahdngir^ p. 303. He died at Jaunpur in October 165 1 (Beale, Diet,
of Oriental Biog.). I am indebted to Mr Beveridge for these references.
'■^ He was the eldest son of Mirza 'Isa Tarkhan and died in the
2ist year of the reign of Shah Jahan (1649). See Am Akbart, tr.
Blochmann, I. 364 «. Mr Beveridge suggests that Mundy's " Berach "
is intended for Broach (Bharoch). There appears to be no record of
'Inayatu'llah as Governor of Broach, but his father was at one time
Governor of Gujarat, so it is quite possible that the son held an office
in that province.
^ Manzil, halting-place. See a^ite, p. 58.
* There is a blank here in the MS. This village may be the
Manpourah of Rennell's Bengal Atlas.
^ "Them" probably refers to the lashkar of Mirza 'Inayatu'llah
mentioned in the preceding paragraph.
86 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
manner, yett had I not then soe much understanding in
the Language to conceive their true meaninge, my broker
being then att the Laskarre of Mirza Anatola to see some
of his freinds there, whoe came to us att night to our
Monzull.
The nth August 1632. Betwene Shekee Sarae and
this place (Raherbuns ca Sara)i nothinge more then a
great Tancke, called Todermulcatalo [Todar Mai kd taldoY,
and the continueance of our Rancks of Trees.
The \2th August 1632. In this place (Etaya [Etawa]
7 course) sitts a Governour of a Jaggueere, whoe hath under
him 1200 small Townes, this being the head, which stands
upon the River of Jemina [Jamna] that runs by Agra.
Neere the river the ground is wonderfull broken and deepe,
like to that of Dholpore, but not soe badd^.
Champinge.
The Barbers of this place are much spoken of for their
neatenesse in Shaveinge and artificiall Champinge'*. The
latter is a kinde of Custome used all India over, att tyme
of rest especiallye, which is to have their bodies handled as
wee knead in England, but this is with gripeing their hands;
and soe they will goe all over a mans body as hee lyes along,
vizt. Armes, shoulders, back, thighes, leggs, feete and hands.
^ Probably for Ahlrbans ka Sara, i.e. Sarai Ahlran, or Sarai of
the Ahirs, on the site of which the place now known as Jaswantnagar
stands.
2 Raja Todar Mai was Akbar's finance minister.
^ "The mam portion of the town (Etawa) is separated from the
river by a strip of raviny country about half a mile in length... The
town is situated amongst the ravines, which, owing to their wild and
irregular forms, present a pleasing and picturesque appearance." Gaz.
N.W.P., VI. 436.
* The O.E.D. has two quotations for champing with the meaning
of shampooing. The first is in 1698— "A kind of instrument, called,
in China, a Champing Instrument. Its use is to be rub'd or roul'd over
the Muscular Flesh." The other is a century later, 1782— 1783 : "Nor
is the operation of champing... only practised after bathing." The
use of this word by Mundy thus seems to be the earliest on record.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 8/
Then will they pull and winde you in such manner that they
will almost make every Joint to crack, but without paine.
Then will they dobb^ you, which is thumpinge with their
fists (as Children beat upon a board when they would
imitate a Drumme). This they doe a long tyme together,
varyinge from one tyme to an other; and this is here
accompted to bee verie healthfully Also the oyle of
Chambelee [c/iamdeli, iasmine\o( this place is much esteemed
for goodnes and Cheapnes, with which men, but especially
weomen, annoynt their heads dayly, and their bodies when
they wash (which is verie often); accompted also verie
wholsome.
The place it selfe, exceptinge the residence of a
Governour and what afore mentioned, is of litle esteeme,
scarce any bazure [dazdr], nor a good streete. What is to
be had is in the Sarae half a mile from the Towne, lyeing
in the high waye, There beinge a Sarae within where wee
laye, from whence wee went to the Rivers side, beinge a
good Course off, close to which stands a Castle on high^
Great Lighters.
And in the River are many great lighters [barges], such
as are in Agra, from whence to this place theie transporte
to and againe [to and fro], and from hence down to the
River Jemina [Jamna] into Ganges, and soe to Puttana
and farther into Bengala, as also from Agra, Their Cheifest
lading being salt, which is heereabouts digged out of the
mountaines. They are att least 3 or 400 Tonus a peece,
both ends extraordinarie high. They goe downe in short
1 The O.E.D. gives "dob" as a variant of "dab," but has no
quotation with the exact meaning of the text.
^ Compare Mandelslo's account (p. 5) of massage at Lahore. See
also Terry's description, pp. 189 — 190.
3 De Laet (tr. Lethbridge, p. 89) says that the fort was surrounded
by a double wall. For a description of its ruins, see Gaz. N.W.P.,
VI.. 441.
88 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
tyme, but are five tymes as longe comeing back againe,
being to be pull'd against the streame, although in tyme of
drought ; but in the tyme of raynes they sett out when the
Rivers are full and Currents swifte. All the way as wee
came hither, pleasant, plaine, and fruitefull, I meane of
graine.
TJie i^tJi AiigiLst 1632. Buckever [Bakewar Khanpur],
(7 course).
TJie i^th August 1632. Jannake Sara [Janaki Sarai]\
(9 course).
The \^th Ajigiist 1632. Shecundra [Sikandra],
(10 course).
The i6th August 1632. Bognee ca Sara [Bhognlpur]^
(9 course).
These 4 dayes nothinge happened more then ordinarie,
vizt., many feilds of Corne, Talaoes, etts. Exceptinge
betwene Jannakee Sarae and Shecundra, there came into
our Showbutt [shdbbat'] or Companye a prettie litle girle
of about 10 yeares of age, whoe upon hard usage had runn
away from her Mistres, and would goe alonge with us for
meate, whether [whither, i.e., wherever] wee would carry
her. But wee durst not protect her, fearinge shee might
have bene some slave (as most likelie), And her master
after to finde her with us might alleadge wee had stolne
her away, and what els hee pleased, Wee haveing att present
a great charge and few frinds in theis parts (to say trueth,
none at all); and soe to avoyd what daunger might ensue
thereon, if wee should chaunce to light on some wicked and
Covetous Governour (as they are all), wee, I say, for the
aforesaid reasons, forbadd her to come neere. Yett followed
^ The modern Sara! Ajit Mai, constructed in 1649 and named after
its builder.
2 BhognTpur is said to have been founded at the end of the i6th
century by Bhog Chand Kayath. See Gaz. N.W.P., vr. 204.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 89
shee afarr of that daye and halfe the next\ The cause of
her Mistres hard usage (as she said) was that shee conceived
her husband bare affection to her.
The I'jtk August 1632. From Bogneeca Sarae wee
came to this place (Sanka ke Sara [Shankar kl Saral],
6 course), but our plaine ground turned into Craggs, such
as are about. Dholpore, but nothing neere soe many nor soe
deepel Some places were plaine but wilde and overgrowne,
where wee had the sight of divers Chase, As whole heards
of Antelops, Jacalls, etts., both which our doggs chased,
but nothinge the neere. Also store of Fowle, As wilde
duck, Pigeons, and other strange fowle unknowne in our
parts. Of theis wee saw all the way, and by Domingoes^
helpe killed some.
Two course before wee came to this place, wee passed
through Chuppergutta [Chaparghata], where is the fairest
and formalest Sarae that I have yett seene, with 4 faire
Towers att the 4 Corners, and 2 stately gates att comeinge
in and goeing out, with a verie highe wall round about, full
of Battlements, as yett all compleat. By it runs a litle
River with a stone bridge over it*. It runns into Jemina,
which was againe in sight not \ a mile off
1 The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 adds — "Then sawe her noe more.
Wee thought it was pittie, for that shee was likeHe to perish for want
of foode, or to be misused by the first Souldier or other that should
light on her."
^ Mundy is alluding to the belt of ravines which fringe the Jamna.
^ No other mention of this man occurs, as far as I know. He was
probably a Hindu servant named Dumindo. See Streynsham Master,
ed. Temple, I. 379.
* The Gaz. N.W.P., vi. 206, and _/[72., alludes to a "fine bridge of
five arches" at Chaparghata, "spanning^ the Sengur" where the Mogul
road "crosses BhognTpur from east to west." Finch in 161 1 (Purchas,
ed. Maclehose, iv. 68 — 69), says that at " Chappergat...is one of the
fairest Saraies in India, liker a goodly Castle then a Inne to lodge
strangers... neere to it is a fair bridge both built by one man." De
Laet, tr. Lethbridge, p. 89, also remarks " Chappergat...here there is
such a splendid saray that it looks like a fortress rather then a
hostelry."
90 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
A great distruction of Theeves.
From Buckever hither were above 200 Munaries \inliidr,
pillar], with heads mortered and plaistered in, leaveinge out
nothing but their verie face, some 30, some 40, some more
some lesse. This was Abdula Ckauns exploit (whoe is now
Governour of Puttana), by the kings Orders For this way
was soe pestered with Rebbells and Theeves, that there was
noe passinge; soe that the Kinge sent Abdulla Ckaun, with
12,000 horse and 20,000 foote to suppresse them, whoe
destroyed all their Townes, tooke all their goods, their
wives and children for slaves, and the cheifest of their men,
causeing their heads to bee cutt of and to be immortered as
before [depicted] ^
The \'6th August Anno 1632. By the waie hither
(Gattumpore [Ghatampur], 6 course), wee saw Labourers
with their guns, swords, and bucklers lyeing by them,
whilest they ploughed the ground, being att varience with
a litle Towne \ a mile out of the way, on our right hand
as wee came, whoe were Manasse or Rebells^ The way
all plaine and past over a little river. As yett, to my
remembrance, I have not scene a fountaine in all that
I have gone, Vizt., from Suratt to Agra, and from thence
to this place. Heere wee found Taheber Raun [Tahir
Khan], a Patau [Pathan], whoe came from Nishaminabaz
[Nizamabad in Jaunpur], and was goeing to the kinge,
beingf sent for.
1 'Abdu'llah Khan Firuz-Jang, who began his service as an ahadi
[gentleman trooper] under Akbar, was raised to the rank of a com-
mander of 6000 by Jahangir. Mr Beveridge points out that Mundy
is probably referring to 'Abdu'llah Khan's expedition against Erich in
1628 — 1629 and his slaughter of Hindus there as recorded in the Ainil
Saleh^ 1. 180 f.
2 See Illustration No. 6.
^ The Mona (Mauna, Munha) Rajputs of the Mirzapur and Benares
Districts, still found about Bhadohl; evidently the same people as
those Mr Beveridge tells me are referred to under the name of vialkftsa
(infidels) in the Amil Saleh^ loc. cit.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 9 1
Superstition.
This day, sitting on my Cotte \khdt, bedstead] or bedd,
five or six carters (beinge Hindoes) came to dresse there
meat just to windeward of mee, soe that all the smoake
drived right in my face, whereof being told three or four
tymes, and they not seemeing much to regard it, I tooke
upp a Tent pynn, and flung att their pott, which lighted
on the fire. They presently [immediately] powred out all
the meat (beinge pulse) into a Baskett, and then gave it
to their Oxen ; For the Hindowes, when they are abroad,
have a Custome to make a Circle or signe^ about the place
where they dresse their Resoy \rasdi, meals], rice or victualls,
into which, if a Christian, a Mogoll or any stranger doe
enter or have but a hand or a foote within it, they accompt
all their meat polluted. Now my hand touchinge the
Pynne, the pynn the Cow dunge and fire, the fire the pott,
and the pott the meate that was in it, it was all one as I
had handled there meate, which is abhominable amongst
them. In conclusion, I gave them soe much money to buy
them more graine, or els they had fasted-.
The igth August 1632. This place (Corrura^ [Kora
Khas], 7 course) is the biggest and best furnished of any
wee sawe since our comeinge out of Agra. Heere is a
Governour, whoe hath 370 Townes in his Jaggueere; a
prettie River [the Rind] with stone bridge"*, great store
' Compare Thevenot, Part ill. p. 93. The reference is to the
ckaukd, a space approximately square (or platform where possible),
smoothed out and plastered with cow-dung by a Hindu for making
his fire and cooking his food. The corresponding Musalman term is
bawarcM khdna^ but of course the customs differ.
^ This is interesting, as showing that Mundy was fooled, as many
a European has been since his day, by an exaggerated show of caste
prejudice on the part of low-caste followers and attendants.
•^ This is Tavernier's " Cherourabad." See Tavernier, ed. Ball,
I. 114. In Rennell's Bengal Atlas it appears as " Corah-Jehenabad."
* Tiefifenthaler, I. 235, say that a little river called " Rend," crossed
by a "considerable" bridge, flows at a short distance from the fortress
at " Corra."
92 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
af greene Rice in our way, whose nature is that the ground
whereon it grows must be covered with water. From this
place Ganges is six corse of[f] and Jemina seven.
The 20th August 1632. Wee pitched our palle \pdl,
tent] a h'tle beyond the Towne (Bandukee ca Sara [Bindkl
Khas], 7 course) amongst a few Trees. The way comeing
out of the Last Towne for about two Course verie badd ;
the rancks of Trees I formerly speake of is much decayed
hereabouts, being cutt downe and fallen downe, etts., and
noe order for supplie in the voyd places, although hitherto
they have continued in reasonable manner; here and there
some wantinge.
The 2ith August 1632. About two course from the
last Towne, as wee passed was heard by us sundry reports,
as it were of small shott. Wee could not tell what to Judge
of it, some saying that the Theevish Gaware [^ganwdr,
gawdr\ Townes were by the eares amonge themselves,
some one thing, some another. But the trueth is wee
remained in great feare all night last, beinge advised by
the Towne people to looke well to our selves^ although
wee were within a stones Cast of the Towne (Fattapore
[Fatehpur], 7 course [from Bindki Khas]), for all the rest
of the Townes neere adjoyninge, being ten or twelve in
number, were theeves and enemies to this. All this dayes
waye was even a wildernesse, nothinge but thicketts, bushes,
etts., whereon wee found sondrey sorts of fruits and flowers-,
takeinge what wee liked, heere and there a plott of Tillage
[cultivated ground] and some small villages. Wee past it
hard to day, by reason of the deepe myry way and durtie,
rany weather, haveing not had any all the way till nowe,
which is very strange, it beinge now the tyme of the raynes;
And as afore is said, the last night wee tooke litle Rest,
^ Here is a marginal note — "A place of daunger."
^ The copy in Hart. MS. 2286 has a marginal note here — "A good
Countrey if well manured [cultivated]."
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 93
lookeing to be assaulted, it behooved us to be watchfull
and to stand to our guard.
A Strange Relique.
About Sunsett, Sunderdesse [Sundar Das], my broaker,
out of a small purse takes a little Clay and eateth it. I
demaunded the reason. Hee told mee it cam off his
Takoors [Thakur] feete and to be eaten in tyme of great
daunger (which he apprehended to be nowe), And that if
hee should chaunce to be slaine by the enemies, his soule
should iinde repose. It is made thus. Hee that is soe
devoted takes water out of the River Jemina [Jamna], and
washeth his Takurs feete. After [he] taketh a litle earth
of the said river and putteth it into the said Water where-
with he washed his feete, and stirringe it about, lefts it
settle, makes a lumpe of it, dryes it, caries it about him,
and useth it as aforesaid ^ Takur in their Language signi-
fies Lord, which they give to men of common ranck many
tymes. But the Takurs aforementioned are certaine auntient
men dwellinge in Muttra [Mathura], Gocall [Gokal], Ben-
drabon [Brindaban], etts [and other] places neere Agra^,
attributeinge to them great holynesse and yeildinge them
much reverence, as also to the aforementioned places, where
they say their Kisne [Krishna] was borne and brought upp,
whether they repaire on pilgrimage from all parts of India,
haveing lycense from the Kinge to put Governours of their
owne religion, which are the said Takurs^
^ What Mundy's informant meant to convey was that he used as a
charm the muddy sediment of water taken out of his sacred river, the
Jamna. With this water he had washed the feet of his reHgious pre-
ceptor, to whom he referred by the title of Thakur or Lord. The use
of such charms is a common Hindu custom. See Campbell Oman,
Bra/uiians, Thetsts, and Muslims 0/ India, pp. 52, 315 ; Dubois, People
of Ittdia, p. 64.
^ Here is a marginal note — ^" Places of devotion of the Hindoes."
■^ Mundy means by this that the religious tolerance introduced
by Akbar was still in continuance at this time, and that the Hindu
94 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
Kisne, they say, was borne in Muttra, Raja Cons [Kansa]
beinge then Kinge of the Countrey [Muttra, Mathvira], whoe
was advised by Wizards [Narada] that his Sister [Devaki]
should bring forth a sonne that should dispossesse him of
kingdome and life. Whereupon hee sett strickt Watch
over her. Neverthelesse shee brought forth her childe, and
it was miraculouslye conveyed away from the powre of his
Uncle, whoe sought his life. In processe of tyme hee grew
upp, and getting to him some companions and Associatts,
came upon his uncle and killed him, thereby deliveringe the
Countrey from the Tirannie and oppression wherewith hee
kept it under\ They held^ him to be God himselfe, whoe
tooke Flesh upon him to come amonge men, and Free the
Countrie. Of certaine of his followers descend the said
Takurs, As from certaine Khattees [KhatrP] that assist[ed]
him come their severall casts, 64 in number, whereof 12 are
cheife and principall, the rest inferiour. This [Thakur] is
the division but of one Caste, there beinge many of the said
Casts, as Khattrees, Bramanes [Brahman], Rashpootes
[Rajput], Bacnanes [Baniya], etts. ; and every of theis againe
devided as aforesaid, neither of theis eateing with other,
and seldome marryeinge out of their Casts soe devided-*.
Of the said Kisne they faine [invent] a world of miraculous
and rediculous Accidents and exployts, and finallie that
hee disappeared from amonge them.
administration of the shrines and holy places at Mathura was not
interfered with by the Mogul Government. This is a fact, as the
persecution of the Hindus by the Musalnian rulers at Delhi and Agra
ceased with Akbar and did not recommence until about 1633 under
Shah Jahan, and later under Aurangzeb.
1 Mundy's version of the legend of the Krishna incarnation
iavatdrd) of Vishnu is substantially correct. See Barth, Religiotts
of India, tr. Wood, pp. 172 — 174.
2 The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has " hold."
3 Mundyhasamarginalcorrectionhere -"Khattees I say Khattrees."
* See Purchas, His Pilgrimage, pp. 534—535 ; Herbert, pp. 38—48 ;
Th^venot, Part in. p. 68; Tavernier, ed. Ball, il. 181 — 186 for con-
temporary notions of the caste system.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 95
The 22 tk August 1632. This dale was even such an
other daies travell as yesterday, saveing the Rayne, for to
daie wee had none. Wee remained hard by the Towne
(Loodee ca naguera [LodhI ka Nagara] 7 course), there
being noe Sarae heere.
T]ie 2'^th August 1632. Wee came hither (Apphoy ca
Sarae [Rampur Aphol], 8 course) late, by reason of the
badnes of the way, beinge more then the two former full
of pitts and pooles of water, whereby wee found a great
deale of trouble; for ever and anon one Cart or other would
be fast.
A Banjara or Tanda what it is.
In the morninge wee mett a Tanda or Banjara of Oxen^,
in number 14,000, all layden with graine, as wheat, rice,
etts. ; each Oxe, one with another, carryeinge 4 great
Maunds, each Maund neere 16 Gallons is 1 1 2,000 bushells
London measure-; wee haveing formerly mett many of
theis Banjaraes or Tandas comeing from theis parts, all
goeing for Agra, from whence it [the grain] is againe
carried to other places. Theis Banjares carrie all their
howsehold alonge with them, as wives and children, one
Tanda consisting of many families. Their course of life
is somewhat like to Carriers, continually driveinge from
place to place. Their Oxen are their owne. They are
1 What Mundy means is that they met a idiidd, or camp, and a string
of oxen belonging to Banjaras, a nomadic tribe of pubHc carriers.
The following extract from So/Jie Account of the Ba7ijara Ctass, by
N. R. Cumberlege, in AL Indian N. and Q., Jan. 1895, "^ol. iv.. No. 379,
is interesting as showing how little this caste has changed in its
habits: — "This gipsy tribe has three distinct divisions, representing
the Brahman, Chhatrl and Rajput castes... Its occupation is grain
carrying... At the Dasahra festival, they leave the ^uri and form a
camp called a tdndd, which is generally broken up at the Diwali
[festival], when the tdndd moves towards Dumda in the Central
Provinces or other known grain marts."
2 For the varying values of the Indian ;;za«, see Hobsoft-Jobson,
s.v. Maund. The weight given by Mundy almost exactly agrees with
Hawkins' estimate in 1610. See quotation, op. cit.
96 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
sometymes hired by Marchants, but most commonly they
are the Marchants themselves, buyinge of graine where it
is Cheape to be had, and carryeinge it to places where it is
dearer, and from thence againe relade themselves with any
thinge that will yeild benefitt in other places, as Salt, Sugar,
Butter, etts. There may bee in such a Tanda 6 or 700
persons, men, weomen and Children. There Men are very
lustie, there weomen hardie, whoe in occasion of fight, lay
about them like men\ Theis people goe dispersedly, driveing
their Laden Oxen before them, their Journey not above
6 or 7 miles a daye att most, and that in the Coole. When
they have unladen their Oxen, they turne them a graizeinge,
heere being ground enough, and noe man to forbidd them.
Paan what it is I
Wee also sawe some feilds of Paan [pd7i], which is a
kinde of leafe much used to bee eaten in this Countrie,
thus: First they take a kinde of Nutt called Saparoz
\supdri, areca-nut], and comonly with us Bettlenutt^ which,
broken to peeces, they infold in one of the said leaves, and
soe put it into their mouthes. Then take they of the said
leaves, and puttinge a little slaked lyme on them, they also
put into their mouthes, and after them other, untill their
mouthes are reasonably filled, which they goe champinge,
swalloweing downe the Juice till it be drie; then they spitt
it out. It is accompted a grace to eat it up and downe the
Streets and [is] used by great men. There is noe vesitt,
banquett, etts. without it, with which they passe away the
tyme, as with Tobaccoe in England; but this is very
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has a marginal note — "Weomen of
Service."
- The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 adds (in Mundy's writing) "and the
use of it."
•' For betel.ipdn, areca., see Manucci, ed. Irvine, i. 63 ; Delia Valle,
ed. Grey, I. 36 ; Terry, p. 101.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 97
wholsome, svveete in smell, and stronge in Taste. To
Strangers it is most comonly given att partinge, soe that
when they send for Paane, it is a signe of dispeedinge,
or that it is tyme to be gon.
The 2\tJi AiigiLst 1632. Some 3 Course in our waie wee
past by Khera [Kara], a populous place\ seated on the
River Ganges. In my opinion a man could not desire a
pleasanter parcell of ground of that kinde, it beinge all in
litle round hills about the Cittie, eache conteyninge a faire
Tombe, a village or a grove of trees; soe that it made a
very faire shewe, being all in prettie litle hills and dales.
Hard by runns the river. A litle beyond, the ground is all
in great Clefts, unpassable by Carts, soe they went 2 or 3
Course about. Khera is a Jaggueere \^jdglr\ of 370 Townes,
Governour Atmee Ckaun ['Itmad Khan]. Heere is a very
great and auntient Castle. F"rom thence wee came hither
(Shawzaadpore [Shahzadpur], 6 course), which is also on
the said River, and lay in a Sarae. Round about Khera,
as alsoe before wee came neere it, wee sawe and past
through many groves of Mango trees Sett in Rancks by
measures. The trees are very greene and faire to see to;
the leafe hath a most pleasant smell and the fruite as good
a Taste. Heere was a Springe of Water, the first that I
have scene in India, though questionlesse there bee many
thousands.
A litle without the Towne (I meane Khera) wee past
by some howses, where they made Rack ['arak] of Mowa^
a kinde of fruite in this Countrie. The rack was none of
^ "Khera" was in ruins when Tieffenthaler saw it a century later,
but the "auntient castle" mentioned below existed. (Tiefifenthaler,
I. 233.) This fort, a Hindu structure of massive sandstone blocks, is
now also in ruins. See Dist Gas. United Provinces (Allahabad),
XXIII. 248.
^ The mahwa {bassia longifolia) ; from the pulpy bell-shaped
flower a common spirit is distilled. See also Jourdain, ed. Foster,
p. 143 «.
M. II. 7
98 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
the best, neither could I meete with any all the way hither
worth the drincking to supply my store, it being forbidden
to bee made or sold on great penalties, and what is soe
done is by stealth.
Here at Shawzaadpor'e is great store of the best paper
made, and from thence sent to other parts ; Also Pintadoes
or chints\ It is finely seated on the River Ganges, a great
place and populous. In some kinde it may bee compared
to Constantinople, standinge on manie litle hills, which lye
alongst the River side; but it wants greatnes and state.
There is one streete in it above the rest that deserves notice
and Commendations; For, besides that it is very longe and
straight, it hath a rowe of trees on each side before the
doores, whose topps meete alofte, soe that you seeme to bee
in a faire longe Arbour walke-. Betwene the Towne and
the River side, is a good plaine or Meadowe, all so wen with
Rice, then a groweinge. In conclusion, it is a dainty
seate.
The 2<,tJi August 1632. This morninge wee past by
another Tanda of Oxen, in number 20,000 (as themselves
said), laden with Sugar, of which there could not bee lesse
then 50,000 English hundred weight, att 2\ cwt, to each
Oxe. The Goods lay piled on heapes, by reason of Rayne,
covered with great redd palles \_pdl, a low tent], of the
which in my Judgment, there could not bee lesse then 150,
which resembled a reasonable Laskarr or Campe. They
were bringinge their Oxen together to Lade and away,
whoe lay grazeinge all over the plaine by the river side,
by which wee also went this day. By reason of some
broken ground in this our waie, wee went a litle about.
1 Mundy has the explanation "painted cloth" in the margin.
Shahzadpur was famous for its stamped cloth, but I have found no
other mention of the manufacture of paper there in the 17th century.
2 Tieffenthaler (i. 233) describes Shahzadpur as having a long
street with houses extended on each side as far as the public inn, but
the " arbour walke " seems to have disappeared before his time.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 99
Att this place (Allum Chund ca Sara [Alam Chand], 6
course) wee lay without the Towne. The Sugar aforesaid
was goeinge for Agra, of which and other provisions, as
Butter, Rice, &c., all the Countrie towards which wee went,
as Porub^ and Bengala, did most plentifully abound, and
therewith supplied many other places. As much land as
wee passed from Agra hetherto is verie plaine, fruitefull,
well manured [cultivated] and Inhabited, with good ac-
comodation for Travellers, as many faire Saraes and
Tancks all the way.
The 26th August 1632. Wee came to this place
(Hooredeabad^ 8 course), past through it, and pitched
betwene it and Helahabaz [Allahabad]. Hereby is the
Sepulcher of Sultan Cozoo [Khusru], eldest Sonne to
Jehangueere^ It stands in a faire Garden"*, before
whose gate is a good Sarae [Khuldabad]^ All this
day wee travelled alonge by the river [Ganges], a litle
distance of
^ Purab, properly the East generally, is commonly applied to the
eastern parts of Hindustan, i.e., the country east of the Ganges from
Cawnpore to Bihar. The 17th century travellers appear to have
thought that the word signified a special state or kingdom : " Potana,
a great Citie in Purrop...Sha Selim fled into Purrop." Finch (in
Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 40, 50. " Being in Attabase [misprint
for Allabase = Allahabad], the regall seate of a kingdome called
Porub." Hawkins, op. cit, ill. 2)7- "The Province of Purropia...
Halabasse which is a fortress in Purropia. ..Agra. ..by others seems
to be called Purrop. ..Bengala. ..contains many provinces amongst
which the chief are Purop." De Laet, tr. Lethbridge, pp. 88, 344, 347.
"All goods which come from Pourob... pass through it [Sikandra]
From Poerob to Ziagenaert [Jagannath] is reckoned 600 cos." Pelsart,
Commerce des Indes Orientales (translation), pp. 2, 3.
2 Mundy seems to mean Khuldabad Sarai, the enclosure within
which is the gateway to the Khusru Bagh.
^ Khusru, Jahanglr's eldest son, was born in 1587 and died in 1622.
* The Khusru Bagh, laid out by Jahangir.
* This sardi., which is 500 ft. square, was used as a fish and
vegetable market in 1882. See Murray's Ha7idbook to Bengal,
p. 364.
7—2
100 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
The Sepulchers of Sultan Cozrooe, his mother
and his sister.
This eveninge I went into the aforesaid Garden, where
were three Mocrabaes \inakbard\-, or Tombes, vizt., of
Sultan Cozoo [Khusru], his mother and Sister, the latter
yett liveinge, and the Tombe new begunn". Sultan Cosrooes
is only of one Copula-^, but a faire one; hee lyes on the
midle of it, his hearse [tomb] stand inge on a place brest
high, and railed about on the Topp with wood inlayd with
mother of Pearle, with a velvett Sennano [s/iajuiydfia, aiWn'mg]
or Cannopie over it^ Att his head is his Turbant, and by
him his Muzaffe' or booke of his Lawe, wherein hee was
reading when they came to Murder him.
1 The interest in this word is that Mundy is here following the
metathesis common amongst the lower orders in India, thus showing
the source of his information.
^ Khusru's mother was the daughter of Raja Bhagwan Das
Kachhwaha and sister of Raja Man Singh. After KhusrQ's birth
she received the title of Shah Begam. She poisoned herself in 1605,
on account, it was said, of her grief at the behaviour of Khusru and
one of her brothers. Mr Beveridge, however, notes that there was
madness in her family. Khusru's sister was Sultan Nisar (or Sultanu-
'nnissa) Begam. She died in 1646, but at her own request was buried
in Akbar's tomb at Sikandra instead of in the tomb she had built for
herself in the Khusru Bagh. See Memoirs ofjahdngir, p. 15 ;/. The
tomb bears the date 1625, but was apparently not completed when
Mundy saw it.
3 Mundy has added a marginal note here — "or cupolo, an arched
roofe round."
■* See Bishop Heber's description of the Khusru Bagh and tombs,
Journey from Calcutta to Bombay^ I. 333 — 334 : also the account in
Murray's Handbook for Bengal^ 1882, pp. 363 — 364; and Mr Beve-
ridge's article Sultan Khusrau in the f.R.A.S., xxxix. 597 — 609
(1907).
" Al-Mus-haf The Book, i.e., The Koran (cf. " The Bible"). The
Koran is often spoken of as Al-Mus-haf -Sharif the Noble Book (cf.
the Holy liil^le). Compare also Danvers, Portuguese in India., I. 475,
" I, Adil Khan, swear by the Mo(jafo [Koran] to be a perpetual friend
of the King of Portugal and confirm [in 1546].. .the gift to his Majesty
of Salsette and liardes." I am indebted to Mr Beveridge for this
identification and reference.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA lOI
A Beaulee what it is.
By the garden is a faire Beaulee [ddoll] or Well, which
goeth downe with 120 and odd stepps with faire galleries
and Arches, with roomes and Chowetrees [summer houses]^
to sett in fresco [in the fresh air] withinside, all the way
downe beinge spacious, easie and lightsome, Soe that a litle
Child may goe downe and drinck with his hand-. Right
over the place where the water lyes is a faire mouth of a
well, from whence they drawe water with potts. Oxen, or
otherwise. The best of this Kinde that I have yett seene
(although they are very comon in most parts of India) is
att Ibrahumavad [Ibrahimabad], neere to Byano [Biana,
Bayana], some Course from Agra, not soe deepe as this,
but surpassinge in Stately gates, Copulaes, Arches, Chow-
trees, Galleries, stone pillars, roomes both above and belowe,
a verie costly and curious peece of Worke, built by the old
Queene [Nur Mahal], the mother to Shaw Jehaan, as I
take it^.
The Story of Sultan Cozroo.
Havehige a litle before spoken of Sultan Cozroo
[Khusril], I will add a few lines more concerninge his
troublesome life and Tragicall end, as it goeth Currant
by Common Report, zn's^.
Kinge Ecbar [Akbar], Grandfather to this now raigne-
inge [Shah Jahan], had three sonns, Jehangueere [Jahanglr],
Shaw Morade [Shah Murad] and Danshaw [Shah Danyal].
^ See anie, note on p. 26.
' This masonry well " of great depth with a flight of steps leading,
down to the water" was still in existence in 1882. See Murray's
Handbook for Betigal, p. 364.
3 Mundy is evidently alluding to the Jhalar Baoli, two miles north
of Bayana, so called from the pillared cloisters which surround it like
a fringe \^jhalar\ The inscriptions on it still extant show that it was
really built by Kafur Sultan! in A.H. 7i8 = a.d. 131 8. See Cunningham,
Archaeol. Survey of India^ XX. 69^70. Ibrahim Khan was the
maternal uncle of Nur Mahal and the district where the well stands
may have temporarily borne his name.
I02 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
The Two latter dyed^ and Jehangueere, aspiringe to the
Kingdome, sought to make away his father, for which
purpose hee sent one into his Mohol \inahal, palace] to kill
him, whoe, beinge found, was examined, and confessed
wherefore hee came and whoe sent him. The Traitor was
privilie put to death for the avoyding of Scandall, but
news comeinge to Jehangueere, hee presently [immediately]
fledd to Elahabaz [Allahabad], from whence, by mediation
of his Grandmother [Maryam Makani] and other Amrawes
\iwiard, nobles] that loved him, hee was recalled and againe
receaved into favour I
It came to passe one day as king Ecbar satt out at his
Jarooca \^jJiarokhd, lattice], or windowe that looked into
the river, with his Sonne Jehangueere and his sonns
Children, vizt., Cozrooe, the eldest, next Parunez [ParwTz],
then Ckhorum [Khurram], and Shereare [Shahriyar], hee
desired that one of Jehangueeres Elephants might fight
with one of his, which was presently [immediately] put in
Execution, where Jehangueeres Eliphant prevailed over
his fathers and beat 2 more after him, whereat the kinge
seemed discontented, takeinge it as an ill signe. And this,
they say, was the occasion of the withdraweing his affection
from him, Soe that Jehangueere was faine to flye againe^
Now it fell out, not long after, That kinge Ecbar sent for
1 Sultan Murad died in 1599 and Sultan Danyal in 1606.
2 Mundy is here retailing the cui-rent gossip of the time regarding
the rebellious conduct of Jahanglr, as Prince Salim, at the close of his
father's reign. No clear account of the revolt has come down to us
and in none of the stories have I found any reference to Jahanglr's
alleged attempt on his father's life. See Hawkins (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, in. ^^ ; Purchas, His Pilgrimage^ p. 519; De Laet, tr.
Lethbi;idge, pp. 196 — 200 ; Herbert, pp. 69 — 72 ; Manucci, ed. Irvine,
I. 131 ; Gladwin, Hist, of Hiiidostan., pp. iv. — xi. ; Elliot, Hist, of India.,
VI. 98 — 99, 104 — 105, 108 — 109; Elphinstone, Hist, of India., pp.
526—529.
^ Here again Mundy is repeating current gossip. See Gladwin,
Hist, of Ilindostan, pp. xi.— .\ii. ; Elliot, Hist, of India., VI. 168—169 ;
Aln Akbari, tr. Blochmann, i. 467, for other versions of this elephant
combat. And for a more detailed account, see Latif, Aqra, pp. 244—245.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA IO3
one Mirza Ghozzee [Mirza GhazI Beg], whoe was kinge of
Tatta or Scindy [Tatta in Sind], and calling for Goalees
[£^0/1] or pelletts, there were 2 brought in a dish, whereof
one hee [Akbar] had cawsed to be poysoned. The kinge
[Akbar] takes first which by mistake was it that had the
poyson, gave the other to Mirza Gozzee, whoe must not
refuse to eat it, although hee were sure to die of it^ The
King quickly found the mistake by the effects^ and
knoweing there was noe other way but death, called for
Raja Manzing [Raja Man Singh] ^ a Hindoo (then in
Cheife favour), with other Amrawes, and before them all,
ordeyned Cozroo, eldest sonne to Jehangueere, to Succeede
him, under the tuition of Raja Manzinge. But after the
death of the Kinge [in 1605], most of the Amrawes repaired
to Jehangueere, as att last Raja Manzinge did the like with
Cozroo, he [Khusru] excuseinge himselfe that he was put
in against his will, and that hee kept it only for him [his
father], soe was admitted to live neere him [Jahanglr]''.
But the king, upon some false information of revolt, resolved
to put out his Eyes, Which Cozroo hearinge, made an
^ The wording of this passage in the Harl. copy is somewhat
different. It runs — "Kinge Ecbar...caning for Gaolees or pelletts
(whereof one was poysoned) there were brought to him in a dish
under coUour of friendshipp, presented him with one of the two but
by mistake gave him the good one, eatinge the other himselfe. Mirza
Gozzee eate his, not dareinge to doe otherwise, although hee were sure
to bee poysoned thereby."
2 For the arguments in favour of the truth of the story that Akbar
inadvertently poisoned himself, see The Death of Akbar, by R. P.
Karkaria, in Journal Bombay Branch R.A.S. xxii. 197 — 208 and
Mr Irvine's note in his ed. of Manucci, iv. 420. Mundy's version is
not included in the list of authorities given by these authors.
3 Raja Man Singh, son of Raja Bhagwan Das Kachhwaha, one of
Akbar's chief noblemen, was made governor of Bengal in 1589. He
died in 1614. *
* There is no reliable authority for the statement that Akbar
acknowledged Khusria as his successor, though probably some such
story was current in Mundy's time. Herbert, p. 72, says that Man
Singh and his supporters vainly endeavoured to make " Cushroo
Mogull, nominated by Ecbar as they alledged." For Khusru's tem-
porary elevation and Man Singh's subsequent defection from his
cause, see Elliot, Hist, of hidia, vi. 169 — 172.
104 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
escape, divers Amrawes adhearinge to him about Lahore,
where was fought a Cruell battaile, but Cozroo had the
worst of it, and fledd towards Cabull, where passinge over
a River, hee was betrayed by the Boateman, and in the
midle of the River taken prisoner by Ahmud beag\
Governour in those parts, and by him sent to the Kinge
in irons, whoe greatly rejoyced thereat, and cawsed all
those that could bee taken of his faction, some to bee
hanged, others beheaded, some to be throwne to Elephants
and by them to bee torne in peeces; and a great many of
the cheifest to bee staked alive on both sides the high way.
where the next day hee brought his sonn along with him,
shewing them to him [sayinge]-, "Looke my Sonne: heere
bee your freinds that attend your comeinge forth: see how
they make their Salame to you" (because that, being dead,
theire heads hunge downe^). From Lahore they came
to Agra, from whence Sultan Ckhorum was sent against
Decan^, whoe desired to have the Custodye of Sultan
Cozroo, whoe was delivered him, haveinge first one of his
Eyes eaten out with applyeinge to it a certaine venemous
hearbel Att Brampore [Burhanpur] hee had a roome
1 Ahmad Be.? Kabull, sometime governor of Kashmir, who died in
1614, reported Khusru's route to Jahangir, but it was Abii'l-Kasim
who effected his capture. See MemoiTS of Jahangir^ pp. 53, 67.
2 This word is added from the copy in Hai'l. MS. 2286.
3 For contemporary accounts of Khusru's rebellion, its failure, and
the staking of his followers, see Finch and Hawkins (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, lll. 38 and iv. 51 ; Purchas, His Pilgrimage, pp. 519—520 ;
Terry, p. 410; Delia Valle, ed. Grey, I. 56; Memoirs of Jalumgir,
pp. 51 — 72 ; see also Ain Akban, ed. Blochmann, I. 454 — 455 ; Elliot,
Hist, of India, vi. 265—268, 273, 291 — 302 ; Gladwin, Hist, of Hindo-
stan, pp. 3 — 9 ; Dow, Hist, of Hindostan, in. 7 — 16.
* Brince Khurram was twice sent against the Rajput troops under
Malik 'Ambar in the Deccan [Dakhan], in 1612 and in 1620. It was
previous to the second campaign that he obtained the custody of
Khusru, who was placed under the care of Asaf Khan. According to
Roe, Khusru was handed over to Asaf Khan in 1616. See Roe, ed.
Foster, pp. 292 — 294.
^' For various versions of the story of the blinding of Khusru, see
Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 51; Herbert, p. 74; Terry,
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA IO5
allowed him, a waterman, a porter and a maidservant or
Hismetkeeare \Jiashinatgir, female servant] to attend him
and dresse his meate. Finallie by Sultan Ckhorum his
brothers Comaund hee was made away, [the] Instruments
Rozabadore [Raza Bahadur], etts., whoe comeing to his
lodginge, first killed the porter for denyeing entrance, and
violentlie rushed in upon him as hee was reading his
Muzafife\ whoe first with an Aftowa [aftdba, ewer] slevve
one of the Assailants, but beinge over layed [overpowered],
was by them, with a stringe, most miserablie strangled.
And this was the end of Sultan Cozroo, eldest sonne to
Jehangueerel Hee never used but his owne wife'', by
whome hee had a sonne called Bulakee*. Hee was much
beloved of the people [while] liveinge, and as much
lamented being deadl His body was brought from
Brampore to Agra*', where of the Common sort hee was
p. 410 ; Elliot, HisL of Lidia, VI. 448 ; Memoifs of Jahmigir-^ p. 174;?.
Herbert's account agrees with that given by Mundy. See also
Mr Beveridge's exhaustive enquiry into the matter. Sultan Khusi-au
in f.Ii. A. S., xxxix. S97 — 599-
^ See a?zte, note on p. 100.
^ Khusru was officially said to have died of colic. Mr Beveridge
doubts the story of the murder (see Sultan Khusrait in f.R.A.S.^
XXXIX. 599 — 601), but Mr Foster considers the evidence for the crime
too strong to be disregarded (see English Factories, 1622 — 1623,
p. xxv). Besides the authorities noted by these writers, the story of
the murder is related by Terry, p. 412. The murderer's name is
variously given as " Reza (or Rajea Bandor)," " Raja Bandor, a
notorious villain," and " Raza."
2 Khusru's favourite wife and the mother of his son Bulaki was the
daughter of the Nawab Khan-i-'Azim (A'zam Khan Koka).
* Bulaki, a pet name {bulak, a nose-ring) for Dawar Bakhsh.
^ For the alleged popularity of Khusru, see Roe, ed. Foster,
pp. 280, 281, 283, 294; Terry, p. 411.
" By Jahanglr's order, Khusru's body, which had been buried at
Burhanpur, was disinterred and ordered to be taken to Delhi ; but it
was subsequently reinterred beside that of his mother at Allahabad.
On the 9 May, 1622, the factors at Burhanpur reported that "Sultan
Cossero is taken oute of his grave," and on the 20 June, Robert
Hughes at Agra wrote, "This daye is heere aryved Sultan [Khus]
roues taboots \tabiit, coffin, bier] from Brampore, [which to-]morrowe
is to bee dispeeded to H[elebass ?, Allahabad] there to bee interred by
his mother." English Factories, 1622 — 1623, p. 94.
I06 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
honoured as a Sainte amongst them, Soe that Nooremohol,
whoe alwaies hated him ahve, could not endure that such
honour should bee done him dead, soUicited the Kinge
in such manner that he was againe removed thence to
Hooredeabad or Cazrooeabad, i course from Ellahabaz.
And on the way hither are many little gardens, with a
Cottage in it, where lives a Foquere \faktr'\ or Twoe,
where is the moddell of his hearse [tomb] which they
looke to, as to the garden, wateringe it, etts. Theis are
the places where they reposed the Corps, as they brought
it this way\ in whose memoriall those little gardens are
preferred^ He was put into the earth without Coffin or
any great Ceremonie, like a poore private man. But att
present resorted unto by much people, being honoured as
a Saint as afore mentioned.
Now, as Jehangueere served his father King Ecbar
[Akbar], (the same whoe wonne Guzaratt [Gujarat], Porub^
Bengala, etts.), soe was hee served by his Sonn Sultan
Ckhorum [Khurram], after the death of Cozrooe [Khusru] ;
For the king being incensed against him on some occasions
(and as they say, for haveinge too secrett familiaritie with
Nooremoholl [Nur Mahal]) ^, hee fledd and stood out in
Rebellion to the day of the Kings death. And as King
Ecbar [Akbar] gave the Kingdome to Cozrooe [Khusru],
1 The only reference I have found to these shrines by contem-
porary writers is the following by Pelsart in 1627 : — "Sultan Courserou
was assassinated by his brother Sultan Cooron in the year 162 1. A
monument was set up at every place where his body rested at night
on the way. At each of these monuments a number of fakeers estab-
lished themselves and imposed on the people the belief that God had
appeared to them in a dream and had ordained them to give certain
exhortations to those who consulted them. By this practice they
acquired large sums.'"' Pelsart (translation), p. 18.
2 The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has " preserved."
3 See a7ite^ note on p. 99.
* Mundy seems to be confusing Prince Khurram with his father,
Jahangir, and is repeating a story current in Finch's time. See Finch
(in Purchas), ed Maclehose, iv. 57.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 10/
Jehangueeres eldest Sonne, Soe Jehangueere [Jahangir]
left it to Sultan Bulake [Bulaki], Cozrooes sonne. But
Sultan Ckhorum [Khurram] haveinge now begun his way
with blood, kept on the same course, and never left till hee
had destroyed all others that might hinder his ambition, as
Sultan Bulake, Paruarz [Parwiz], Sheriare [Shariyar], etts.,
and assisted by Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan] and Mohabutt
Ckaun [Mahabat Khan], obteyned the full possession of
this large dominion, whoe now raignes\
The 2'jth August 1632. In our way hither (Jussee
[JhusI], 2 course) wee came to Ellahabaz [Allahabad], a
Cittie and a Tackht \_takht, throne, court], or place where
Kinges have kepte residence and governed in them, of
which are Dilly [Delhi], the first and most Auntient,
Then CabuU [Kabul], Lahore, Adgemere [Ajmer], Caz-
meere [Kashmir], Agra, Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikrl] within
12 Course thereof, This place and others. Brampore
[Burhanpur] is accounted none, though it bee a great
Cittie and the Kings abideinge there about two Yeares,
by reason his stay was for warfare.
Heere is an excellent faire Castle, resemblinge much
^ Here again Mundy relies for his statements on current gossip.
Jahangir died in 1627 leaving two parties at Court, one headed by
Nur Mahal who was intriguing to secure the succession for Prince
Shahriyar, the Emperor's youngest son, and the other by Asaf Khan
who was acting in the interests of the rebellious Prince Khurram. In
order to gain time for his candidate, Asaf Khan nominally espoused
the cause of Bulaki (Dawar Bakhsh) and put him forward, while
Shariyar proclaimed himself Emperor at Lahore. Asaf Khan marched
against Shariyar's forces, defeated them and captured and blinded the
prince. Meanwhile Khurram, who had hastily returned from the
Dakhan, was proclaimed as Shah Jahan, and in Feb. 1628 installed
as Emperor, after the massacre of Shariyar and other possible com-
petitors to the throne. Sultan Parvviz was not among the number, as
he had died in 1626. For the story that Jahangir had named Bulaki
as his heir, see Mr Foster's note in English Factories^ 1624 — 1629,
p. xxiv. For accounts of Shah Jahan's rebellion and accession, see
Herbert, pp. 82 — 107 ; Dow, Hist, of Hi7idostan, ill. 64 — 107 ; Gladwin,
Hist, of Hindostan., pp. 74 — 78 ; Stewart, Hist, of Bengal., pp.
230 — 234; Elliot, Hist, of India., VI. 383 — 414. On the reported escape
of Bulaki, see Manucci, ed. Irvine, I. 178 n., 181.
I08 A TOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
that in Agra, though not soe great nor soe high. It is
a very curious and compleate one to beholde, of redd stone.
It hath man}' rare devices, As before the principall Gate
is a Semi-circle, takeinge a great Compasse, in which are
five other gates, where you must passe through (I meane
one of them), before you come to the greate gate (As by
this figure^). It hath faire battlements, adorned with a
number of Copulaes [cupolas] small and greate". It stands
just in that poynt of land which the river Ganges and the
river Jemina [Jamna] doe make att their meeteinge together,
soe that 2 sides thereof are washed with theis two rivers.
Towards the waterside. Without the walls/ some seaven
yards from the ground, there is .built ill the said Castle
Wall a verie faire stone gallerie for people to passe round
about that part that lyes in the water-'. The rest of the
Cittie is ordinarie — Zeffe Chaun [Saif Khan] Governour,
a freinde to the English in Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad]
when hee was governour of that place"*.
1 See Illustration No. 7.
2 The fort at Allahabad was built by Akbar, who changed the
ancient Hindu name of the City, Prag (Prayag), to Illahabas, Illa-
habad or Allahabad, about 1572. In the early part of the 19th century
it was converted into a modern English stronghold and much of its
architectural beauty has been lost. See Tiefifenthaler's description of
the fort at Allahabad (l. 223 — 226) and his illustration (l. 222). He
confirms Mundy's account of the "greate gate" and five others.
^ Mundy is alluding to a portion of Akbar's band or embankment
which runs along the Ganges to the fort and the ridge of the Jamna
bank.
■* Saif Khan's original name was Mlrza Safi. He married Malika
Banu, elder daughter of Asaf Khan and sister of Mumtaz BaniTi, after-
wards Taj Mahal, wife of Prince Khurram. When the latter rebelled,
Mlrza Safi, who held office in Gujarat, remained loyal to Jahangir, and
defeated the rebel forces under 'Abdu'llah Khan near Sarkhej, in 1623.
For this service he was rewarded with the title of Nawab Saif Khan
Jahangir Shahl. He was Viceroy of Gujarat from 1624 to 1627. On
the accession of Prince Khurram as Shah Jahan, Saif Khan was dis-
missed from his post and put under arrest, but was subsequently
pardoned at the instance of Malika Banu and her sister.
While in office in Gujarat, Saif Khan showed himself friendly to
the English, and in 1623 granted them a parzuana for freedom of
trade at Surat. After his pardon, some time in the first year of Shah
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1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA IO9
Wee stayed untill tesserapore [tisrd pahar\ or three a
Clock afternoone, before wee could bee fitted with boates,
with which being provided, wee crost over the river Ganges,
driveinge a mile downe, till wee came where Jemina enters
into it, which then is called Ganges, and haveinge attained
the other shore, wee hailed alongst [hauled, sailed along]
by it, till wee came to be right over against [opposite] the
place where wee embarked. Ganges where I sawe it
broadest may bee about | mile over, a good streame, how
deepe I knowe not\ Heere wee lay close to the Rivers
side.
The 2^th August 1632. Wee came to this place
(Barramal ca Sarae'-, 8 course) and lay att the end of the
Towne. In the morneinge wee past by Zeffe Ckauns
Laskarre [Saif Khan's lashkar\ which he hath provided
and is still makeinge more force, and for this occasion.
About one moneth since, Mirza Ahiya, [Mirza Yahya]",
Zeffe Ckauns sonne, was comeinge from Puttana, and
passeinge through Ahumoko Sarae [Ahu Mahal ki
Saral^], some of his followers seized on some of the
Townes people, carryeinge them away prisoners, there
haveinee a Robberie bene comitted thereabouts and the
Jahan's reign, Saif Khan replaced Khan 'Alam as Governor of Bihar
(or Patna). In 1632 he was transferred to Allahabad, where Mundy
found him. Three years later " Scife Chaun, our ancient acquaintance
and of more then common eminency" (as the English factors styled
him), was re-appointed Governor of Gujarat. In 1639 ^^ was sent to
Bengal and died there in 1640. See English Factories, 1622 — 1623,
pp. xxviii. — xxxii. ; 1634 — 1636, p. 114. For the greater part of the
above note I am indebted to information supplied by Mr Beveridge.
1 Mundy saw the Ganges in the dry season. In the rains its
average breadth is ih to 3 miles.
■■^ Bara Mahal ki SaraT. It is difficult to identify this halting place.
It may be the " Sadoul Serail " (Sa'adu'llah kl Sarai) of Tavernier, ed.
Ball, I. 118, and it appears at present to be represented by a dak
bungalow near Saidabad.
^ Mirza Yahya was Saif Khan's eldest son. I am indebted to
Mr Beveridge for this information.
* Mundy halted at this place on the 31st August. See ififi'a, p. 115.
no A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
goods found in that Towne. Theis Prisoners they carried
through Buddy [Bhadohl], a great place which hath this
under it and many others^ whoe seeinge their fellowes ledd
prisoners, fell together by the Eares with Mirzaes people,
soe that there were many of them slaine. To revenge that
injurie is Zeffe Ckaun makeinge preparation-. It is said
the Rebells are very stronge and will fight it out, and
about lo dayes hence the Laskar may sett forward.
Yesterday in the Castle wee sawe his Comissioners
[officials] entertaineinge more Souldiers, both horse and
foote. And there did my owne horse rise upright, fallinge
downe upon one side, which brake the bowe of the Sadie,
and had putt mee to daunger, had I not freed my selfe as
he was fallinge.
Passing by the Laskarr, wee sawe divers whome wee
tooke to be Tumblers, but it was told us they were
souldiers, and did those exercises to harden and enure
themselves to Labour, for they would tugg and wrestle
one with an other, tumble on the ground, beatinge and
thumpinge themselves thereon in a strange manner and
postures This day [the way] was even a wildernesse over
growne with shrubbs.
TJie 2gth Augtist 1632. About a third of the way
hither (Roherbuns ca Sarae, 5 course*), passeinge by a
little Towne, wee sawe a good Company in our way (where
wee must goe), armed with longe bowes and swords, all
naked, except a litle Shash [s/iash, turban, turban-cloth]
about their heads and a Cloth about their midle, and
^ Bhadohl in Mirzapur District, N.W. Provinces. In Mundy's
time it contained seven mahals. See Aln Akbart, tr. Jarrett, ll. 89.
- No other account of the quarrel between Saif Khan and the
people of Bhadohl appears to have come down to us.
' Here is a marginal note — "A strange Custome" [still in use in
the Native Army].
■* l-'robably another swiii of the AliTr tribe (see anle, note on p. 86),
now apparently represented by a dak Ijungalow near Baraut.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA III
leather girdle wherein they stuck their Arrowes, and their
bowes in their hands. Theis are the sort of Gauares
[g-azuar, gmizvdr, rustic,- country-folk] called Manas^ or
Rebbells, vvhoe take Jaggatt \_jcigdt\ or Custome on the
way by their owne authoritie, and continue soe doeinge
untill, upon Complaint, some Amrawe [amir]- be sent
against them with an Armie, burnes their Townes, sur-
prizes them all, whereof some are put to death and the
rest made slaves, Wittnesse Abdula Ckaunl Theis, I say,
came into our way, demaundinge Custome. Wee told
them it was Abdula Ckauns munition ^ and bad them
take what they would. Soe, after much Inquisition,
giveinge them a little ename \indm, gift], and faire words,
they lett us part [depart] and passe byl It seemeth they
either respect him or feare him, for it is said, had wee
nominated Zeffe Ckaun [Saif Khan], wee had fared worse.
About 10 a Clock, wee were overtaken with a tirreble
gust, for there was very much winde, aboundance of rayne,
thunder and lightninge, Our Carts that tyme goeinge all
the way upp to the Axletree in water, soe that what
through the Noyse of the Elements overhead, and what
the water made under us, with the rowlinge of the Carts,
sometymes on the one side, sometymes on the other, some-
tymes upp over a banck, then downe againe into a pitt,
with the Outcryes of Balloaches [Baluchls]^ and Carmen
round about in saveins; some Carts from Overturninsfe and
^ See ante, note on p. 90.
^ Anilr, noble = plu. utnara. Mundy's use of the plural here is
interesting as an early instance of a common error, continued long
after his time.
^ Mundy is alluding to 'Abdu'llah Khan's exploit related previously.
See atite, p. 90.
* Here used in its obsolete sense of provisions.
° Here are marginal notes, "They demaund Custome — Pacified
with a Uttle."
^ Balochls or Baluchls, i.e. Baloch (Baluch) camel-drirers or
servants.
112 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
haileinge [hauling] others out of some hole where they
stuck fast, I takeinge one for my shelter att that tyme
where their was a strange savour — I say, all theis severall
occurringe together, strooke into my fantasie [struck my
imagination with] the greatest resemblance of a Sea storme
aboard a Shipp for its continuance that ever I had in my
life on shoare\ It lasted not above 2 howres.
Heere [at ? Baraut] wee lodged in a Sarae. Right over
against us was a Leopard with certaine Hawkes, which
Nohabutt Chaun [Naubat Khan], Governour of Chanare
[Chunar]-, sent to the Kinge. With these Leopards they
take Antelopps or Deare-, also the Leopard is taught to
follow after the Oxe, Soe that the Oxe, seekinge to come
amonge the wild ones, the Leopard beinge behinde him,
when hee seeth his tyme, leaps forth and catcheth one
of them by the Neck, which, if they can doe within 2 or
3 Leaps, well and good. If not, the Deare escapes, being
too nimble for him. The ordinarie way is, the Leopard
seekes by all meanes to come neere him covertlie, and
then leaps forth as aforesaid^. They use also greyhounds,
with which they hunt the Antelopp, Wilde boare, Jacall
Hare, etts. ; but I have not scene any blood hounds or
.beagles. The Antelope is also taken by one of his owne
kinde Tame, about whose homes they sett certaine Cords
or lyne, whoe, comeinge into the feilds goes in amonge the
1 Here is a marginal note — "An odd comparison."
^ I have not succeeded in finding any other mention of this official.
He was probably one of the Mussalman saininddrs (land-owners) who
were settled in the various parts of Mirzapur District after Akbar's
time. See District Gas. of the United Prov. {Mirzapur)., xxvii. 220.
In Relation xii., Mundy calls him "Naubatt Ckaun."
^ There seems to be an omission here. The copy in Harl. MS.
2286 has, "With these Leopards they take Antelopps sundrie waies.
One is theie have an Oxe brought amongst tame Antelopps or Deare.
Alsoe the Leopard &c."
"* For contemporary accounts of the chasing of antelopes with the
cheeta {clttta^ or hunting-leopard, see Mandelslo, p. 82 ; Thdvenot,
Part III. p. 38 ; Bernier, ed. Constable, pp. '^TS—'hll \ Fryer, ed.
Crooke, i. 279 — 280.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA II3
wild ones, where they fall to fighting. Then is the wilde
one intangled (I meane his homes) with the Tame ones.
Then comes forth those that lye in waite for the purpose
and take him alive. They have also trapps and Ginns to
take any other beast alive, from the Elephant to the
Mouse; Alsoe Hawkes of all sorts, with which they kill
Fowle, haveing many Inventions to take all sorts of them
alive. As firste for water fowle.
Catching of Water Fowle.
They take them with a Calabica [ca/ada^a] over their
heads, which I thinck is els where described \ Another
way is with a very longe Twigg like a fishinge rodd, at
th'end of which they put Birdlyme. On their left Arme
■ they carry a longe thinge made of bamboes, on which they
plate [plait] and fasten greene bushes, leaves and grasse.
And in this manner they make toward the fowle, whoe is
deceived, not knoweinge well whether bushes or trees doe
walke or noe. When the fowler is neere enough, hee putteth
forth^ the Topp of his Twigg right with the fowle, who can
hardly perceave it comeinge foreshortned to him, and soe
clapping it on him, hee is taken^ They alsoe kill them
with Gunns, gazzees \_gcizi] and Goleles [^gulel, pellet-bow] ;
with the Two latter many tymes flyeinge.
Guzzes is a sticke like an arrowe without a head^ which
1 Mundy is alluding to the method of catching waterfowl by
men with earthen pots or calabash coverings over their heads ; see
Ovington, p. 274. Dalrymple, Oriental Repei'tory^ ll. 483 — 484 quotes
an account of the process in 1791 and states that his information was
corroborated by Robert Orme who "had seen the Indians in the
actual operation." Mundy uses the Portuguese form of the word
calabash, calbaqa^ calabaca. See also Johnson, Indian Field Sports^
pp. 30 — 31, for a good description of this method of taking waterfowl.
For this last reference I am indebted to Colonel John Biddulph.
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has "forward."
3 See Thevenot, Part in. p. 38, for a similar account ; and Man-
delslo, p. 82, for catching "River-fowl" with a decoy.
* Gazi., a wooden arrow, an arrow with a wooden point.
M. II. 8
114 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
being delivered out of the Bowe, flyes not poynt wayes, but
either side wayes, or turning about, with which they many
tymes hitt.
Goleles are Htle bowes, out of which they shoote Clay
pelletts\ holding the pellett with the stringe betwene the
fore finger and the Thumbe, lett it flie, which goes with
good force, able to kill a pigeon, and [they] will shoote
them soe quick one after an other that [it] is strange. With
theis they compell and drive the Eliphant to Fight when
they are unwillinge, pelting them about the Leggs.
TJie ^oth August 1632. This dayes Journey ([to] Jegdees
ca Sarae [Saral Jagdis], 3 course) proved worse then the
former, but noe rayne, although under foote all the way in
a manner lay covered with water knee deepe, and some
tymes more^ Theis three courses were very troublesome.
Wee sawe a great flock of Craynes but could not make
a Shott att them.
Gurgaletts — a Cahare.
This morning went by us a score of Cahares [Kahars]-^,
with Coozars or Gurgaletts*, sent also by Nohabutt Ckaun
to the Kinge. Gurgaletts are curious fine, thin, earthen
potts to drinck coole water with. Of theis there bee ex-
cellent good made in Chaenare [Chunar] above mentioned ^
A Cahare is a fellow that on a peece of Bamboe (or great
Caine) which lyes on his shoulder, will carry att either end
1 The Harl. copy has a marginal note here — " Shootinge at them
with pelletts out of Geloles and Truncks."
2 More than a century later Tieffenthaler (l. 239) remarked that
the country between "Handia and Djagadispour" was marshy and
uncultivated.
^ TheJ'low" caste, whose main occupation is to act as "bearers"
of palanquins, etc., and domestic servants.
* Kiisa or goglet (Port, gorgoleia)^ a long-necked earthen water-
bottle. See Ovington, p. 295, for "kousers."
^ Chunar is still famous for the manufacture of porous long-necked
jars {surdhi) for holding drinking water.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA II5
thereof well | a Ouintall [cwt.], with which hee will travell
25 or 30 miles a daye, for hee goes a kinde of an easie
leaping pace, or as it were gently runninge, The Bamboe
yeildinge and bendinge att every stepp, soe that they
Carrie more steddie then any other kinde of Invention
that I knowe. They are most comonly imployed for
carryeinge of Chinae, Christall, or any curious [skilfully
wrought] brittle ware, Also of meat and drinck or any
liquid thinge. Any Create man when he travells hath
many of theis Cahares along with him, for the purposes
aforesaid.
The ^\th August 1632, (Ahumohol ca Sara^ 4 course.)
This is the place from whence Zefife Ckauns [Saif Khan's]
people carried awaie the prisoners, Buddoy [Bhadohi] being
3 course off, right on our left hand. Three parts of the
people are fledd from hence for feare of broyles. Wee
lodged without the Towne, the way hither as bad as
yesterdayes, much water.
A strange Journey.
A Cahare came along in our Companie, whoe carryed
water of Treveni Sunga^ to Setebundra Messer', which lyes
on the Sea side in the gulfe of Bengala, 800 Course (as they
say) from the place hee brings it, being of [off] the poynt
1 Rennell, Bengal Atlas, calls this place, " Aoomal-serai." It is
the Amwakantha of the Indian Atlas (sheet 88).
2 Sangain is a meeting place, confluence of rivers. TrivenI,
commonly Tribeni, TirbenI (the triple braid) is the place at Alla-
habad where the Ganges, Jamna and, popularly, the SarasvatI (by
an underground passage) meet.
^ Mundy appears to have misunderstood his informant. The
Kahar was probably carrying holy water to a Brahman {inisa}') at
"Setebundra." Mundy had evidently no idea where "Setebundra"
was, and records merely what his informant stated. The only place
approaching this name on the east coast of India is at the extreme
south, viz. Rameshwar on Adam's Bridge between India and Ceylon,
which is commonly known to the natives of India as Sitaband
Rameshwar. See Stirling, Orissa, in Asiatic Researches, XV. 284,
where it is called Setu Bund Rameswara ; and Elliot, Hist, of India,
I. 66, where the same situation is given and Set Bandhai as the name.
Il6 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [rEL. VIII
of the Castle att Elahabaz [Allahabad], where Ganges and
Jemina [Jamna] meete, called Treveny [TrivenI] of 3 rivers ;
for a Htle above, there runns one [the Sarasvati] into
Jemina, and soe both together runne into Ganges. This
[man] carries it only for his [inisar, Brahman's] devotion
(the water beinge accompted most holy) to besprinckle a
certaine Image called Mahadeu\
An extreame Superstition.
This place of Treveny was soe much honoured in
auntient tyme by the Hindoes that many of them would
come by Boate just where the Two Rivers doe begin to
Joyne, and there they would cawse themselves, beinge
alive, to bee cutt in Two peeces, That one might fall into
Ganges and the other into Jemina, by that means sacri-
fiseinge themselves unto them^, such Hollynesse doe they
attribute to rivers, (especially to this place), but above all
to the River Ganges, of whose water if they can gett a litle
into their mouthes att their giveing upp the ghost, they
account those more happie and blessed. The Cuttinge of
themselves was used in former tymes, now forbidden, but
the other generally observed. This by Common report.
Mahadeu [Mahadev, Siva] is accounted amongst them
to be the first man. The Image that they reverence hath
noe other forme then a Hatters blocks The reason of that
forme is rediculous. It is much reverenced to the Eastward
of Agra, and the further eastward the more. Also in Agra
it selfe, keeping great holly dayes for it, Then carryeing their
' Mahadev, the name under which Siva is commonly worshipped.
'^ Mundy is alluding to a mode of suicide prescribed in the Praydga
Mdhatmya (Guide to the Holy Places at Prag or Allahabad). See
Gaz. N.W.P. (Allahabad), viii. 83.
Tieffenthaler, i. 229, has a similar story of voluntary executions by
a sharp axe or saw at Benares prior to the reign of Aurangzeb, who
forbade the custom.
'■'' Mundy is alluding to the phallic emblem in the Patalpurl temple
at Allahabad.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA II7
Children that have the small pocks etts., to be cured by it,
an infinite number of people concurringe, men, weomen and
children, but especiallye weomen and children, whom theis
feasts concerne most ; It beinge also like our Bartholmew
faire for Childish Toyes\
To returne to our Journey. Towards nighte came a
fellow with a good Sword and buckler with some others
in his Company, of whome wee were advised to beware,
especially to look to our horses, for that those came as
Spies ^, which made us, whoe before lay Seperated, to with-
drawe ourselves and horses within the Compasse of our
Carts, which wee brought into the manner of a Roundle
[circle]. About 9 a Clock att night came the same fellowe
with more people and demaunded Custome. Wee told him
wee were Abdulla Ckauns ['Abdu'llah Khan's] People^ and
soe were the goods. Hee told us againe they cared not for
Abdulla Ckaun, miscallinge him, and giveinge him vilde
speeches, and bidd us tell him soe, and that he would
come with his Laskarre* ; They cared not for him nor
Zeffe Chaun [Saif Khan]. 500 rupees they demanded.
Great adoe and much counsellinge [consultation] for a longe
tyme. Wee resolved to stand on our defence. They said
if wee would not give it by faire meanes they would take it
perforce, for that within 2 grees l^gharlY he would bringe
1000 men, if neede were, and doe with us what they list.
The night was very darke, the place as notorious, haveing
^ Bartholomew Fair, beginning on St Bartholomew's Day, was
held in West Smithfield from 1133 till 1855. Up to 1691 it was an
important function lasting a fortnight. It was then shortened to four
days. See Morley, Memoirs of Barlholomew Fair.
2 Here is a marginal note — " Like to pay great Jaggatt."
^ The fact that 'Abdu'llah Khan had made himself feared by his
cruelties probably inspired this fiction. See ante., p. 90.
* The sense of this threat seems to be " that he might come with
his lashkar (army) if he chose."
5 See Relation xii. for Mundy"s explanation of the Indian method
of measuring' time.
Il8 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
formerly taken 30 rupees per Cart of others. This part of
the Countrie belonginge to Raja Seufdas [Raja Shiv Das]\
wee could expect noe lesse then they promised, for out of
those Manas-Townes by beateinge a Drumme they would
gather a great number of People in a Trice. Wee told them
of their kinge. They asked whoe the kinge was, sayeing,
" Tere Padshawe ca bettee Chiudiung \_te}'e Badslidh ke betl-
chntidn'\r The passage this way betwene Ellahabaz [Alla-
habad] and Bacmaroz [Benares] was att present verie badd,
aswell for the aboundance of water, bad way and uneven
ground as for the molestation by Rebells. Had wee gonne
by waye of Johunpore [Jaunpur], a great Cittie, [a] matter
of 2 dayes Journey the farther about, wee had saved both
cost and trouble ; but wee were informed that this way was
as cleare as the other, Soe tooke it as the neerer. In con-
clusion^, this great threatninge Cloud was dissolved with
the payment of a matter of 14 rupees in all, our Carters
takeing their oathes it was munition [provisions] ; and soe
wee slept that night a litle more quieter then wee
expected.
The \st September 1632. About 10 a Clock wee came
to this place (Baboo Ca Sarae [Saral Babu]). In this Sarae
was a Thefte committed on Mirza Aheeyaes [Mirza Yahya]^
people. The stollen goods was carried to Ahumoholl Ca
Sarae and sold there. A Certaine Carouzee (or Renter of
a place \karori, a tax-gatherer, farmer of taxes]) of Mirzaes,
passing through it, sawe the goods and apprehended 7
Hindoes, carryeing them with him to Buddoy [Bhadohl],
where Zeffe Ckaun [Saif Khan] hath a Castle, into which
they were put^ Upon this they fell by the Eares, wherein
' This man was probably one of the Mona Rajputs, to whom Shah
Jahan granted the \\!h.o\c pargana of Bhadohl as saminddrs.
'^ Here is a marginal note — " Howe wee came off."
•* See aiitt\ pp. 109 — no.
■^ Here is a marginal note — "The originall of Zeffe Ckauns quarrell
against Buddoy."
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA II9
there were 200 of Zeffe Ckauns people slayne and 2
Mogollannees \^mughaldni'\ or Moore [Muhammadan]
weomen taken, whome they restored, desireing also to have
back their Banians [^bajiyd, trader], which being denyed
them, they have beseidged the Castle, wherein they say
are 2000 horsemen of Zeffe Ckauns people, and hee him-
selfe (as before mentioned) is makeinge forces, aswell to raise
the Seidge as to revendge the wronge and affrount done to
him and his Sonne.
This part is under a Raja, whoe holds it of the Kinge\
the people Rashpootes [I'djpilts] and Bramanes \_brdhinans\,
their Townes consistinge of poore lowe howses, which on
a small ocasion they fire, runninge to the woods and
deserts, where they are hard to be found out-. Their
Armes : swords and Bucklers, with extraordinary longe
bowes of above 6 foote, and broad headed Cuttinge Arrowes,
a people tall and stronge to see to, apparralled, as is before
mentioned. They neither regard the kinge nor his lawes
verie much, soe that wee travelled in some feare, for they
would not beare a badd word or looke from you. Untill
night wee mett with noe more, and then came some in
a milder manner, whome a small matter contented.
In this place (as badd as it was) I found the best Racke
I'arak], although it were not very good, That I have mett
withall hitherto, for it did not taste of Mowa \inahwd\.
Today woods and waters.
The 2d September 1632. Within i Course of Baboo ca
Sarae [Sarai Babu], wee mett more of our last nights un-
welcome ghuests-^, whoe peremptorilie demaunded Jagatt
\^jagdt, custom], beate back our Oxen, scarce sufferinge a
man to expostulate. Yett soe farr wee asked them whether
1 See ante, note on p. 118.
2 Here is a marginal note — "The Inhabitants, Townes and Armes,
their Rebellions and manner of liveinge."
^ Here is a marginal note — " More Rebells."
I20 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
they were not the Kings Subjects. They quickly told us
That the Countrie was theires, and that the Kinge was
their Subjecte. In fine, it was mediated for a small matter.
Within a Course further wee mett with others whome wee
also pacified, and a fellowe that followed since the morninge
as a Spie wee contented, and hee returned. Wee expected
more but mett them not, there being a very faire Sarae and
a Tanck now a buildinge [at Saral Babu], which goes not
forward by reason the Gawares [g'anzi'dr^] say the ground
is theirs, soe that untill hee [the Raja] gett a Firman
[/ar7ndn, royal grant] from the Kinge (which hee is now
about), it will not goe.
In this Sarae (Mohun Ca Sarae [Mohan Sarai], 6 course)
were Cabull Ckauns [.? Qabil, Qabul or Kabull Khan's]^
people, who is Diwan of Puttana \diwdn of Patna]. They
carrie from him to the Kinge some lo or 12 Moynas
\inaina\, a Bird of Bengala, which learneth to speake very
plaine, in Coulour and Forme like a blackbird, but thrice
as bigge^
Heere wee made account wee were secure, but about
Sunsett came into the said Sarae 16 or 18 Gawares
\^ganwdrs\ whereof 4 or 5 horsemen ^ and some of them
were knowne by our people to bee of those that stood by
the way, and reported in the Sarae they came of purpose
to seeke for us, for on the way one of them passed by us,
askinge howe farr wee went to night. Wee told him hither
[Mohan Saral]. He replyed how wee might easely fetch
Bunnaroz [Benares], 3 Course further. Also about a pore
1 Mundy means the Mona Rajputs, evidently styled contemptuously
by his escort as ganwars or rustics.
2 I have found no other mention of this official.
^ The name maina is applied to several bii'ds of the starling
family, all teachable and imitative. In 1620 Hughes and Parker
(see Appendix D), sent from Patna "a cupell of pratlinge birds called
mynnas." See also Thcvenot, Part ni. p. 68.
■* Here is a marginal note — "Another danger."
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 121
[pahar]^, or 3 howres, in the night there was Commaund
given to the Metrannees \imhtardni\ or Betearees \bhathi-
ydri\ of the Sarae to warne their guests to looke to them-
selves, for that there were soe many people of Buddoy
[Bhadohl] entred in.
A Firman \_farindii\ is the Title of the Kinges Letters.
A Pirwanna \^parwdna\ is the Title of an Amrawes
\amir\ Letter.
A Diwan is an Officer of the Kinges resideinge in
great Citties or Governements with the Governour thereof,
whoe is to looke after the Kinges matters in that province
and to advise him of all passages.
Metrannes or Betearees are certen Weomen in all
Saraes^, that looke to the litle roomes there and dresse the
Servants meate, accomodateinge them with Cottes \kJidt,
bed] etts. needfull to bee had ; of these some have 2, some
3 or 4 roomes a peece, for which in the morninge wee pay
I pice or 2 pice each. They live likewise in the said Roomes
with their husbands and Children. There husbands most
comonly are Cahares \kahdrsY-, Fowlers or Fishers, for the
most part abroad. Sometymes it is a sport to Travellers
to see them fall out about a Chipp or a peece of a pott,
scowldinge and raileinge 5 or 6 howres together, Soe that
when the mother is weary then the daughter riseth and
takes her part, and after the daughter the husband, soe
takeing Turnes, useing the most beastliest and revileinge
termes they can invent, rippinge upp one anothers faults in
publique ; and shee that overcomes is not a litle prowd
and joyfull, as the other is vexed.
1 See Relation xil. for Mundy's explanation of "gree" and "pore."
2 Mihtaram, female scavenger ; bhathiyai'i^ innkeeper's wife,
woman employed in a sardi. Mundy's observation is not quite
correct. It is the business of the bhathiydri to prepare meals, but
no native traveller would touch food prepared by a inihtardm, who
belongs to the "lowest" caste.
^ Mundy is again wrong : Kahar is another caste altogether, of
which a woman is called kahdran.
122 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
TJie ^d September [1632]. In the morninge, att our
setting forth of the Sarae, wee fitted our selves in the best
manner wee could for our defence, expectinge to have mett
with the Buddoyns [Bhadohians], but they came not. Of
all the Citties and Townes that I have seene in India,
none resembles so much those of Europe as this Banaroz
([Benares^], 3 course) doth a distance off, by reason of the
many great and high Spires that are in it, which belonge to
Pagodes or Hindoo Churches. Also when wee came into
it, wee found it wondrous populous, good buildings, paved
streets, but narrow and Crooked-.
The ^th September [1632]. Wee remained heere all day,
by reason our Carts were embargued^ by the Fowsdare
\^faujddr'\ Muddafur beag [Muzaffar Beg] to transporte
Keleeche Ckauns [Kulij Khan's] weomen and howshold
stuffe from Ellahabaz [Allahabad] to Multan (hee being
late Governour of the former, and now appoynted to the
latter)^, hee himselfe gon before ; but with a bribe wee were
freed.
This place is generallie peopled with Hindoes of 3 sorts,
vizt., Khattrees [Khatri], Bramanes [Brahman] and Banians
[Banya], and resorted unto from farr, drawne hither by
their superstitious reverence to the river Ganges (which
runs by it). As also to divers Pagodes, Dewraes [deurd,
temple] or Churches. The cheifest is called Cassibessuua^
^ Mundy's spelling is as near as the modern English to the original
Banaras.
^ See Fytche's description of "Bannaras" (in Purchas), ed. Macle-
hose, X. 176 — 177. Tieffenthaler (i. 228) and Yl&her, Journey fro7n
Calcutta to Bombay (l. 282), both remarked on the narrow streets.
Mundy has here a marginal note, "This place resembles Christian
cities and in what."
^ Embargued, from the obsolete verb to embarge, lay under an
embargo, confiscate, sequestrate. See the O.E.D., s.v. Embarge.
■• Mr Beveridge informs me that Mundy's statement is correct.
Kulij Khan was transferred from Allahabad to Multan in the 5th year
of the reign of Shah Jahan.
^ Cassibesuua or Cassibesuva is Mundy's rendering of the name
of the famous temple of Bisheshwar at Kiisi (Benares). This temple
facing p. 123
RT ' ~ y^r'' ^'{^ Alk-
No. 8. MAHADEV (sIVA)— WOMEN POURING LIBATIONS OVER
A LING AM
No. 9. GANESH AND CHATURBHUJ (VISHNU)
(probably by mistake for Shadbhuj, Six-armed Karttikeya, the god of war)
Hakliiyl Sociely.\
\ Series TI, Vol. 35.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 1 23
being of Mahadeu [Mahadev, Siva] ; I went into it, where,
in the midle, on a place elevated, is a stone in forme like
a Hatters blocke (as before mentioned) plaine and un-
wrought, as per the figure^ on which they that resort powre
water of the River, flowres, rice, Butter, which heere (by
reason of the heat) is most comonly Liquid, whilest the
Bramane reads or sayes something which the Vulgar under-
stands not. Over it hanges a Canopie of Silke and about
it severall Lampes lighted. The meaneinge of that plaine
blunte forme, as I was told by a plaine blunt fellow, was
That it represented the head of Mahadeus viril member.
If soe, some mistery may bee conceived why litle Children
are by their mothers brought to this Saint to be cured.
Perhapps conservation as well as genneration is thereby
implyed^.
Other Dewraes they have with Images which they much
reverence, as of Gunesh [Ganesh] with an Eliphants Trunck
instead of a Nose, of Chutterbudge [Chaturbhuj] with 6^
faces 6^ Armes and hands, as per the figures underneath.
Also in most of their Dewraes, in the most private and
cheifest place of all, is the Image of a woman sittinge
Crosse legg'd, adorned with Jewells^. This much reverenced
from Agra Westward, but Mahadew [Mahadev] for the
most part heere away. Also most comonly before the
was destroyed by Aurangzeb. For a description of the ruins and of
the "Golden Temple" which replaced it, see Sherring, Sacred City of
the Hindus, pp. 50 — 52.
1 See Illustration No. 8.
2 Here is a note in Mundy's own writing— "Sir Walter Raleigh in
his historic of the World, part primo, lib. 4, saith of Jupiter Ammon
supposed to bee of the forme of a bosse on a Boate etts. Whither
this hath any relation or may bee Derived from thence I know not.
That stood in Libia (the Said part folio 182 [fol. 153 of 1632 ed.]), as
[like] this being allso of the forme of a Bosse or studde." Mundy is,
of course, describing a lingam^ the common Indian object of the phallic
worship of Siva, so puzzling to the unlearned European of modern
times.
2 A mistake for 4, as also in Mundy's Illustration (No. 9).
* Devi in the form of Durga.
124 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
goeing in of their Dewraes, they ha\'e the Image of a Calfe
or Young Bullock [Nandi, the bull or official vehicle of
Siva]. Heere in their great Pagodes were many like^
roomes apart, with their severall Images, of which there
were many that lay up and downe in sundrie places, of a
reasonable handsome forme, and the best Cutt that I have
yett seene in India. Others that I have heretofore mett
withall were for the most part mishapen.
The Hindoes Ceremonies, Pilgrimages, strange Stories,
Fained [pretended] miracles, etts. are soe many and soe
various in ever)^ Province, that learge volumes would not
conteyne them. I have only in breife touched some few
passages thereof happening in my way^.
TJie ^th September [1632]. From Bunaroz, crosseinge
the river Ganges againe, wee came to Baderpore ([Baha-
durpur], i course). The river is scarse 2^ flight shott broad,
but about 18 or 19 fathome deepe (as they say) and runneth
very slowe. Wee went noe further this day, but rested
in the Sarae in Company of a Mansubdare \inansabddr\
belonginge to Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan], and was
travellinge towards Puttana with his howsehold and goods,
his name Loote Bahadore [Lut Bahadur]. A Monsubdare
is one under another that receives a Certaine Stipend or
pay of soe many Horse to serve them in the Warrs^
The 6th September [1632]. About Tisserapore [/fi-ra
pahar, 3.0 p.m.] wee came to this place (Seersee ca Sarai
[Saral Sirsl], 7 course) haveinge had some bad passages of
water in many Townes and Tillage [rice-fields] ; and about
1 The Harl. copy has "htle."
2 In the Harl. copy this sentence runs — "Some few passages that
happen in my waie I breifehe sett downe, haveinge at such tymes not
much to doe."
■' The Hai-I. copy has "3 flight."
* The title of ?!iansabddr\v^.s applied to the semi-feudal dependents
of the Mogul Emperor. The niansabdar of the text would seem to be
of the 2nd or 3rd class, owing allegiance to Abdu'llah Khan. See
Irvine, Army of the Indian Moi^^hiils, pp. 7 — 8.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 1 25
some of their Tovvnes were aboundance of Tarree [Mrz]
Trees ^, where I was in hope to have found some Tarree or
drinck, haveing neither seene nor Tasted any theis manye
dayes ; but wee were told they nourished theis Trees cheifely
for the leaves wherewith they made matts, etts.
The yt/i September [1632]. We came no farther to dale
by reason wee were faine [obliged] to passe over a litle
River called Carmanasca [Karamnasa] by boate, it beinge
a litle too deepe for Carts to passe through without
wetting the goods. Heere (Cajoora ca Sarae [Khajura],
3 course) on the Sand were prettie store of Muscles of
those which in England wee call [cockles^], whereof
cawseinge some to be gathered and drest, I eate of them.
It seemed strange to mee to find such in a fresh water
River, att least 160 or 180 miles from the Sea. Only in
this they differ ; ours are white and theis are black. Of
this River^ the Khattrees [Khatrl] and Banians [Banya]
have an opinion that whatsoever Pilgrimage, Almes or
other merritorious workes they may have done, yett if they
doe but Chaunce to wett any part of their body with the
water of it, that then all what they have done is not avail-
able nor effectuall till they doe them over againe ; soe that
they are very carefull how they passe it^.
The ^th September [1632]. To day wee had much
trouble by reason That in many places there was much
^ Here is a marginal note — "Tarree trees, otherwise called Toddy
trees." The explanation is in Mundy's own writing.
2 There is a blank here in all three MSS.
•^ Here is a marginal note — "A pernitious River to the super-
stitious Hindoes."
* The Karamnasa, " destroyer of religious merit," rises in the
Kaimur Hills and after a course of 146 miles joins the Ganges near
Chaunsa. The stories accounting for the impurity of its waters and
their effect in washing away all previous righteousness are connected
with the Puranic legend of Trisanku (Satyavrata). See Ain Akbart,
tr. Jarrett, II. 151;/.; Gaz. N.W.P. {Mhsdpur), XIV. 23; Chandra-
sekhara Banurji, The Kaimur Range {m J.A.S.B., 1877, XLVI., Pt. I.
19 — 20); Crooke, Poptdar Religion^ i. 40 — 41.
126 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
tough mire, that the Oxen were scarce able to draw through,
and yett it had not rayned there in a moneth ; Soe that if
there had fallen any store of raine, as is usual! att this tyme
of the yeare, there had bene noe passage att all, or not
above one Course a day att the most, all this day beinge as
it were a Marish, overgrowne with a long kinde of grasse
[rushes], such as in England wee make matts for bedds with
or strewe in Churches as in the west Countrie. Neere our
Monzull \inanzil, halting-place] (Saunt ca Sarae [Sawant],
4 course) wee passed over another litle River called Saunt,
where wee had also Muscles [cockles] in the Sand. Theis
7 d ayes wee had on our right hand prettie high, round rise-
ing land, such as some part of England appeares to bee
when a man is 5 or 6 leagues of att sea, which put mee in
minde thereof
Moreover, from Agra hitherto, the poorer sort of People
that wee mett carried Ouintasoles [umbrellas]^ but course
[ones], being made of leaves all in generall ; But from
Suratt to Agra, Brampore [Burhanpur] way, I doe not
remember I saw one.
Fighting of Antelopps — of Ramms.
Wee met to day many learge faire Tame Antelopps,
sent by Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan] to the Kinge,
whoe keepes them to fight, the which [in] my opinion is
but a slender sporte. For they comeinge to meete one
another, hee that is strongest drives the other back. Also
many keepe Ramms for the same purpose, which they
holding a good distance asunder, are lett goe to encounter,
and then sundred againe, and lett goe as aforesaid soe long
as they please, many tymes, untill one of them falls downe,
breakes a home or runs awaie.
1 In the margin of the MS. " Quintasoles" is corrected by Mundy
to " Quittasoles." See Bovvrey, ed. Temple, pp. 85 — 86.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 12/
How Elephants fight — How parted.
In India are used many other fightings of beasts, as of
EHphants, wild Buffaloes etts. The fighting of Eliphants
is seldome seene but where the King is, and there often
used, sometymes twice a weeke, vizt., Tuesdaies and Sattar-
daies in the afternoone att Agra\ The manner thus, partly
as my selfe sawe, and partly by report. First the Elephants
appoynted for the day, which are usually one Couple-,
other tymes there may be two and some tymes three Couple.
The King cometh to the Jarooca \^jharokha\ or windowe,
that looketh into the River, upon whose strand, right before
the said Windowe, being the place appoynted, they are
brought ; with each a guide sitting on his Neck. Att the
word given they are lett goe, and soe runninge one against
the other with their Truncks aloft they meete head to head-'.
There they with their Teeth lye Thrustinge and forceinge
with all their strength, whoe are againe parted by their
Keepers. But sometymes they will not be ruled by words.
Then doe they apply fireworks on long Bamboes or staves
betwene them"*, whose cracks and noyse, fire and smoake
doe sever them (for they stand much in feare of it), soe lett
them joyne againe ; this as often as they please. Some-
tymes one getts the victorie by over bearing the other in
strength till hee make him give way, which hee followes ;
and if the other bee not too light for him, overtakes and
overthrowes him sometymes, then lyes over him, foyninge
^ In Jahangir's time elephant fights are said to have occurred
almost daily. See Purchas, His Pilgrimage (p. 523) ; Roe, ed. Foster,
pp. 106, 112; Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 277.
2 According to the Am Akbnj't, tr. Blochmann, I. 131, each
elephant had " his match appointed for fighting."
^ Here is a marginal note — "in Achein far otherwise, fo: 129."
Mundy is alluding to his description of elephant-fights at Achin, as
found in Relation xxni.
* For the parting of elephants by fireworks, see Purchas, His
Pilgrimage^ p. 529 ; and for a detailed description of this particular
kind of cracker {charkht), see Afn Akbari, tr. Blochmann, i. 127.
128 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
[thrusting] att him with his teeth, tramplinge and over-
lyeing him, for they can neither kick, bite nor Scratch.
Theis fighting EHphants are of the fairest bignesse and
strongest, whose teeth are sawen off in the midle and then
bound about with iron or Brasse for there more strength ;
for if they were left whole, they endaunger the breakeing
att every encounter. Yett is there a sort called Muccan\
of a very great body, whoe have but very litle and short
Teeth, and comonly overcome the others. There Keepers
or Guides are many tymes strucken of in the fight, but
quickly gett up againe ; but sometymes they are killed out-
right. Other tymes they are left to run after men on
horseback, whoe are too nimble for him ; for the Eliphant
cannot gallop, only shoveling away hee may run somewhat
faster then a man.
Also wilde Buffaloes and Bulls, other tymes Tigers and
lyons [fight] : to [also] the wilde boare and the Leopard ;
to [also] the Antellope etts : [there are] divers others of
this kinde of Sports Our pastime of Cockfightinge is not
heere in use-^ ; only among young men and boyes they have
certen small black birds called bulbulls'*, and sometyme[s]
Quailes, which make some sporte.
The gth September 1632. Todaies travell (Ckhoja ca
Sarae [Khwaja ka Sara at Kathju], 6 course) much re-
sembled yesterdayes (the River excepted), having the same
Mari.sh ground with the continuance of the high land.
About 9 a clock wee mett Heiderbeag [Haidar Beg], an
Amraw \_amir\ of 1500 horse, belonging to Zeffe Ckaun
^ Makhan, an elephant without tusks or a cock without spurs.
■■^ For other descriptions of the fighting of animals in India, see
Purchas, His Pilgri/nage^ p. 516; Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 262.
•^ Mundy is certainly in error about cockfighting, one of the oldest
and most persistent pastimes in India. See Crooke, Tliitii^s Indian^
pp. II — 12; Fryer, ed. Crooke, n. 68—69 andyi;;. ; Latif, Aiffa, p. 76
* The bulbul or " Indian Nightingale," a bird belonging to the
short-legged thrushes {^brachipodidac).
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 1 29
[Saif Khan], unto whom he was now goeing, and came
from Puttana^
The \Qth September 1632. Wee drewe neare to the
Hilhe Countrey, which shewed itselfe much more rugged
then formerly it appeared to bee. To day a Httle better
manured [cultivated] then former ; the way a litle dryer.
Wee kept 4 Course alonge by the river. This Towne
(Ckhorumauaz [Khurramabad]^, 6 course) was well sup-
plyed with all necessaries ; hard by which is a prettie litle
bridge.
The nth September 1632. About 3 howres before day
wee parted from Ckhorumauaz, and neere midnight follow-
inge wee came to this place (Souso Rame [Sasaram],
6 course), all by reason of some Mirie passages, soe tough
and deepe, especially one of about a mile longe, that had it
rained (according to Custome), there had bene noe passage
att all, but should have bene faine [obliged] to have layen
still many dayes, untill the way were something dryed upp.
This place lyes almost att the Corner of the high Land
[the Kaimur hills] before spoaken of, which is a meere
wildernesse overgrowen with bushes. The Inhabitants
rebells Against the Raja thereof They say that Abdull
Ckhaun ['Abdu'llah Khan] is preparinge to bringe [them]^
to obedience perforce.
Heere is a very faire Tancke^ with a goodly Se-
pulcher in the middst of it, with a bridge to goe to it, all of
hewen stonel It is without question the formalist [most
^ See a7ite, note on pp. 108 — 109, for the transfer of Saif Khan
from the government of Patna to that of Allahabad.
'^ Now Jahanabad.
•^ There is a blank here in the Rawl. MS. The Harl. copy has
"him," but the remark undoubtedly refers to "the Inhabitants."
^ A lake of about 1000 ft. square.
^ The Harl. copy adds here " of Sereshaw, a Patan kinge," and
omits the rest of the paragraph and the following one. The passages
so cut out appear in the Harl. copy in the account of the return
journey from Patna {Relation xn. in the Rawl. MS.). The bridge,
350 ft. in length, has long since disappeared.
]\I. II. q
130 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
elaborately constructed] and largest Copula^ in all India, or
that ever I sawelswhere, although the Mosques att Constanti-
nople have those that are verie spacious. This within the
Arch conteyneth above 32 of my ordinarie stepps, and (as
I finde by triall that 4 make 3 yards att least) is 24 yards
and maketh 72 feete ; soe much it is from side to side,
a wonderfull breadth-.
Moreover, if a man doth hollow alowde, the sound will
remaine neere halfe a minute", or while a Temperate mans
pulse may beate 30 stroaks, with a quavering, shakeinge or
trembling, like unto the sound of some Bells-*, all which mee
thought was very strange, haveing never heard or seene the
like before. This is the monument of Sereshawe [Sher
Shah], the last Pattan [Pathan, Afghan] king whoe was
driven from Dilly [Delhi] by Hamaon [Humayun], the
father of Ecbar [Akbar], and retyring to theis parts, dyed-^,
and was heere buried under a small low Tombe or Hearse,
with neere 20 such other small tombes about it, all under the
^ Here is a marginal note — "An admirable copula or cupolae";
the last two words are in Mundy's own writing.
^ The Harl. copy has "at least 48 foote from side to side, as
I computated by my own stepps, whereof it conteyned 32 or 2,3-^^ But
the reckoning in the text is the more correct, for Cunningham gives
the diameter within the dome as 71 ft. 5 — 7 in.
■^ Here is a marginal note — " Strange echo."
** The Harl. copy has "A man might leasurelie tell 30 while the
ecchoe did resound in the roofe with a speakinge like unto the sound
of some bells."
•^ Mundy is mixing up history. In 1540 Sher Shah Stir the Afghan,
defeated the Emperor Humayun at Chaunsa and reigned at Delhi till
1545. He was succeeded by his son SalTm Shah who died in 1554.
The remains of both these kings were conveyed to Sasaram and there
buried. Sallm's young son Firoz was deposed and murdered almost
immediately on his accession by Mubariz Khan, who reigned for a
short time as Muhammad Shah 'Adill. In 1555 he was defeated and
dethroned by Ibrahim Khan Siir, who in his turn was overthro^\'n by
Ahmad Khan, a nephew of Sher Shah. This prince assumed the title
of Sikandar Shah. A month later, in May 1555, he was defeated by
Humayun's forces at Sarhind and took refuge in flight. Humayun
returned to Delhi a second time and died there as the result of an
accident in Jan. 1556.
No. 10. TOMB OF SHER SHAH SUR AT SASARAM
[SiritsJJ, Vci.iS-
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 131
said Copula ^ The draught vv^hereof, and the body of the
whole Fabrick apperteyninge to it, I have endeavoured to
expresse as b}^ the figure on th' other side which I am
certaine is very neere resemblinge the forme of it".
This Countrey was wonn from the Puttans [Pathans]* by
Raja Mansinge [Raja Man Singh] for king Ecbar [Akbar]^
Also heere is another very large Tanck, the biggest
I have yett seene', in Compasse 3 quarters of a mile att
least, fower square'', of hewen stone, the monument of Selim
Shaw [Sallm Shah], with a spacious 4 squaire place in the
.midle, overgrowne With bushes, haveing had a bridge to
come to it, which now is broken and fallen'^. The earth
that was taken out for the makeing thereof is Layd round
about, neere halfe a flights shott from it, of an equall
distance ; Soe that betwene it and the Tancke is a prettie
plaine that goeth round the banck without side of an
exceeding hight^.
In the said Tanck are many Aligators or Crocadiles
[mag-ary which pray on certaine fowle which come to the
midle part afore mentioned, where he lyeth Lurking on the
Stepps like a logg, till hee see his tyme, then suddenly
^ For a description of the magnificent mausoleum at Sasaram,
erected by Slier Shah for his own remains, see Cunningham, Arc/meo/,
Survey of India, ^\. \'^2 — 137.
- See Illustration No. 10.
^ The spelling of this word seems to have worried Mundy. In the
margin he has added " or Parthians."
* Man Singh inflicted a crushing defeat on the Afghans in 1592,
but they were not finally driven from Bengal till 161 1.
* The Harl. copy adds " in India."
6 Cunningham gives the dimensions of this lake as 1250 ft. square,
so Mundy does not overestimate the size.
' If Mundy's statement is correct, the existing bridge, of purely
Hindu construction, must have been erected subsequent to his visit.
* For a description of the unfinished tomb of Salim Shah (or
Islam Shah) Siir, sonof Sher Shah and Sultan of Delhi 1545 — 1554, see
Cunningham, Archaeol. Survey of India, xi. 137 — 138.
" The ma^ar (mugger) is, however, a true crocodile and not an
alligator.
132 A JOURNEY FRO.M AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
Catcheth at them and devoureth them. This midle part, it
seemes, was ordeyned for a Garden^, but is now abandoned
and overgro\\'ne with bushes.
These 10 or 12 dayes wee had in our waie many small
Tancks, not of Stone worke, only the earth taken out and
layd round about to make a receptacle for water in tyme
of raine.
Mirza Munchere [Mirza Manuchihr] is heere Governour^
and resides in the Castle halfe built by Muzaeffe Ckaun
[Muzafifar Khan], his predecessor, whoe departed in all
haste for Peeran Puttan [Patan in Baroda State] by the
Kings appoyntment, leaveing his weomen and howshold
stuffe to follow him.
The \2tJ1 September 1632. Wee were glad to make
a Moccame \inakdin, halt] heere (Souso Rame [Sasaram])
to refresh our Oxen that were sore laboured with yester-
dayes tugging. In the afternoone wee went to take the
Ayre. First wee went to Sereshawes [Sher Shah's] Tombe,
but it was taken upp with Muzeaffe Ckauns [Muzaffar
Khan's]weomen, soe there was noe admittance for that tyme ;
from thence to Selimshawes [Sallm Shah's] Tancke, and then
back againe to Chundenshawes [Chandan Shah's] Tombe,
which stands on the Toppof a round Hill att the end of the
high Land'l The ascent was very difficult and steeple.
Heere was a plaine common Sepulchre. From hence wee
might see some hills on one side of Puttana, 40 Course off.
This Chundenshawe was a Captaine, whoe being to be
married att Noone, a freinde of his chaunced att that tyme
' The Harl. copy adds " or a Tombe."
- Mr Beveridge suggests that this man may be the Mirza
Manuchihr mentioned in tlie Madsiru''l Unim'd as one of the officers
made prisoner by Mahk 'Ambar in 1624. It is said that he suffered
a long imprisonment, but it is possible that on his release he was
made Governor of Sasaram.
^ Here is a marginal note — "The Tombe of Chundenshaw and his
story." The tomb of Hazrat Chandan Shahid, a local saint, is at the
east end of Sasaram, on a spur of the Kaimur range.
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 1 33
to be besett by his enemies and sent to him for aid, whoe
that morning ^^'ent to assist him with 4000 horse, and with
them was hee slaine in or neere about that place. His
Sepulchre is preserved, and he honoured as a Sainct
amongst the Moores [Muhammadans] unto this day\
From that Mountainous Countrie [the Kaimur range] come
some Dyamonds, falcons, wilde beasts and not els.
The I'^th September 1632. Betwene Souso Rame
[Sasaram] and this place (Sherapore [Sherpur]-, 5 course)
nothinge but a meere wood with some store of great trees ;
But such v/oods and Forrests of them as are in England
I have not seene as yett, in all I have gone hetherto ; The
way today something better.
The i^th September 1632. Wee crost over the River
Soane [Son] ; first a matter of f Course over Sands and
Shoulds [shoals], where Loaden Carts Could not passe^,
our goods being carried on Oxens backs ; then by boate as
much more, which was sett forward by Poles to the other
side against the Streame ; then \ a Course further, over
sands againe (Cavullpore^, 2 Course). The river is very
broad, but shallowe, and scattringe in bancks and Shoaldes^
Wee were (as they say) the first loaden Carts that past
that way since the raynes beganne, which had it kept its
ordinarie course, as other yeares, wee had bene heere againe
1 The legend of Chandan Pir (Chandan Shahid, Chandan Shah),
as told to Mundy, differs altogether from the usually accepted story : —
"A Muhammadan saint living at Benares had his head cut off by
a Hindu named Chandan, and he fled away without his head until he
reached Sasaram. Here he asked a woman for piiij., or betel, to eat,
but she replied, ' What is the use of giving you pan when your head
is gone?' on which the holy man at once dropped down dead."
Cunningham, Archaeol. Survey of India, xi. 133.
^ An alternative name for Makrain. On the return journey (see
Relation xii.) Mundy calls the place " Macraen or Sherepore."
^ Here is a marginal note — " The straglinge River of Soane."
* I cannot identify this place. It seems to be now represented by
Barun.
° For a description of the Son and the sand dunes on its banks,
s&t Bengal Dist. Gazetteer {Qz.ya)^ pp. 5 — 7.
134 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO. PUTTANA [REL. VIII
stopped. Wee had a little trouble to procure oxen, and in
passing our goods. From hence, about 12 course off,
appeares the Castle of Ruitas [Rohtas], one of the most
famous of all India for height^, bignes and strength, seated
on a very high mountaine-, That part that wee sawe beinge
right upp and downe, like a steeple Cliffe on the Seashore.
The \^tJi Septeviber 1632. This daye I left the Carts
and departed before towards Puttana [Patna] to provide
a place to howse our goods. In our way ([to] Budderpore
[Badrabad], 17 course) wee past Aganoore ca Sara [Aganur],
10 Course, where our Carts made account to make their
Monzull \inanzil, stage]. Today, for the most parte, wee
kept along by the River Soane, half the way woodie, the
other champaine [champaign, flat] ; Noe wyne to be found
for any money, a straight prohibition against it, death to the
partie and distruction to that howse where it shalbe found.
The i6th September 1632. Nothinge more this day
then that 2 course short untill wee came to this place
(Naubuttpore [Naubatpur], 12 course) I may well say wee
sawe a million of Mangoe trees in plotts and groves, as
well right in our way as on both hands.
The lyth September 1632. Wee came to this Cittie
(Pattana, 8 course) ; noe wast ground all the way, but full
of Mango Trees, Cocotrees, Sugar Canes, Cotten and
graine ; Also the ranck of trees, which wee had lost soe
many dayes since, appeared now againe, 3 or 4 Course off.
The Cittie hath a mount of Earth round about it, upon the
which is a wall, some 4 or 5 yards high, with battlements.
It lyeth alongst by the river Ganges, it beinge about halfe
a mile broad hereabouts, without bancks or sholds in
appearaunce-'.
1 Mundy attempted a closer inspection of Rohtasgarh on the
return journey. See Relation Xll.
' A spur of the Kaimiir hills.
■* For a description and history of "The City of Patna," see Mr
Beveridge's article {Calcutta Reviciv^ vol. LXXVI. pp. 211 — 233).
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 135
The i^tk November 1632. Haveinge accomplished my
business \ I crossed over the River ([to] Hageepore Puttana,
4 course-), and about 3 mile further wee went on sand and
oaze, the river being now retired, but in tyme of rayne it
is over flowen to the very Towne. This place'^ is verye
auntient [and nominated but now decayed]^, and in former
tymes much resorted unto as cheife place in theis parts, all
the Traffique [which was then in former tymesj* now
reduced to Puttana which hath bene built and Inhabited but
of late^ Att the westerne side, close by the Towne, issues
out a great river into Ganges, called Gunducke [Gandak].
Unto this place (as farr as I could heere) never yet arrived
any English, Although about 12 yeres since there were
att Puttana Mr Hughes and Mr Parker"^, now both dead,
1 The events of Mundy's two months' stay in Patna are recounted
in Relations x. and xi.
^ Hajipur, on the northern bank of the Ganges, said to have been
founded in the 14th century by Hajillyas. Mundy has here a mar-
ginal note — " Hajeepore Puttana, my 7ton plus ultra." In a letter
from Surat to Agra in January 1620, the place appears as "Hogrepore-
patamia" {Eilglish Factories, 161 8 — 1621, p. 182).
^ The copy in Harl. MS. 2286 has a marginal note — "The antient
place of trade before Pattana was."
* These words are added from the Harl. copy.
•^ Mundy is referring to the foundation of the present city of Patna
by Sher Shah in 1541.
" Robert Hughes was admitted factor in Nov. 1614. He arrived
at Surat in 161 5, was at Ajmer in 1616 and was sent to Agra in 1617.
From 1620 — 1 62 1 he was at Patna, and on his return to Agra took up
the post of Chief of that factory, to which he had been appointed early
in 162 1. In the following year he was imprisoned on account of the
seizure by the English of goods belonging to merchants in Sind. On
his release, he made arrangements for closing down the factory at
Agra, according to orders from Surat, but apparently died, in the
autumn of 1622, on the eve of his departure. His death is noted early
in 1623.
John Parker was appointed fourth at Agra in 1619. In the same
year he desired leave to return to England, but instead was sent to
Patna as assistant to Hughes. He returned to Agra as accountant,
was imprisoned with Hughes in the following year, left Agra in June
1622, and was appointed chief at Ahmadabad early in 1623. But
he had "long lain ill of a languishing disease," and apparently died
before he could reach Surat. His effects were claimed by his mother
in 1624. See Letters Received.^ 1617 ; Roe, ed. Foster, p. 212 ; Etiglish
Factories, 1618 — 1623 ; Cal. State Papers., E. /., 1622 — 24.
136 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA [REL. VIII
whoe came to see the state of this Countrie, and to settle
some Trade heere, but in shorte t)'me after the}' returned
back againe to Agra\
From be}-ond this place to the Eastward are hither
brought certen small horses, called Goonts [^guiit/i] or
Tangans [tdnghauY, which are of the same repute heere in
India as our Cornish Naggs are with us in England, and
have neere the same forme and Conditions, full of mettall,
hard bredd and of great endurance. Hence wee returned
to Puttana.
The i^th November 1632. Wee went to Bendrabun
[Brindaban] (3 course). B)- this place in a litle grove
of Trees are about lOO Monkies, little and great, whoe have
a certaine allowance }'ereley to maineteyne them, besides
what straungers give them, for they are halfe Tame and
will come neere for graine or sweete meats, but not suffer
themselves to bee taken. Here they live and breed and
drinck out of the River Ganges that runneth by them.
There are sundrie of theis places in India, but that neere
Muttra by Agra is the chiefest, Where are said to bee
1 0000 of them, whoe have certaine allowance of provision
and graine every da}\ This is also the superstitious
observation of the Hindoes"'.
^ For copies of the original documents giving an account of the
first English commercial mission to Patna in 1620 — 162 1, see Ap-
pendix D. And see also Pelsart, p. 3, for the transitory settlement
of an English factory there and the cause of its abandonment.
2 " In the northernmost district of Hindustan, a kind of small but
strong horses is bred, which are called gtit ; and in the confines of
Bengal, near Kuch[-Bahar], another kind of horses occurs, which
rank between the gut and Turkish horses and are called taiighan :
they are strong and powerful." Ain Akbarl, tr. Blochmann, I. 133.
This animal, the strong little pony of Bhutan and Tibet, reads like
a description of the breed now famous all over Burma as Shan
ponies.
^ Brindaban, vulg. Bindraban, means a gro\-e or forest of the
sacred tulsi shrubs, the most celebrated being that at Gokul, near
Muttra. Mundy seems to have been taken to a Hindu shrine near
Patna, situated in a grove of the sacred tulsi shrubs, where a quantity
of monkeys was kept by some gosain or other Hindu ascetic. This
1632] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO PUTTANA 1 37
This Eveninge wee returned to Puttana (3 course), and
fitted our selves for our departure thence.
From Agra hither wee find by the Calculation of our
perticuler Journies to bee but 253 Course, though usuallie
accompted 300, by reason of the extraordinary trouble and
hindrance there is in passing rivers in the wa}'e.
Miles
253 Course from Agra to Puttana att i^ Mile is 379 J
8 Course from Puttana to Hadgeepore-Puttana
and back againe is 12
6 Course from Puttana to Bendrabun and back 9
267^ Course of India makes English miles- 400^^
grove was probably that of Man Singh-ka-Bagh in the village of
Akbarpur, near the old junction of the Gandak and Ganges. See
Archaeol. Siirvey Rep07-ts, vol. xvi. s.v. Hajipur.
^ Roe, ed. Foster, p. 541, makes the distance from Agra to
" Hhagipurpatna 300 courses, about 680 miles," a great exaggeration,
while Mundy's estimate is considerably less than the actual distance,
which is really, following the route he describes, about 550 miles.
- Here the copy in Harl. MS. 2286 adds — "Thus much since
our departure from Agra till our Arrivall in Puttana, and untill the
tyme that wee were ready to leave the same againe." Then, with no
break, the HutI. copy goes on to a " Discription of Puttana," which
is part of Relation xi. in the Rawl. MS.
%f
RELATION 1X\
REASONS ALLEDGED BY PETER MUNDY, BEFORE HIS DE-
PARTURE AGRA, THAT THE SENDINGE HIM FOR
PUTTANA WITH THE COMPANIES GOODS MAY NOT
ONLY PROVE TO THEIR LOSSE BUT IS PLAINLY
AGAINST THE PRESIDENT AND COUNCELLS INTENT
AND MEANING.
Although my Principalis authoritie and ground for the
doeinge thereof bee sufficient enough, yett I crave his leave
and pardon if I sett dov^^ne my owne opinion thereon.
Mr Kremlins Reasons for its prosecution, vist.
I. That by sending away some part of the Quicksilver
etts. nowe lyeinge dead in the Companies howse in Agra^ it
may cawse the price of the residue to rise, the quantitie
beinge deminished, which hee had an intent to have done
1 In the copy in //ar/. MS. 2286, Relations ix. and x. are given
as one (numbered x.), the headHne of the first part being "The
Imployment for Puttana its present Trade and future hopes" and of
the last part "The Imployment for Puttana." The opening words
are — "These following lines doe shew Peter Mundy his opinion that
the sending him to Puttana with the Companies goods may not only
prove to theyre losse, but is alsoe against the intent and meaninge of
the President and Counsell at Surat." Then follows "Mr Fremlen's
Reasons for its prosecution,'' &c.
- The expectation of the President and Council at Surat that the
consignment of quicksilver and vermilion sent to Agra under Leach-
land's care would sell at a profit had apparently not been realized.
See ante^ Relation viii. p. 81.
1632] REASONS AGAINST JOURNEY TO PUTTANA 1 39
longe before order came, being encouraged thereunto by
Nurhar [Narhar], Virgee Voraes [Vlrjl Vora'sji vaqueil
[vakil] or Factor, and others whoe certefied him that Quick-
silver and Vermillion were worth in Puttana 4 and 4^ rupees
per Seere.
• 2. That in a letter ^ from the Worshipfull Joseph
Hopkinson etts. the President and Counsell in Suratt",
hee had expresse order to send me thither to make an
Investment in Lynnen, for which reasons hee put it in
execution.
The Answere to the aforesaid Reasons, vz'sL
To the first. I graunte that the diminishinge of the
quantitie (in convenient tyme and place) may exhaust the
price of the remainder but [it is] to be considered that the
parcell soe sent away may not raise a dammage on the rest,
as I am afraid this will, for the reasons, vi:st.
(i). Hee had noe perticuler advise from thence to
1 Virji Vora was a wealthy merchant at Surat, with whom the
Enghsh had dealings as early as 1619. He is alluded to (1625) as
"a prime merchant of this town," (1628) "the greatest banian
merchant," (1630) "our old and accustomed merchant," (1634) "the
greatest and richest general merchant that inhabiteth this vast
kingdome." He was the Company's largest creditor in Surat and
employed agents or vakils in Agra, Burhanpur, Ahmadabad, &c.
(See English Factories, 1618— 1645). In 1643 the Court of Com-
mittees sent from England an "iron chest from Nuremberg as a
present to Virji Vora " {Court Minutes, 1640 — 1643, p. 309). Thevenot,
Part III. p. 15, mentions Virji Vora as late as 1666 — "There are
People vastly rich in Surat, and a Banian a Friend of mine, called
Vargivora, is reckoned to be worth at least eight Millions."
■•^ This letter is not extant.
3 Joseph Hopkinson was entertained by the Court as a factor for
seven years in February 1619. He was made Warehousekeeper at
Surat in 1620 and later in the year was both " Register" and member
of Council. In 1623 he played a prominent part m the settlement of
English claims at Surat and obtained the post of Accountant. He
outstayed his agreement and did not return to England till 1629. In
the following year he returned to India and again took his place
among the Council at Surat. In December 1631 he was elected
President on account of his "long experience and approved suffi-
cience." His death, in 163^, is recorded by Mundy in Relation XVI.
See Cal State Papers, E. /, 1618— 1623 ; English Factories, 1618—
1634.
I40 REASONS AGAINST JOURNEY TO PUTTANA [REL. IX
himselfe nor certen relation from others what the said Com-
moditie might bee worth there, soe that he resolved, on
uncertaine grounds, to send a good pertido^ to a farr place
with a great deale of charge, daunger and trouble, with the
losse of five or six monethes tyme to one of the Companies
Servants imployed soe. *
(2). It cannot otherwise be presupposed but those
Hindoes in Agra whoe are the Merchants of that Com-
moditie as Bugwonti Das [Bhagwanti Das] etts., whoe
were in hand for [dealing with] it, theis men, I say, if soe
bee they had bought it, would send thereof to all parts
hereabouts, and some to this, att an easier charge then wee
can doe, and are as willinge to gett as ourselves; And now,
seinge this place suppl}-ed, will not give that price which
otherwise the)- intended.
(3). Putt the case it were certaine that Quicksilver etts.
beare such a price : )^ett all men knowe that it is a Common
custome that \\'hen there is a scarcetie of any Commoditie
the price keepes high, but when there comes any quantitie,
it presently [immediately] falls. As for example in Agra,
when spices w^ere scarce, Cloves were worth 650 and 700
rupees per Maund ; but presently att [immediately on] the
arrivall of those sent by the Dutch they fell one halfe in the
price. Alsoe Quicksilver, before this arrived, was worth
rupees 4J and 4^ per sere, and now they doe not offer but
rupees 2f ; the same decorum [condition] is expected to
bee in other parts. So much for answere of the first.
2. Now to the Second, that hee was enordered from
Suratt to doe what hee did. But this was the effect of it.
That if in Puttana there were to be had Deriabads, Ckhai-
reabads, Semianos and Ambertrees^ etts. Course Cloth,
^ lta.\. par/i/o, a bargain, investment ; VoxK. partida^ a parcel.
^ The first two kinds of piece-goods were white cotton cloth from
Daryabad in Bara BankI district and Khairabad in Sitapur district.
See English Facto'ies^ 1634 — 1636, p. 146;?.
Semianos or sainana was a fine cloth made at Samiina, and must
1632] REASONS AGAINST JOURNEY TO PUTTANA I4I
And that the Investment might be finished by the end of
September, and then, if it were thought fittinge (upon good
dehberation), hee might enorder Peter Mundy for that
Imployment, Soe that hee might have tyme to returne to
make himselfe ready to come away with the first Caphila
\kdfila, caravan], which would proceede presently [imme-
diately] after the raines. That the Presidents etts. order
was misconceived appeares thus :
1. By enquirie made, it was found that in Puttana
there is noe other sort of Cloth fittinge their demaunds but
one named Ambartrees.
2. By computatinge the tyme from the date of their
letter in Suratt to the fine [end] of September is about 100
dayes att the most, whereout deductinge 25 it was on the
way, 10 or 15 dayes to procure carriage and to provide all
things necessary for accommodation of the goods etts..
Then the tyme of our travell thither (and att this tyme of
the yeare as those say that knowe best require[s] 45 dayes
or 40 att the least and soe much back againe heere) is
more then our lymited dayes alreadie expired, and none
allowed for our stay there to putt off the goods and to
invest and dispose of its proceed. Soe that there is a mis-
take somewhere, either by Puttana meaninge some other
place, as Dheriabad [Daryabad], Ckhaireabad [Khairabad]
or other neer Agra.
To shutt upp theis fewe lines (beinge so much alleadged
before my departure from Agra) I doe verilie conceive and
not be confused with ska/inydna, coarse cloth used for awnings. See
Mr Foster's note in English Factofies, 1618 — 1621, p. xxi.
Ambertees or Ambartrees (Hindi, amriti^ iinrati^ ainirti^ iniartt)
is the name of a cloth in N. India, and is also used for derivatives
from Skr. ainrita in the sense of anything sweet. Assuming the
Hindi form to derive from amritaka^ or its like, such modern forms as
aiiibatl, ainbatri (amberti, umbertee, ambertree) would not be unlikely.
This kind of cloth was stouter than the preceding varieties. In 1619
the factors at Agra wrote to the company — " The narrow cloth called
amberti callicoes...is stronge, close-made and well conditioned, and
hath noe fault but the narrownes." English Factories^ 16 18 — 1621,
p. 161.
142 REASONS AGAINST JOURNEY TO PUTTANA [REL. IX
dare boldly say that if the president etts. in Suratt had
notice that there was but one sort of Cloth to be found
there (and that scarce), Alsoe that it would require 5
monethes tyine att least, with extraordinarie Costs and
daunger, And that the said Cloth might be found in Agra
(I am perswaded) much cheaper then it will issue unto us,
I say if they had knowne all this (as Mr Fremlen did very
well), they would never haven ^ enordered nor mentioned
the said Imployment.
The foregoeing Relation by order should have bene sett
before our comeing from Agra, but was omitted, and is
here joyned to the issue of that business which imedeatly
followes on th'other side".
1 An old form of the infinitive, obsolete even in Mundy's day.
2 Instead of this paragraph, the copy in Hai'l. MS. 2286 has —
"The former Reasons doe shew my opinion onely before the Im-
ployment was sett on foote. What followes will declare the severall
passages of the Imployment it selfe, Vizt.^' Then follows Relatioji x.
without any break.
RELATION X.
THE PROCEEDINGE AND ISSUE OF THE IMPLOYMENT
FOR PUTTANA, AS FOLLOWETH :
6th August 1632. I departed from Agra and came to
Nooremoholl cacotora\ where were 8 Carts Laden with
Quicksilver, vermiUion, etts., delivered to my Charge.
%th Angust 1632. Wee went from thence, and in 19
dayes [i.e. on the 27th August], wee came to Ellahabaz
[Allahabad], nothinge happeninge extraordinarie, faire
weather and faire waye. I had neither letter nor present
to appeare withall unto Zeffe Ckaun [Saif Khan], Governour
thereof, a freind to the English-, neither to Abdulla Ckaun
['Abdullah Khan] in Puttana, it beinge the Custome of the
Countrie not to come before them emptie handed, especiallie
if wee had neede of them. There [Allahabad] with some
trouble wee crost the River Ganges, till wee came among
the Rebells, where with much adoe wee were cleired, as in
the Journall The 29th and last of August^ Many t}'mes
with great Labour, scarce able to goe forward above 3 or 4
Course in a day, by Reason of mire and Dirt, it being
tyme of Raines, although it had held upp drie weather long
^ "Cacotora" appears to be a copyist's error, passed over by
Mundy, for chabutrd., the whole expression meaning Niir Mahal's
market, no doubt attached to the saral named after her. See ante.,
Relation vill. p. 78.
2 See ante., Relation vili., note on p. 108.
3 See ante. Relation vili., under the dates named.
144 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
tyme, which had they fallen as accustomed, wee had not
passed until! they had bene over and the ways drie.
Haveinge Crossed sundrie Rivers in the way, unladinge
and reladeinge our goods, sometimes in feare of Theeves,
however (God bee praised), with a great deale of difficultie,
danger and cost, with 44 dayes travell, wee arrived att
Puttana (20th^ September [1632])-, not meeting all the way
one Laden Carte either goeing or comeing from thence, it
being not then the tyme of Travell for Laden Carts (But
why then did our Carts undertake it ?), because they come
to Puttana to gett a fraught [freight], where they are sure
to finde it after the raines, It not importinge them any-
thinge att all the stayinge of 20 or 30 dayes extraordinarie.
Heere wee found not Zeffe Ckaun [Saif Khan] nor the
Governour that was in Mr Hewes [Hughes] and Mr Parkers
tyme-^, but Abdulla Ckaun, the most covetous and cruell
Tirant that ever came to this place, whoe, notwithstandinge
that in former tymes (when hee fledd from Zeffe Ckaun
from Ahmudavad) the President of Suratt supplyed and
presented him with sundrie horses^ (whereof his servants
^ An error for 17th September. See Relation vni. p. 134.
^ Hughes only occupied 29 days on the journey. He left Agra
on the 5th June, 1620, and reached Patna on the 3rd July following,
but he notes that carts perform the journey in about 35 days. See
Appendix D.
■^ For Saif Khan, see ante^ Relation vni., note on p. 108. The
"Governour" here referred to was the Nawab Mukarrab Khan,
Subadar of Bihar.
* 'Abdu'llah Khan, for whom see ante, Relatio7t vni. pp. 90, in,
deserted from the Imperial army and espoused the cause of Prince
Khurram when the latter rebelled against his father, Jahanglr. In
1623, 'Abdu'llah Khan, in command of the rebel forces, was defeated
by Safi (afterwards Saif) Khan, near Sarkhej. 'Abdu'llah Khan fled
to Surat and thence to Burhanpur. There is no actual record of
assistance rendered to him by the English, but Mundy is probably
right in his statement, for, in a letter from Broach to President
Rastell on the 17th June, 1623 {English Factories^ 1622 — 1623, p. 242),
there is the remark, " If the Kings people should not follow after
Abdela Caun and that he should remaine here these raynes it would
not bee amisse to give him some presente, that wee might not be
troubled with him nor his."
1632] ITS PRESENT TRADE AND FUTURE HOPES I45
could tell mee), hee extorted from mee ([the] 24th
[September, 1632]) rupees 314^ for Custome, besides 40
or 50 more in bribes to his Officers, thincking hee did mee
a great courtesie to remitt the one halfe that other men
paid and was due.
2^th {^September 1632]. I dispatched the Carters and
Balloaches [Baluchls]\
26th \_Septeinber 1632]. I sett Brokers to seeke out for
Course Ambertrees.
2'jth {^September 1632]. They brought 20 or 30 peeces,
but none soe lowe prized as required.
2'^th ^September 1632]. Wee viewed the said Cloth
and returned it to their Owners, there being not one peece
amongst them [fit] for our turnes [requirements].
2gth September [1632]. Wee sawe noe more Brokers
nor Cloth, soe sent 2 Messengers to Lachore'^ (a place 12
course off, where is much cloth made and brought hither)
to enquire what quantitie might bee procured thereabouts,
whome wee expected in 4 dayes. It may bee alleadged
that other Merchants make greate Investments here, and
whie might not I ? It is graunted ; but theie are such whoe
have used this trade a long time, goe gatheringe of it by
litle and litle from towne to Towne, knowe its valewe and
where to finde it, soe that in 5 or 6 monethes they may
procure 40 or 50 Corge \korl, score (of pieces)], or perhaps
lool But wee were sent as though wee should finde heere
readye what wee wanted, els how could it possiblie be per-
formed in soe short tyme as lymitted } But now it is soe
fallen out that wee must seeke out this Trade, enquireinge
^ Mundy refers to his Baluchi camel-drivers. See a?ite^ Relation
Vlll. p. III.
^ Lakhawar, 30 miles south of Patna. " The amberty caUicoes
are made a dayes journeye from this place [Patna] in a prigonye
\^pargana\ or shier called Lackhower" {Lnglish Factories^ 1618 — 1621,
P- 213).
^ See Hughes and Parker's report (in Appendix D) as to the
amount of cloth to be obtained in Patna in three or four months.
M. II. 10
146 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
where it is to bee had, and goe gatheringe in what wee can
procure by the tyme [fixed], that greater losse doe not
accrew to our honourable Imployers by our longer stay
heere then benefitt can be expected by our Investment.
^th October [1632]. One of our Messengers returned,
bringing with him Gongarum [Ganga Ram], the Cheifest
Broker in theis parts for Corse linnen, whoe told us for our
encouragement that after wee had sett the businesse on
foote, the Countrie knoweinge our intent, there might bee
invested 2 or 3000 rupees a Moneth ; but before that would
bee effected, it would require 40 or 50 dayes, I meane
before wee should receive the Cloth ready Merchantable
[for sale]. It requireinge above a moneth for the whiten-
inge ; soe that heere is an Impossibilitie to performe any-
thing this way (by reason I am enordered to make an end
and repaire to Agra to bee there by the middle of January
next to accompanie the latter Caphila\ which would
then bee ready to depart), only [except] to carry some
Musters [samples] with mee to shevve what sorts of Cloth
this Countrie afifoards.
Concerninge the putting off of the Quicksilver etts.
You have alreadye heard when it arrived. Some few dayes
passed in howseinge and accomodatinge ourselves ; then
followed Diwallee feast of the Hindooes, which lasted 7 or
8 dayes, in which tyme they doe seldome doe anythinge
in Merchandizeinge^. Moreover, consideringe the rate
Mr Fremlen setts downe in his instructions^ or Remem-
braunce [memorandum] and the meane [low] price wee are
1 Mundy means the last kafila of the season, conveying goods for
the ships bound for England.
^ Dlwall, an autumnal feast in honour of various divinities, held
on the last two days of the dark half of the month Asan and on the
new moon and four following days of Kartik, i.e. some time in Octobei-.
vSee Hobson-Jobson., s.v. Dewally ; N. Indian Notes and Queries., 1892,
No. 479, p. 128.
^ These instructions are not extant.
1632] ITS PRESENT TRADE AND FUTURE HOPES I47
like to finde heere, I on the way sent a man of purpose the
7th of the last moneth, whoe promised to be with mee in
Puttana in 25 dayes, desireing his advise how it was worth
in Agra, and the lowest price I might heere selP. For the
aforesaid reasons, as also to trye the markett, I kept it upp
a few daies, but seeing the price to fall in the Bazare dayly,
rumour of more comeing on the way hither, noe advice from
Mr Fremlen as yett, I resolved to put it offe as soone as
possible I could to the Companies most advantage. For
the effectinge of which wee made choyce of one Chowdree
Foqueera [Chaudharl Faklra]^, whoe after Diwally came to
us, sayeing hee had provided for us merchants [merchants
for us]. Wee desired him to bringe them, but they came
not neere us in many dayes, and noebody els soe able to
performe that businesse as hee. In fine, hee brought with
him some fewe Pasaares [pasdri] or shoppkeepers, whoe
amongst them all would not take above 4 or 5 Maunds,
and that but att rupees 3f per sere of the Quicksilver, and
4^ for Vermillion, unto which price wee had bin longe
beateinge them. But seeinge they would take but a small
parcell, I refused there motion, for by venting this small
pertido [parcel], I might therewith have soe filled the
markett That I might have kept the rest long enough.
A Marchant for the whole cannot be found for such a
quantitie, there seldome comeinge above 5 or 6 Maunds, in
a yeare to this place.
There are 3 badd wayes open to mee ; the first to
Carry it back ; the second to lett it lye heere and there [in
^ Mundy means that from Khajura (10 days' caravan march from
Patna), where he was on the 7th September, he sent a man back to
Agra. The messenger promised to be with him in Patna in 25 days,
z.e. 15 days after Mundy himself would have arrived. The man would
travel by himself much faster than the caravan.
^ What Mundy means by this is that he chose a chaudharl, or
head-man of traders, named Fakira, to act as middleman between
him and the traders. This is a common custom among the lower
castes in N. India, and shows that Mundy was dealing directly with
small men in his trading.
148 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
various places] ; And the third to sell it att the price
Currant. To carry it back would incurr a great deale of
daunger\ and more Charge, for wee heare that those of
Buddoy [Bhadohl]^ doe robb and kill both Merchants and
Pattamaresl To lett it lye here hath many inconveniences :
First, daunger, This place haveing a very bad Governour,
and [being] out of the way ; Next a greate deale of Charge
for warehowse-roome, people to looke to it etts. ; Thirdly,
uncertainety of sale, and the Companies being out of soe
much meanes for soe longe tyme. Of the third and last
way I have made choyce for theis respects [reasons], vizt.
1. I have expresse order to sell att what rate soever
I can gett (which came some dayes since by one I sent of
purpose)*, which [orders] were enough, although att losse.
2. There wilbe so much money advanced towards the
Indico Investment, of which there is enordered this yeare
an extraordinary quantitie to be provided^
3. My repaire to Agra is requisite suddainely [imme-
diately], as well to goe downe with the latter Caphila as to
give an Accompte for what I have done in this businesse,
Tyme draweinge on apace.
4. Lastly, the price falleth dayly in the Bazare, which
att my first cominge was att rupees 4| per Sere [for] Quick-
silver, and rupees 4| [for] vermillion, and dayly newes of
more come and Comeinge on the way, all daunted with
[discouraged by] the quantitie, Noe freind nor acquaintance,
1 The Harl. copy has " further danger."
^ For the disturbed state of the neighbourhood of Bhadohi, see
ante^ Relation viil. p. no.
3 Pathmdr, a foot-runner, courier.
* The messenger alluded to, an/e^ p. 147. He was due by promise
on 2nd October and evidently kept his word.
■'' On the 24th April, 1632, the Council at Surat wrote to the Com-
pany that 1200 "fardles" of Agra indigo had been ordered. On the
4th Jan. 1633, they reported that 1480 bales of that commodity were
ready for the James, and on the 27th Jan. that they expected to make
the quantity for the Mary up to 2000 bales. See English Factories,
1630— 1633, pp. 216, 255, 280.
1632] ITS PRESENT TRADE AND FUTURE HOPES 149
but all against mee, And liveing in Continuall feare of some
bad dealinge from this Governour.
The 2i\st October 1632]. I concluded for the whole,
selling the Quicksilver att Rupees 3|- per Sere and the
virmillion att Rupees 4 per sere (of 37 pice \c. \\ lbs.'\ to
the Sere)^ unto 40 severall Shopkeep[er]s att one moneths
tyme, and to allow i per Centum for new Puttana Shaw
Jehannees- and i per Centum for the monethes tyme to
receave ready monye. And although there might bee
much more added to the passage of this busines, Yett
I hope this is sufficient satisfaction to any that desires
to bee informed thereof. Some {evj dayes wee spent to
provide Musters and to remitt the rest of the moneyes by
exchaunge to Agra.
I4^'/^ November [1632]. Haveinge ended accompts with
all men, as alsoe recovered in some monies due for broad
Cloth (which is heere but in mearie request [little demand])
out of Ghairatt Ckhauns Dharbore [Ghairat Khan's darbdr^
(this Governours Sonne in Lawe)*, and fitted myselfe with
sondrey sorts of Musters, haveing provided us a Cart
whereon was layd the said Musters etts. Lumberment of
accomodation [and other necessary baggage], even as
wee were goeing forth of Towne, many of our servants
were layed hold of, alleadginge I had deceaved them in the
^ The weight of the sei- varied in different districts from 18 to
about 40 paisd {c. % lbs. to c. \\ lb.). In 1620, when Hughes and
Parker were at Patna, a " seare " of raw silk weighed 345 " pices " of
about 8^ drs. each, i.e. c. \\ lb. But see Mundy's own statement
below (p. 156). The modern ser is usually taken at 2 lbs.
^ Apparently Mundy means ShahjahanT Rupees, coined at Patna.
Rupees of the reigning monarch were worth a little more than those
of his predecessor.
^ Khwaja Kamgar, Ghairat Khan, author of the Maasir-i-Jahditgtri
or Jahdngir-ndrna, was the son of Sardar Khan and nephew of
'Abdu'llah Khan. He received his title in consequence of his share
in the pursuit and defeat of Khan Jahan Lodi in the Dakhan in 1632.
In 1638 he became governor of Delhi, where he died in 1640 — i. See
Elliot, Hist, of India., VI. 439 — 441.
I50 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
StammelP, selling it for Rupees 12 per coad- when it was
not worth 7, soe sent their money back againe demaundinge
our Cloth ; but they kept the most part and returned the
rest, allowing but rupees 12 per Coad as aforesaid. Tliis I
must take, or leave Cloth and money and all, come by it
afterwards as well as I can, makeinge the price of it them-
selves ; and soe wee were att last Cleired,
It may bee demaunded why I stayed not longer there,
beinge that it appeares by the President and Councells
letters that they expected noe lesse, and whether there
might not bee a factorie settled there to the Companies
benefitt, which they also Intimated,
The President etts. write that in the tyme of my stay
there I should doe thus and thus, referringe dicto tyme as
enordered mee from Agra, unto which factory I am to bee
accomptable. Mr Fremlen enorders mee to make a sud-
daine [immediate, quick] dispatch att my hand [in any
case], and to repaire with all speede to Agra to accompanie
downe the Caphila, which accordingly I doe endeavour,
carryeing with mee musters of what sorts of Cloth etts. this
place affoards, and some relation of the state of the Countrie
prices of sundrie Commodities, as well to be brought in as
Carried hence.
I graunt there may bee a Factory established heere, but
it must bee understood on what grounds, and consideration
to be had to the Commodities and its transport. Now,
were it left wholly to stay or come away, I doe not con-
ceive it would be the Companies advantage att present to
make any residence there For theis following reasons.
First, Ambartrees'*, or white Cloth, which is that wee
^ Stamel or stamet, a scarlet woollen cloth imported from
England.
^ A copyist's error for "covad" (Port, covado), a cubit or ell.
■' See an/e, Relation IX., note on p. 141.
1632] ITS PRESENT TRADE AND FUTURE HOPES 151
most require from this placed is now dearer then ac-
customed, by reason this Governour is makeinge provision
for the kings Moholl-, soe that most of the weavers are
imployed in makeinge fine lynnen. Moreover, litle or
nothinge can bee done under 8 or 10 Months, which will
come too late to be sent home per this yeres shipps, And
a doubt whether the Cloth of this Countrey will equallize
[rival, be equal to] that of Guzaratt [Gujarat], which is now
(praised be God) returninge to its former estate^ better
knowne and allowed of both for goodnes and Cheapnes
then this is, of which I have not heard any great demaund.
And for any other of this Countries Commodities, as Raw
Silk, Indico, Gum lack \ldkh, lac], Saltpeter, wee can have
it much better, and better cheape elswhere.
Next, the transporte of goods from hence is extra-
ordinary farr, deere and daungerous ; but upon my Advice
[in my opinion] there may come shippinge from Mesula-
patam [Masulipatam] to any Porte hereabout ; And soe the
goods might bee sent downe the river Ganges to the Sea,
or els by Land, there beinge also daunger both wayes. For
this Countrie (as all the rest of India) Swarmes with
Rebells and theeves. Neither can I advise them to what
port to come, except I should make a journey downe to
the Sea Coast to informe myselfe there what convenient
places there may bee where shipps may safely arrive.
Moreover, when [even if] I should advise [from] thither,
It is uncertaine whether there bee any shippinge ready,
or whether they will leave other better imployment to follow
this.
Lastly, heere is a badd Governour ['Abdu'llah Khan],
1 In 1620 Hughes and Parker reported that "Amberty callicoes"
and raw silk are " the two mayne propes which must uphould this
[Patna] a factory." English Factories, 16 18 — 1621, p. 213.
2 Mahal here means female-apartments, seraglio.
^ Gujarat was then beginning to recover from the effects of the
famine of 1630.
152 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
and noe secure tradeing in his tyme, being of a Cruell and
Covetous nature, not sparinge any, where anythinge is to
be had, litle regardinge lavves, trade or humanitie, as by
examples hereafter are mentioned. And to conclude :
I hold it most expedient to deferr the settlinge heere untill
such tyme as the Musters bee examined and the premisses
considered.
Names of such Ports on the Sea Coast neerest unto
Puttana as I was informed of by Merchants,
etts. in Puttana aforesaid.
Satgame [Chittagong] formerly belonginge to the Mogoll,
but now under the Kinge of Aracan^ 300 Course.
Serrepore, neere to Dhacca^ 160 Course from Chatgame
and 350 course hence.
Heegeele and Sategame [Satgaon] 150 Course hence to the
Southward of Serrepore. I say Hooglee [Hugh], Hee-
gelee [Hijili] and Chategame [Satgaon]^
Peepeelee [Plpll]"*, 150 Course from Hooglee Southwards.
Horsepore (Harispur)^ 150 Course Southwards of Pee-
peelee.
^ The district of Chittagong, of which the port of the same name
is the chief town, frequently changed hands in the early days.
Mundy is here alluding to its re-capture from the Moguls in 1560 —
1570 by the King of Arakan and its annexation to his Kingdom as a
tributary province. It was again taken by the Moguls in 1666.
^ Sherpur, in Bogra district, Eastern Bengal, seems to be meant ;
but it is not a port. In the 17th century it was noted for tassar silk
and was generally called " Serrpore Mercha" (Sherpur Murcha) to
distinguish it from Sherpur in Mymensingh.
3 Hijili in Midnapur District. The site of the old port has long
since disappeared. Satgaon was the chief commercial town of Bengal
before the foundation of Hugll by the Portuguese. Its decay was
due to the silting up of the channel of the Sarasvati river.
^ PiplT, in Balasor district, was abandoned as a European centre
of trade before the middle of the 17th century.
•'' Harispur is now useless as a harbour, as it is choked with sand.
It is situated at the mouth of the Patua in Orissa.
1632] ITS PRESENT TRADE AND FUTURE HOPES 1 53
Manickpatan, the Port Towne of Callapahare^ which lyes 7
Course upp in the Countrie.
Theis 3 last ports are in Oreshawe [Orissa] and may
each of them bee about 300 course off. This relation I
conceive may bee doubtfully but it is as I have it from
others.
The Perticular prises of Certen Commodities as
they were worth att my being there.
Quicksilver att rupees 3^^ per Seere
Vermillion rupees 4 per Sere
Nuttmeggs rupees 4 per Sere
Mace rupees 16 per Sere
1 Manikpatan, at the mouth of the Chilka Lake, 20 m. W. of Purl,
is now useless as a port owing to the silting up of its harbour.
Callapahare, Calepar, Karapar, Campare, Kampare, Caregare,
&c. = Kalapahar, the Black Hill, appears to have been a sailor's name
for the district of which Ganjam was the centre and may have been
so called from the dark appearance of the Khond Hills from the sea.
The name Karapar is found m sailing directions up to 1852, but does
not appear on any modern map. Or it is possible that Kala Pahar
was the designation of a district or place named after Kala Pahar,
the Muhammadan conqueror of Orissa, c. 1565, who was a scion of the
great family of LodI Afghans, the first representative of which was
Mian Muhammad Khan FarmulT, surnamed Kala Pahar {c. 1450 —
1 5 10), the nephew of Sultan Bahlol Lod! of Delhi. There seem to
have been at least three very distinguished and wealthy military
leaders of this family, surnamed in succession Kala Pahar. But I
have no evidence that the Kala Pahar of Orissa actually founded any
town named after himself or acquired any jdgii' (estate) in the
country.
Manikpatan and Kalapahar were names well known to geographers
in the 17th century. The first, in easily recognizable forms, appears
on almost all maps after 1640 or so. The latter thus on those in the
editor's collection : —
G. Blaeuw, 1642, and Hondius, 1644 ; Asia. Carigare N. of
Manicapatan : lat. c. 23.
G. de risle, 1705. Carapara S. of Maniquepatan, copied by P.
vander Aa, c. 1720, and Dezauche, 1782.
P. Mortier, c. 1720. Carepare on an estuary and river N. of
Monserootte (Mansurkota) : lat. c. 19° 40'.
French map, 1764. Karapara, N. of Ganjam.
^ Mundy is quite right. The distances he gives cannot be
relied on.
154 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
Pepper rupees 24 per Maund
Cloves rupees 5^ per Sere
Cardamum or Ellachee \ildchi\ rupees i| per Sere
Dry Ginger rupees 10 per Maund
Allum rupees 8 per Maund
Saffron Kestwally \^KishtzvariY rupees 16 per Sere
Ditto Cazmeeree \^KasJiiniri\ rupees 10 per Sere
Nausador [Pers. nausddar, sal- rupees 8 per Maund
ammoniac, solder]
Butche [Hindi, bach, orris-root] rupees 9 per Maund
Tynne rupees i per Sere
The names of sundrie Commodities to be
had in Puttana, vizt.
Ambartrees, made at Lackhore (Lakhawar), Nundowne-
pore, Selimpore-, etts., 12 and 14 Course off, 10^
coveds longe and ner {sic) i broad.
Ckassaes [/^//^j-j-^] att Sunargam", 300 Course downe the
River Ganges, a fine and thinn Cloth, and of a Thicker
sort from Oreshawe [Orissa], 16, 17 and 18 coveds
longe and i broad.
Mollmolshahees \jnalinal shdhi, royal muslin] a thinner
Cloth then the former, from ditto places, etts., the
same in leng-th and breadth.
^ Kishtwar was an Himalayan Rajput State, lying in very beautiful
country to the south-east of the Kashmir Valley. It became part of
the modern State of Kashmir in 1833. Temple, Journals kept in
Hyderabad, &c., I. 306. Saffron is largely grown in the valleys of
this part of the Himalayas. Pelsart, writing in 1627, says {Tres
Jiunible Reiiwntrance, p. 13), " Cassimir... nothing is obtained from
this province but saffron, which is of two kinds ; one grows in the
neighbourhood of Cassimeer...the other, which is the better kind, at
Castewarry."
^ I have not succeeded in identifying these two places. In the
Ain Akbari, tr. Jarrett, li. 156, Salimpur is given among the inahals
in the sarkar of Tirhut, but I have not traced it on any map.
•' Sonargaon, 15 miles east of Dacca.
1632] ITS PRESENT TRADE AND FUTURE HOPES 155
Ornees, \orJini, a woman's mantle]^ 16 coveds longe,
wrought with Silk and gold.
Ballabands \bdldband,\Mxhzx\ band] 3 coveds longe^ wrought
with Silk and gold.
Ellachas \aldchahY, a silke stripte stuffe, 16 Coveds longe.
Theis 4 last from Maldhy [Malda], 100 Course East-
wards.
Tuckrees^ or Becutporees, a thinn silke stripte stufife 4
coveds longe and | broad, att Becutpore", 5 Course
off.
Ambar or Jettalees, a thinn silke couloured Tiffany^ of
ditto coveds, att Serepore Mircha [Sherpur Murcha],
150 Course Eastwards.
Ambarees and Chareconnaes*', lynnen, stripte with white
silke, from Oreshawe [Orissa] 300 Course off, 16 coveds
long, I broad.
Hamaones'', lynnen, 11 coveds longe, i^ broad, from Ore-
shawe.
Curtabees or Agabanees^ a fine Cloth wrought with Silke,
1 See English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 4 n.
■' See Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, i. 398 71. ; compare also Am
Akbari, tr. Blochmann, i. 91 «., '' Alc/iah or alachah, any kind of corded
stuff."
3 Tukri, silk for women's petticoats. The " Tuckeryes " or
" shorte baftas " of Ahmadabad appear to have been cotton goods,
as they are included in the "lynen investments." See English
Factories, 1621 — 1623, p. 68.
* Baikunthpur, 10 miles east of Patna. The "Bycuntpore" of
the Orme MSS., India, xvii. 4699, where it is given as 15 miles from
Patna.
^ " Ambar or Jettalees " may represent variegated, spotted or
striped piece-goods for female apparel (Hind, ambar, clothes ; chital,
chital, variegated, spotted, striped) of the consistency of tiffany (or
taffeta) silk.
^ Ambdrl, vulgar form of ''amari, a turban, the canopy of an
elephant hauda. Chdrkhana, chequered muslin.
'■ Hammdm, a thick stout cloth used for wrappers.
^ Apparently we should read here " Cuttanees " {katnni, the finest
linen) or " Atchabanees " [achhabant, fine fabric {bam) or fine silk-
thread {band) ). See Yule, s.vv. Cuttanee, AUeja, Alcatif, and Piece-
goods (Bengal list).
156 THE IMPLOYMENT FOR PUTTANA [REL. X
Silver and Gold, in Flowers and spotts, 4 coveds
longe.
Of all the former I bought musters for the Company.
Rawsilke from Muckhoodabad and Zahidabad\ 126 Course
hence Southward.
Bengala Quilts from Sategame [Satgaon].
Indico, Gumlacke, Saltpeter, made hereabouts, although
not very good, Gumlack excepted.
The Coved heere is i^ coved of Agra, and 5 Coveds of
Agra make 4 English Yards, Soe that this Coved is neerest
hand [as near as possible] i yard 2 inches. The weight
[heere] is 37 pice to a Sere [i^ lb?\ and 40 Sere to i Maund
[50/1^.] ; 22 pice is neerest i lb. English of 16 ounces-.
Two or three words more on conclusion of this dis-
course, and then I will apply myselfe to the returne.
Some few dayes since I receaved a Letter from Mr
Fremlen, adviseing mee hee had received one from Suratt,
wherein the President and Councell acknowledged them-
selves in an Errour in writeinge Puttana when they meant
Semano [Samana], a place within 40 Course of Agra^,
where is much Cloth made of that name. Also Dherriabads
\darydbdd\2,x\di Ckhairabads \kJiairdbdd'Y not farr off, beinge
other 2 Townes of the same names, There haveinge bene
in former Tymes of the aforesaid Cloth some quantitie
sent for Suratt and soe for England. Soe that this Journey
and imployment is but the effect of a mistake.
^ Maksudabad (Murshidabad) and Saidabad. See English Fac-
tories, 1618 — 1 62 1, p. 194;?.
2 If 22 pice weighed an English pound av., then the pice was
8| drs. in 1632, not 85 drs. as Hughes and Parker reported in 1620
(see ante, p. 149 n.) ; but the difference could have had no practical
effect on weighing piece-goods, &c. The Patna maund of the period
was evidently 50 lbs. ; the modern maund is taken at 80 lbs.
'•'' Samana in Patiala State, then in the sarkar of Sirhind. See
Ain Akbari, tr. Jarrett, ll. 296.
* See ante, Relation ix., note on p. 140.
RELATION Xl\
OF PUTTANA [PATNA] AND OF ABDULLA CKAUN
['abdu'llah khan] governour thereof.
The Cittie lyes alongst on the river Ganges, which, with
the suburbs, may conteyne in length about 3 miles ; a very
longe Bazare with trees on each side (which is much used
in theis parts). It hath above 200 of Grocers or Druggists,
and of severall druggs a world. It is the greatest Mart of
all this Countrie, from whence they repaire from Bengala
that way to the Sea side, and from Indostan and other
Inland Countries round about, plentifuU in provisions,
abounding with sundrie Commodities as before mentioned-.
Great Mens Pleasure Boates.
Heere are certaine pleasure boats used by Great Men,
which (because of their strange Shape) I will describe in
^ In the Harl. copy Relation xi. is No. ix. It follows Relation viii.
and is introduced as follows : — " Now twoe or three wordes of Puttana
it selfe, its Governor, etts. And then wee will addresse ourselves to
some small observations of trade, and then to our returne for Agra
againe."
^ Compare Fytch's description (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, x. 180
— " Patanaw is a very long and great Towne...the Houses are simple,
made of earth, and covered with straw, the Streets are very large.
In this Towne there is a trade of Cotton, and cloth of Cotton, much
Sugar, which they carrie from hence to Bengala and India, very much
Opium and other commodities." In 1620 Hughes and Parker wrote
of " Puttanna " as " the chefest marte towne of all Bengala." English
Factories^ 161 8 — 1621, p. 212.
IS8 DESCRIPTION OF PUTTANA [REL. XI
few words, as also by figured Theis boats I cannot re-
semble to any thinge better then a Gaefish [garfish],
extraordinarie lowe, longe and slender-, with 20, 25 or 30
oares of a side, all severally painted, some greene, some
redd and blew, etts. The place where the great man Sitts
is either fore or in the midle, in a Curious Chowtree^ made
of purpose. When they rowe to any place, they are stuck
full of Flaggs There, hanginge downe on the prow, which
shoots forward a mightie way, as doth the Sterne afterward
on, both ends sharpe alike^ I say, on both sides of the
prowe, hang downe many of those Cowe Tailes^ so much
esteemed. They use a Cheere to their Guing [? going], as
wee doe in our Barges, one giveinge the word first and then
all the rest answere.
From our hired howse, which lay on the bancks of the
river", wee might oftentimes see, hard by the shoare, many
great fishes, as bigg as Boneitoes or Albacores'^, which did
leape in the same manner as they doe att Sea. They are
here called Soa, their perticuler forme I knowe notl
The Hindowes of this place ferrie all their dead over
the river and there burne them**, being as I heere not per-
mitted to doe it on this side.
^ See Illustration No. 11.
^ The garfish or garefish (belone viclgaris) has a long, slender
body.
3 Elaborately constructed platform or covered seat. See ante^
Relation v., note on p. 26.
* Mundy apparently means a bajra or pleasure boat, the budgerow
of Europeans. But the description applies equally to the viayfcr
■pankhi (peacock's wing) or native pleasure boat.
•'■' The bushy tail of the Tibetan yak {chaunri, chowry) used for
horse trappings in Mundy's time. See Hobsott-Jobson, s.v. Chowry.
'' Messrs Hughes and Parker occupied "a house in the greate
bazare, near unto the Cutwalls choutrye." See Appendix D.
^ See ante, Relation iv. p. 15.
^ Sila, the garfish of tlie Indian rivers : belone caiicila.
" The Ha7-l. copy has a marginal note here — " The burninge place
of the Hindooes."
facing p. 158
''"W^WS'^^''-f''.
Hakhiyt Society. ]
[Seizes 12, Vol. 35.
1632] DESCRIPTION OF PUTTANA 159
Zeffe Ckauns Sarae.
Heere is also the fairest Sarae {sardi) that I have yett
seene, or I thinck is in India, not yett finished. It hath
two faire Courts, each haveinge warehowses round about
beneath, and roomes with galleries to lodge in alofte, a
very Stately entrance, lyeing by the river. This place is
cheifely for Merchants of straunge Countries, as Mogolls,
Persians, Armenians, where they may lodge and keepe
their goods the tyme of their stay heere, payeinge so much
by the moneth. Theis are usuallie in great Citties, but the
other sort of Saraes are in all places, servinge for all sorts
of Travellers that come att night and away in the morninge.
This was built by Zeffe Ckaun [Saif KhanJ^ late Governour
of this place, and now of Ellahabaz [Allahabad], with a
faire Messitt {masjid) adjoyninge to it^. Hee also began
a faire garden on the other side the river. Hee is generallie
Commended and his returne wished for by all, as much as
this now Governour, Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'Uah Khan], is
hated, feared, and his expulsion by them desired ^
Abdulla Ckaun.
This Governour, Abdulla Ckaun, is said to bee [have been]
the death of above 200000 persons'*, a Cruell natured and
Covetuous Tirant, and therefore more fitter to bee alwaies
1 See ante, Relation Vlll. p. 108 ;z., for a notice of Saif Khan.
2 Mundy seems to be alluding to the Madrasa or College of Saif
Khan and the mosque attached to it. The latter is still in good
preservation and the remains of some of the College apartments are
to be seen. In Mundy's time merchants may have been allowed to
occupy a portion of the building, and hence his mistake. See Mr
Beveridge's account of the Madrasa and mosque, "The City of Patna,"
Calcutta Review, vol. Lxxvi. p. 221.
^ See a7ite. Relation vill. pp. 90, iii, for previous mentions of and
a short note on 'Abdu'Uah Khan.
^ While under surveillance, in Jahanglr's reign, 'Abdu'Uah Khan
boasted that he had caused 200,000 infidels' heads to be cut off, so
that there might be two rows of minarets of heads from Agra to Patna.
See his life, translated from the Madsitu'l Urnard by Mr Beveridge,
Journal Asiatic Society of Betigal, 1912, pp. 97 — 105.
l6o OF ABDULLA CKAUN GOVERNOUR THEREOF [REL. XI
imployed againste Theeves and Rebells then to reside in
a peaceable Governement. Beinge sent by Jehangueere
against Sultan Ckorum [Khurram], when hee was out in
rebellion, hee revolted from the father to the Sonnet On
a tyme his brother shewed him a poore woman almost
dead, and a litle childe cryeinge and pulling att the
mothers Dugg for milke. Hee tooke his Launce and runn
them both through, sayeing hee would remedie them both.
Annother tyme there was a great buildinge filled with poore
Captived Weomen and Children, when word was brought
him that they would quickly perrish with hunger and cold
if they were not releived. Hee cawsed the said building to
bee sett on Fire and soe burnt them all upp together^
And nowe, since my arrivall hither, hee caused Chowdree
Pertabb [Chaudhari Pratap], an auntient man of great
place and respect, to be Chawbackt^, beaten with Staves
and shoes, which all the Cittie greived att, knoweing him
to bee a good man, and guiltlesse of any Cryme, except to
gett out of him some thousands of Rupees. Alsoe, since
my beinge heere, hee cawsed divers Mogolls of respect to
ride in open shame on Asses backes, being first beaten and
their faces blackt all over with soote, whereof one of them
for verie greife poysoned himselfe the next daye. A Raja
comeinge to him in peaceable manner was received with a
Serepawe [^saropd, dress of honour], but two dayes after hee
was layd hold of and made prisoner'', his goods made spoile
or pillage, whereupon they sale his wife and freinds have
^ For Prince Khurram's rebellion and the defeat of 'Abdu'llah
Khan by Safi (afterwards Saif) Khan, see ante, Relation vill.
pp. io6, 107, 108 n.
^ No other account of these particular acts of barbarity appears
to exist, but Mr Beveridge states that '"Abdu'llah Khan was a brute
and capable of any cruelty." See the Ain Akbari, tr. Blochmann,
I. 520 ; and Memoirs of Jahdftgir, P- 213 «., for his murder of Afghan
prisoners.
■"^ Flogged with a chabak, whip.
■' Here is a marginal note — " His perfidiousness to a Raja."
1632] OF ABDULLA CKAUN GOVERNOUR THEREOF 161
risen upp against him ['Abdu'llah Khan], and have putt
Bababeag [Baba Beg] to the worst, whoe was sent Fouzdare
{faujddr, mihtary officer] to CalHanpore [Kalyanpur], the
Raias [Raja's] residence^ This Bababeag was Customer
[revenue officer] att my comeinge, whoe advised mee to
looke to myselfe, for that his Master was a badd man and
cared for noebody, noe not for the King himselfe. Hee
['Abdu'llah Khan] hath imposed new Customes both In-
wards and outwards, that never were, Soe much, as poore
weomen that sell milke upp and downe streets hee makes
them pay custome for it, I was twice before him, but never
neerer then a Stones cast I Some part of the reason was
because I brought him noe present. From the Broker that
sold our Quicksilver etts. hee extorted rupees 250, alleadg-
inge that hee had sold Jewells that I brought (which were
none att all), and that hee was not made acquainted with
it. Hee sleepes but litle, rises att Midnight, findes fault
with one, beats another^^. The cheifest Merchants of the
Cittie resolve to leave the place untill hee bee removed
hence, fearinge howrely that hee will pick some quarrell
with them. In fine, hee plaies the Tirant^ One of his
daughters (att my being there) was burned to death, for
a Candle catchinge hold of her Clothes, they all suddenlie
tooke fire, being of most fine linnen, with much sweete
Oyle, Chua (a kind of perfume), etts., which soe scorched
1 Mundy has a further and more detailed account of this affair in
the next Relation.
- Here is noted in the margin — " His Pride." In the life of
'Abdu'llah Khan in the Maasirul Umat^d {J.A.S.B., 1912, pp. 97 —
105), it is said that "no one was able to represent his case to him
personally ; he had to speak to the dlwdii and the bakhshiP
^ A marginal note adds — "His litle rest and lesse love hee hath
from all men."
* 'Abdu'llah Khan was Governor of Bihar (Patna) from 1632 till
1643, when he was transferred to Allahabad. He died in Dec. 1644.
" In spite of his cruelty and tyranny men believed that he could work
miracles and used to make offerings to him." Maasirul Uinard.,
translated by Mr Beveridge {/.A.S.B., 1912, pp. 97 — 105).
M. II. II
l62 OF ABDULLA CKAUN GOVERNOUR THEREOF [REL. XI
and frighted her, that shee fell into a feaver and in fewe
dayes dyed.
Chua is a rich perfume, made liquid, of Colour blacky
which comonly they put under their Armepitts and there-
abouts, and many tymes over bosome and backe.
^ Here is a marginal note — "Chua worth i8 and 20 rupees an
ounce ordinarily." Chaivwd, chanwa^ chowa and choa are common
commercial names for a fragrant ointment or paste, made up of four
ingredients, usually sandalwood, wood of aloes, saffron and musk, or
of ambergris, saffron, musk and the juice of flowers of the arbor
tristis. But Mundy evidently refers to the liquid and extravagantly
expensive perfume distilled direct from wood of aloes (agallochum)
by a process described in the Am Akbari (tr. Blochmann, I. 81) and
there called chuwah. At the end of the description there is the quaint
remark, " Some avaricious dealers mix sandalwood and almonds with
it, trying thereby to cheat the people."
RELATION XIP.
THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA.
TJie i6th November Anno 1632. Wee forsooke our
howse in Puttana as willinglie as men forsake an infectious
place (by reason of the Tiranny of the Governour, Abdulla
Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan]), and that eveninge wee came to
Ackhteare ca Sarae'^ in the Suburbs of the Cittie, | of a
mile without the gates, where wee stayed that night, and
were there put in feare as in Relation [x.] fo: [58]^
There came then out with us Coja Anoore [Khwaja
Anwar] ^ whoe went to assist Bababeage [Baba Beg] att
Callanpore [Kalyanpur]. The Raja whereof comeinge to
visitt Abdulla Ckaun presented him with an Eliphant,
Antelopps, Hawkes, etts., and was for that tyme freindlye
received with a Serepaw \saropd\ but afterwards betrayed
as before you have heard ^ ; whereupon this difference
began. The wife and freinds of the said Raja haveing put
^ This is Relation xi. in the HarL copy.
2 Probably the sanu of Ikhtiyar Khan, one of the 1200 eunuchs
of Sa'id Khan ChagtaT. This man, Mr Beveridge informs me, was
Sa'ld Khan's vakil and is said to have built bridges and sarais in
Patna and Bihar.
^ There are blanks here in the MS. Mundy is alluding to the
arrest of some of his servants as recounted in Relation x., ante,
p. 149. There, however, the event is attributed to the 14th
November.
* I have found no other mention of this individual.
^ See ante, Relatio7i xi. p. 160.
l64 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
Bababeag to the worst, the said Coja [Khwaja] went to his
ayde\ Hee had two horses ledd before him, verie strangeHe
disguised with feathers and other unusuall abilHments
[habiliments, accoutrements], on which they say great men
ride when they are in fight^ The reason of this their soe
disguising them, as they say, is to affright other horses.
Calliampore [is] 50 Course from Puttana^
A Coja'* is one whoe hath his testiccles cutt out, and
are alwaies about great men, whoe imploy them in matters
of greatest trust, of which the Cheifest is to guarde their
weomen, theire treasure, etts. Sometymes they are made
Commaunders in the warrs, and prove good and resokite
Soldiers, as this is by reporte, whoe is one of that sorte.
There are likewise others called Cojaes, but they are
many tymes grave auntient men of respect and place, as
Coja AbduU Hassen, Coja Tahare and Coja Mahmud^
etts., alsoe (as they say) others that have bene att Mecha
[Mecca].
1 I have found no other contemporary account of this affair.
- For the names of the various pieces of horse-armour and
trappings in use in the Mogul army in Mundy's time, see Irvine,
Army of the Indian Moghuls, pp. 71 — 72. The "feathers'' were
probably fly-whisks.
•* Kalyanpur, now an unimportant village in the Gopalganj sub-
division of Saran District, contains the ruins of the fortress of
Kalyan Mai (first Maharaja of the Hathwa Raj family), after whom
the place was named. There is no authentic history of the Hathwa
line before the 18th century, and it is therefore impossible to identify
the particular rdjd involved in the quarrel with 'Abdu'llah Khan.
For an account of the early traditions regarding the Hathwa
chieftains, see "Aristocracy of Bihar" [Calc. Review^ 1883, pp. 80 —
loi) ; " Chronicles of the Hathwa Raj " {Calc. Review, 1897, pp. t,T) — 44).
* Khwaja (vulg. khojd), a man of distinction, a rich merchant ;
also a title applied to eunuchs.
■^ Mr Beveridge thinks that the man intended by"Abdull Hassen"
is Khwaja Abii'l Hasan Turbati, who was styled Ruknu's-Saltanat.
He died in 1632 — 3. See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 154^?.
"Coja Tahare and Coja Mahmud" apparently represent one
man, i.e. Khwaja Muhammad Tahir. Pelsart, writing in 1627 (p. i),
mentions, among ihe palaces of the great lords at Agra, that of
" Codzia-mamet Thahaar, seigneur de 2000 chevaux." See also De
Laiit, tr. Lethbridge, p. 68, who calls this man " Codha Mamet
Thahar."
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 165
The ijth November 1632. Att this place (Muttra ca
Sarae)^ wee found the daughter of Danshawe [Sultan
Danyal]^, the third Sonne to Kinge Ecbar [Akbar], travel-
linge Towards Agra, sent for by the Kinge. Her brother
Balsunder [Bayasanghar]", beinge in feare of his life (att
Shaw Jehans [Shah Jahan's] entrance to the Crowne),
fledd to Tartaria [Turkistan], whose daughter that Kinge
is sayd to have married, and a rumour that hee will assiste
him to enter uppon Shaw Jehans dominions^ Tartaria
adjoyninge to the Mogolls Territories a litle beyond Caball
[Kabul], which is 600 Course beyond Agra Northwarde.
The id>th November 1632. (Naubuttpore [Naubatpur],
4 course.)
The igth November 1632. (Mutta ca Sarae^, 4 Course.)
The 20th November 1632. (Arwok' ca Sarae, 7 Course.)
The 2ith November 1632. (Aganore [AganUr] ca Sarae,
7 course.)
The 22th November 1632. (Telotoo [Tilothij], 15
course.)
^ I have not been able to identify either of these baking places.
2 This daughter was probably Sa'adat Banu Begam. See Ain
Akbart, tr. Blochmann, I. 619.
^ "Balsunder" is a Hindu informant's attempt at folk etymology
in reproducing an unfamiliar Muhammadan name.
* Bayasanghar, Danyal's second son, espoused the cause of Shahr-
iyar on the death of Jahanglr, was defeated by Shah Jahan's forces
under Asaf Khan and, according to the MaasiruH Uinai-a, fled "to
the fort of Kaulas in Telingana" and subsequently "died a natural
death." The man whom Mundy took for Danyal's son was " an
obscure person" who went to Balkh and impersonated Bayasanghar.
" Nazr Muhammad Khan, the ruler there, wanted to make him a
relation by marriage, but as his claims did not prove to be true the
connection did not take place." From Balkh the impostor went to
Persia and Baghdad. In 1635 he was arrested by Daulat Khan Mayl
and sent to the Court of Shah Jahan, where he was put to death.
See Daulat Khan Mayl {Madsiriil Umara G. No. 159, tr. Beveridge,
J.A.S.B., 1912). I am indebted to Mr Beveridge for the information
contained in this note.
^ The original village of Arwal has long since been swept away
by the Son, but a group of villages close by the old site now bears
that name.
l66 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
Theis 5 dayes nothing happened extraordinarie, only
att Macraen [Makrain], on the River Soan towards Agra,
wee overtooke the Luggage of Backur Ckaun [Bakir Khan],
whoe was gon to Sousorame [Sasaram] and travellinge to
the Kinge, beinge sent for\ Mirza Muckay [Mirza Makki]
being gon to possesse his Government in Oreshaw [Orissa],
as afore mentioned I
A Tale of the Philosophers Stone.
There is a Storie that this river of Soan tooke his name
of Sunna [Sona] or gold, on this occasion. Raja Mansinge
[Man Singh], whoe conquered this Countrie, Bengala, etts.,
for King Ecbar [Akbar], passinge his Eliphants over this
River, one amongst the rest had a great iron Chaine att
his legg, which att his Comeinge out of the river was found
to be very gold, Soe that they say the Paros^ (which wee
call the Philosophers stone) lyes in this river, on which this
Chaine chaunced to touch ; but for all the dilligence they
could use, it could never bee found out, noe more then wee
in Europe can doe with all our studdies^
^ Bakir Khan Najm Sani, a commander of 900 under Jahanglr,
married the niece of Nur Mahal. He afterwards became Governor
of Muhan, with the titular dignity of Farzand, " Son " of the
Emperor, for his services there. Subsequently he was Governor
■ of Oudh and Orissa, in both which posts he further distinguished
himself. In 1632 "on account of his behaving badly and unjustly
to the inhabitants of Orissa, he was removed, and when he came
to court in the 6th year [1632 — 1633] he was made Governor of
Gujarat." Mundy travelled in his train from Agra to Jalor in 1633,
as appears in Relations xvi. and xvii. Bakir Khan was next ap-
pointed Governor of .Allahabad, where he died in 1637. I am
indebted to Mr Beveridge for this information. See MadsiruH
Umara, tr. Beveridge, in J.A.S.B., 191 2, pp. 385 — 387 ; Beale,
Oriental Biog. p. 104.
2 See ante^ Relation viil. p. 85.
^ Hindi, paras^ paras patthar, paras^ parash : touchstone for
testing gems, also "the philosopher's stone," believed by Hindus to
immediately turn into gold any metal it touches.
* Man .Singh was Akbar's Governor in Bengal in 1588. Mundy's
story is obviously apocryphal, and Mr W. Crooke, who has been often
on the banks of the Son, tells me he never heard of it. Sir George
Grierson, however, says that he has often been informed that the paras
1632] THE RETURNS FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 167
Haveinge formerly made mention of Ruitas Ghurre
[Rohtasgarh], and hearinge strange reports of it, I made
bold to Comitt the Charge of the Cart of luggage to 3 or 4
of our howse Servants, and to goe a litle out of the way to
it. That night wee lay att Telootoo [Tilothu] aforesaid,
the way being alonge by the river Soan, woodie and
wilde.
The 2'^th November 1632. Wee came first to Ecbar-
pore ([Akbarpur], 13 course), a poore Towne att the foote
of the mountaine [spur of the Kaimur Hills] whereon
stands the Castle aforesaid. There wee enquired whether
wee might ascend to it or noe, but in few words wee were
advised to returne the same way that wee came, for it
would require a great deale of trouble and tyme, vist., to
petition the Perdan [^pradhan, pardhdn, chief minister],
whoe is the Rajaes deputie belowe, himselfe resideing
alofte, it being att least 2 course upp, hee againe to give
notice to Raja Metresen aforesaid\ and to require his
descutt [dastkhat, signature] or note (after examination
what wee are and wherefore wee come) for leave to gett in,
without which againe wee cannott come out. And soe
consideringe the trouble, not knoweinge what hindrance
might ensewe to us thereby, wee desisted from our purpose.
(philosopher's stone) lies hidden in the river, and that the waters, if
properly dealt with, could convert iron into gold. Unfortunately the
secret has long been lost !
The modern names S5n, Sohan for this river and its classical name
Hiranya-vaha both mean the gold-bearer, on account of the ruddy
coloured sand it brings down in flood. Hence, no doubt, the allusion
in the text. For the common legend of the Son, see Sleeman, Rambles
and Recollections^ ed. 1893, 1. 17.
1 Vira Mitra.sena is recorded in the Bddshdh-ndnia, p. 310, as
Mitr Sen, brother of Raja Siyam Singh Tanwar, holding the rank of
commander of 1000 horse. He died in the 6th year of Shah Jahan
(1633 A.D.). In 1631 A.D. (V. St. 1688) he had an inscription placed
over the Kathautiya Gate of the Fort of Rohtas, calling himself the
brother of Syama Sahi and giving his Tanwar Rajput descent. See
" Sanscrit Inscription on Slala removed from Kathautiya Gate of Fort
Rohtas," mJ.A.S.B., vol. vill. pt. ll. (1839), pp. 693 fif. Mundy's state-
ment is of value as proving that Mitrasena was in office at the end of
the year 1632.
1 68 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
Ruitas Ghurr, a most famous, large, stronge and
strange place.
This place (Ruitas Ghurr [Rohtasgarh]) is accompted
amongst the strongest and rarest of all India\ if not Cheife.
Thus much wee sawe. It is seated on an exceedinge high
rockey mountaine, towards the Topp, resemblinge the
Clififes about the Lizard, in a manner perpendicular, with
a great wall on that againe. By report it conteynes 13
Course in Compasse, alofte plaine, with 12 Townes.
Springes and ponds of Water to be found by digging
2 foote from the superficies of the earth, abound inge with
fruite, graine, Cattle, etts., maintenance of all sorts, where
they traffique, marrie, punnish, etts., among themselves.
None of those that are above or belovve suffered to come
to each other without speciall license of the Raja^. There
is a profunditie on it, with a mouth like a well, whereinto,
with a longe bamboo, theie turne condemned persons, whoe
are never more heard of, there beinge noe other manner of
execution within the said Castle for matters deserving
death ; Neither can the bottome of the said Concavitie
bee founds All the Countrie East, west, and South verie
hillie, whereof manie high and steeple neere the said Castle,
1 "There are sixe especiall Castles, to say, Agra, Guallier
[Gwalior], Nerver [Narwar], Ratamboore [Ranthanbhor], Hassier
[AsTr], Roughtas [Rohtas]. In every one of these Castles he [the
King] hath his Treasure kept." Hawkins (in Purchas), ed. Macle-
hose, III. 31.
^ The Atn Akbari, tr. Jarrett, ll. 152, gives the circumference of
Rohtas as 14 kos. For other descriptions of the fortress, see Herbert,
p. 63 ; Tavernier, ed. Ball, 1 1. 83 ; Tieffenthaler, i. 432 ; Bengal Dist.
Gaz. (Shahabad), pp. 147 — 152.
^ In no account of Rohtasgarh that I have seen is there any
mention of a subterranean dungeon or oubliette such as that described
by Mundy. Mr W. Crooke informs me that there was such a
dungeon at Chunar, where food was let down to prisoners through
a narrow hole in the roof, but Mundy's account seems to indicate a
means of destruction only. Sir George Grierson believes that he
saw at Rohtasgarh a deep well down which wives who misconducted
themselves were thrown, but he cannot vouch for the statement.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 169
with plaines on the Topp alsoe, but farr out of the reach of
any shott of what kinde soever. Upon and amonge those
hills growe great bambooes and Canes, which are from
hence carried to other parts, being of great use for their
buildings, etts. in India. By the Towne runns a litle River
[the Ausana], and they say a litle farther are springs of
water. There is a Tale goes of this Castle, how it was
wonne by the MogoU [Sher Shah], by conveyinge thereinto
with leave 5 or 600 doolees [do/i] or close chaires, with
armed soldiers in leiu of weomen\ Haveing stayed 2 grees
[g'/mrl, the Indian hour] in the Towne, wee returned and
stayed all night att this place (Atumba [Tumba], 13
course).
What a Gree is and a Pore.
A gree contains 22^ minutts of tyme, I say 22^
[theoretically 24]. Of theis grees, 8 makes one pore
[pakar, watch], and 8 pores makes 24 howers, 4 in the day
and 4 in the night, whether longe or shorte. Some measure
it by a litle brasse dish with a hole in the bottome, which
they put into a vessell of water, and when it sincketh by
the water that commeth in att the litle hole aforesaid, then
it is one gree, which they give to understand by strikeing
on a great Copper plate {^ghariydl, gong], with a wooden
hammer in stead of a Bell, soe many grees as it is. Then
makeing a litle pawse, they alsoe strike the pore-. If it
bee the 6th gree of the 3d pore, they first strike 6 and after
that 3. The pores are Counted thus : From 6 in the
1 Here is a marginal note — "Wonne by a Strattagem." This
story is told of the Pathan ruler, Sher Shah, who thus obtained
possession of Rohtasgarh after his defeat at Chunar in 1539. See
also Herbert's account (p. 64). It is told of other fortresses also,
e.g. Jalor and Deogiri (Daulatabad) ; see Finch (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, iv. 62 ; and Tavernier, ed. Ball, i. 143 — 144.
2 Mundy is describing a clepsydra or water instrument for
measuring time. For other contemporary accounts, see Af7i Akbart,
tr. Jarrett, ill. 15 — 17; Terry, p. 230; Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp.
195 — 196 ; Fryer, ed. Crooke, ll. 92 — 93.
170 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
morninge to 9 is the first, from 9 to 12 the second, from 12
to 3 the third, and from 3 to 6 the last pore of the daye ;
and soe of the night, begining from 6 to 6 in the
morninge\ I ascended one of the lesser hills, the Topp
a litle plaine, neere to which they shewed us a Lyons Cave
or den.
The 2^th November 1632. From Atumba [Tumba] wee
came to Tellotoo [Tilothu]^ 3 course ; from thence to
Sousarame [Sasaram], 6 course. Haveinge lost the true
waye, wee happened on another that brought us on the
skirts of the Hills. Heere and there were some poore
dwellings. Passing by a litle thickett, my horse started
with greate violence, and suddainely on it [immediately
after] wee all heard a furious rushinge into the said thickett.
One of our men sayd it was a Tigar and sawe him, but I
and the rest sawe him not. Wee had weapons to have
slaine or hurt him, but wee concluded it was our safest
Course to lett him alone ; and as wee passed, enquireing of
the Gawares \_ganwdrs, villagers], they told us there were
many Tigars, etts. [and other] wild beasts thereabouts,
which nowe and then come from amonge the mountaines.
By Sousarame wee mett 2 Hernabences \]iafndbhains\
or wilde Buffaloes, now made tame, with a man driveing
them, theis being to bee sent from this Governour to the
Kinge, whoe useth them to fight, either one with another,
or with some other wilde beast. They are farr bigger and
higher then the ordinarie sort, with huge greate massie
thick homes, and longe. They are taken in the Deserts of
Bengala. Of their skinns are made bucklers of the best
sort. They also make them with the skinns of the Common
' All this means that the Indian theory of time is that the day
consists of 8 watches while the European counts only 6, and that the
Indian day is divided into 60 hours of 24 minutes, whereas the
European day consists of 24 hours of 60 minutes.
- Tilothu is a large village halfway between Rohtasgarh and
Sasaram.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 171
sort of Buffaloes, whose homes serve in the makeing of
Indian [composite] Bowes, addinge divers other materialls,
as sinnewes, strong glew, wood, etts., being of the same
forme of your turkish bowes, and as faire and rich.
In the aforesaid deserts of Bengala are very many
Rinoserosses, heere called Ghendas [genddy, whose skinne
is very thick and hard, lyeinge in plates over his bodye,
with one home standinge on his nose, as high as a Tall
horse, but made in proportion like a hogge. This by rela-
tion ; for as yett I have not seene any, Although there was
one sent by Zeffe Ckaune [Saif Khan] to the Kinge, which
was on the way when wee came towards Puttana, but wee
mist him by reason wee came the Horse way, where our
Garts would not passe. One Nundollol [Nanda Lai], that
bought some Gloth of mee at Puttana, proffered mee in
a few dayes (if I would stay soe longe) To procure mee
a Younge one for a small matter. Hee had f of a hundred
weight of their homes to sell. In Poroonia [PurneaJ,
Acktayar Ckauns Jagguere [Ikhtiyar Khans j'dgiry, who is
his Master, there bee heards of them of 30 or 40 together,
which they hunt and kill with launces on horseback, strike-
ing them in the fundament the rest of their body not soe
easely peirced through, such is the hardness of their skinne,
of which they also make bucklers, but not of soe good
esteeme as the others, by reason of their thicknes, weight
and stubbornenes [stiffness, toughness]. Of theis homes
they make Gupps, rings and Churees [c/mrl, bracelet],
Gircles or small hoopes, which weomen weare on their
wrists, they being of great esteeme, as are the rings and
^ Mundy has here made the mistake of putting in an A where there
is none in the vernacular : an error still commonly perpetrated, as in
" gharry " for £'dri, a carriage.
2 See anU, note on p. 163. Sa'id Khan died in 1605 — 1606, and
it is therefore unlikely that his follower, Ikhtiyar Khan, was alive so
late as 1632, as Mundy's statement would seem to imply, though no
doubt his Jd£^ir would still pass under his name.
1/2 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [rEL. XII
Cupps, especially of some sorts. From Sousarame [Sasa-
ram], not findeing the Carts there, wee went back to
Macraen or Sherepore [Makrain or Sherpur]S in all 14
Course this day.
The 2^tJi November 1632. Wee came altogeather to
Sousarame againe (5 course).
The 26th November 1632. Betweene Sousarame and
this place (Khorumavad [Khurramabad- now Jahanabad],
5 course) wee had such another adventure as wee found
betwene Jannakeis Sarae, and Shecundra^. Another litle
girle, whoe (as shee said), because one day her Master
tooke hold of her to have forced her, shee cryeinge out,
it came to her mistris eares, whoe thereupon groweinge
jealouse of her, with a hott spitt burnt her mouth and hands,
soe to disfigure her, whereupon her master gave her her
libertie, and bidd her shifte for herselfe. The soares of the
burninge were yett fresh. This was even served as the
other for reasons before mentioned.
The 2'jth and 2%th November 1632. Some 2 Course
from Ckoia ca Sarae [Khwaja ka Sara at Kathju]
(6 course), wee mett greate droves of Kine and Buffaloes,
in number about 700, taken from the Gawares \_gamvdrs,
villagers] hereabouts* by the sonne of Mirza Monchere
[Mirza Manuchihr]^ whoe yesterday being in fight with
them, had 7 horsemen slaine and 20 other hurt, meeteing
some of them in our waye ([to] Cajoore ke Sara [Khajura],
10 course)'^. Of theis kinde of broyles, there is perpetuallie
1 See aiite^ Relation viii. p. 133.
2 See ante. Relation viil. p. 129. In the outward journey Mundy
gives the distance between Sasaram and Khurramabad as 6 kos.
^ See ante, Rclatioti viii. p. 88.
* Here is a marginal note — "Pillage taken from the Gawares."
The Harl. copy adds — "I meane booty."
^ See ante, Relation viii. p. 132.
^ On the outward journey the party also halted at Sawant, between
Kathju and Khajura.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 173
in one part or other of India, but most comonly the
Gawares goe to the worst, though they may bee able to
stand out a while.
The 2gth Noveinbej^ 1632. On the way hither (Mogoll
ca Sara [Mughal Saral], 7 course) wee mett with Naubatt
Ckaun^ whoe was goeinge against the Gawares \^ganwdrs\
in Derbungee [Darbhanga] about Puttana. Hee had with
him his Elephants, wives, and a very great number both of
horse and foote. Att a litle Towne in our way wee found
Tarree \tdri, toddy] of date trees, but not soe good by farr
as that about Suratt. Naubatt Ckauns Laskar [Naubat
Khan's laskkar, camp] had made a great spoyle amonge
their [the country people's] potts [of /«rJ] (as it is some-
tymes the fashion in Europe when the Soldiers march the
Countrey), soe that they were afraid of us alsoe, untill that
wee pacified them with money and faire words. Our
Hindooes alsoe dranck, which they say they may doe, as
longe as they take the pott when it comes from the tree,
before it touch the ground, otherwise not.
The ^oth November 1632. Wee crost the river Ganges,
which was now about 2 [arrows'] Flight shott over, as I
made tryall from about the midle of it with my bowe and
arrowes, shooteinge one arrowe to either side, which even
lighted on the brinck, which by my Computation is about
600 of my stepps over, even the length of the longe Gallery
att Paris-, it beinge now retyred \ a flight from either side
since wee past over att our Comeinge. It is now 16 or 17
fathome deepe.
Wee were informed on the way that there was a
mortallitie in this place [Benares], which att our arrivall
wee found to bee true, for I thinck that of 10 parts of the
people that wee left there, 9 parts were either dead or fledd,
^ See ante. Relation vill. p. 112, where Mundy calls this man
"Nohabutt Chaun."
^ See vol. I. p. 127.
174 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
some lyeing in the Streets as wee past. Moreover this
night were carried away out of the Sarae perforce, by
robbers, 5 horses with other goods, whoe take advantage of
the weak n esse and fewnes of the people.
The First December 1632. Wee were faine to remaine
heere [Benares] two dayes to mend our Cart and to stay
for Corhpany.
The place where they burne their dead — The manner
of it.
One morninge I went to the River side to the place
where they burne their dead, where were att least 40 fires
att once, and in every one a dead body burneing, many
consumed to ashes that morning before wee Came, others
brought while wee were there standinge, whereof some are
yett alive, whoe were put into the River upp to the midle,
and soe lett die, holding that those that dye in that manner
merritt more then ordinarie, whoe are also burned after-
wards. Those poore that have not meanes to buy wood
only sindge there faces and throwe them into the River\ of
which sort lay a multitude all alonge the water side, putri-
fieinge and stinckeinge, loathsome to behold. There
manner heere of burninge is thus. They first make a
hansome pile of woode, about a foote highe, and in length
proportionable to the body, with bredth, on which it is
layed, then covered againe with wood. Then goeinge
about it three tymes, they sett fire of it towards the head,
and then elswhere. The men are burned with a white
Cloth, and the weomen with a Redd wrapped over their
bodies^. I will incerte a litle tale, and soe proceede, which
' " Here [Benares] some bee burned to ashes, some scortched
in the fire and throwne into the water, and Dogs and Foxes doe
presently eate them." Fitch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, x. 178.
- This remark shows Mundy's acuteness of observation. A red
shroud, varying in description, is usually employed in the case of
married women who have left children, and a white shroud in all other
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 1/5
happened in Agra. There was a poore woman, whose
husband being dead, shee resolved to burne with him, but
not haveing soe much meanes to buy wood, and pay other
expences, as Bramary^, etts., neither would any body
bestowe it on her, although shee begged it, shee embrace-
inge his body, threw herselfe with it into the River Gemina
[Jamna], and ended her life by water, being not of abillitie
to doe it by fire.
I went into their Dewra [de/i7'd] or Church, where
within a raile was an Image [of Kali] as black as a Cole,
resemblinge a woman apparrelled in Silke, etts. Before it
stood a Bramman .[Brahman] burninge incense to it,
useinge certaine Gestures. Without stood the musick,
vzst., a kettle drum, 5 or 6 beateing on brasse platters,
another bloweing in a great sea shell [sank/i, conch] like
a Triton", altogether makeinge a Tirrible noyse. This they
continued whilest hee within made Incense", I say all theis
were within the raile. The people without, in the meane
tyme, fall groveling on the ground and worship. This
lasted about 5 of an howre, when there was a Curtaine
drawne before the Image, as [?and] soe the Ceremony
ended, As by the figure followinge'*.
This place by the Hindooes is called Cassee [KasI],
and is of verie much esteeme and resorte (if not the
cases, including men. See Bombay Gazetteer^ ix. Pt. I. pp. 94, 162,
251, 481 ; Campbell, SptJ'it Basis of Belief and Custom, pp. 64 ff. I
am indebted to Mr W. Crooke for these references. See also Delia
Valle, ed. Grey, I. 114 — 115, who, in describing the funeral of a
woman at Cambay, says, "They carry the Corps wrapt in a cloth of
Cit [chintz], of a red colour for the most part."
1 This seems to be a copyist's error for " Bramany," i.e. fees due to
the Brahmans.
2 The chank {sankh) or conch shell of the Indian Ocean and Bay
of Bengal ijurbinella pyrum) is used as a trumpet in Hindu temples.
The Polynesian islanders utilize the triton tritonis similarly.
3 Here is a marginal note — "Images and Ceremonyes, musick,
manner of worshippinge."
* See Illustration No. 15.
1/6 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
cheifest in India) by the Hindooes for sanctitye, Pilgrim-
ages, etts., Washinges, which must bee performed 40
mornings with a thousand Ceremonies by those that resort
thither^ (which is from all parts of India).
Fackeeres — what sorts — how they live and where.
Heere are Fackeeres \^faklrs\ whereof some that have
bene of great meanes, whoe for their devotion have re-
nownced all, chuseinge voluntarie povertie. Of these
Fackeers there bee sondry sorts, as Fackeers whoe are
Mussellmen [Mussalmans] or Moores [Muhammadans] and
Hindooes, then Jooguees \_jogis\ Ashemen^ etts. [and
other] Hindooes. They generally have noe trade, but live
by what is given them, most of them travellinge from
Countrie to Countrie. Others sett by the high wayes att
the entrance in or goeing out of Townes or Citties and
begg of passengers. Others amonge Tombes, there care
beinge to looke to dicto tombes in keepeing them Cleane
etts., alwaies amonge greene trees, many tymes a well by
them, a litle garden, a Cabban [temporary shelter] and a
Chowtree \chabntraY of earth, where they sitt. Wee have
mett of theis on the way, the principall rideinge on horse-
back with a flagg and many Attendants, all Fackeeres,
somme of them with long poles and a kinde of an Ensigne
on it, as a Cowtaile [chowry]*, another with a mightie
Crooked Copper Instrument in forme of a home, with
which they make a strange sound blowing in it. And
most comonlie they goe in Companies, without any other
weapons but staves (that I could see), and for the most
1 Mundy is alluding to the daily bathing in the Ganges and other
ceremonies enjoined during the month of Kartik (November) at
Benares. See Sherring, Sacred City of tJie Hindtis, pp. 224 — 225.
2 For "Gioghi" and "Ashmen," see Delia Valle, ed. Grey, I. pp. 99,
105 — 108 ; Terry, pp. 264 — 265 ; Fryer, ed. Crooke, 11. 35, 38.
^ See ante^ pp. 26, loi, 158.
^ See atite^ note on p. 158.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 1 77
part everyone a bunch of peacocks feathers in their hands^,
some with a Leopards skinne, which they sitt uppon.
Ashmen are soe called by us, because they doe all their
bodies over with ashes. Jooguees are another sort, corn-
only in Yallowish Clayish Coulored Clothes-, Wee have
mett others with greate Chaines of iron about their midle,
to which is fastned a broad plate of the same, which is
made fast over their privities to take from them the use
and very thought of weomen. They all weare their haire
longe, made upp about their heads, whereof I have seene
to contain two yards in length, but it is knotted and growne
together. There are not soe many severall sorts as there
are Customes. Some of them, when they would have any
thinge, will stand right before you without speakeing untill
you bidd them begone. Manye of them professe secretts
in Medicine, etts., and some reputed holy ; many tymes
neere greate men. Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'llah Khan]
being sundrie tymes put to the worst, disguised himselfe
into one of theis Fackeeres, and by that meanes passed
unknowne and saved himselfe-^ Enough of all theis, for
there is so much more to be said That I knowe not when
' In Fryer's description of fakirs (ed. Crooke, I. 240 — 242), he speaks
of " one to wait on him with a Peacock's Tail."
" '''' Jogi or Fc)^f....They dress in various styles, but in travelling
usually wear a cap of patchwork and garments dyed with red ochre."
H. H. Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus, p. 137. See also the
same work, pp. 130 — 138, for an account of this class of wandering
ascetic.
^ Mundy appears to be alluding to one of two events in 'Abdu'llah
Khan's life. In 1616 when he was governor of Ahmadabad, he was
summoned to court in disgrace, and Sir Thomas Roe describes him
as "comming in Pilgram's clothes with 40 servants on foote about
60 mile in Counterfeit humiliation." (Roe, ed. Foster, ll. 278.) He
was then pardoned by Jahangir at the intercession of Prince Khur-
ram.
"In 1625 he left Prince Khurram and by means of Khan Jahan
entered the King's service. It is said he adopted a fawning and
humble attitude, wore a farji like the Uzbeg darvishes, had a beard
hanging down to his navel and came unarmed." {MaasiruH Umard,
"Abdu'llah Khan Firuz Jang," tr. Beveridge, mJ.A.S.B. 1912.) I am
indebted to Mr Beveridge for the latter part of this note.
M. II. 12
178 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
I should make an end ; And this that I have said is but
superficiallye^
The T,d December 1632. (Mohun ca Sarae [Mohan
Saral], 4 Course). Att our comeinge forth of Bunaroz
[Benares], wee sawe a man hanginge by the heeles on
a tree. His offence was this. This Kinge [Shah Jahan]
had commaunded that all Hindooe Churches made in his
tyme should bee demolished-, and for that purpose sent his
firmaen \_farmdn\ to this Governour^, whoe sent his Couzin,
with other principall men in Comission, to see it executed
on one lately built. A Rashpoote \_rdjput\ hearing of it,
hid himselfe^ and with a Comptee \_kainthd, kainthi\ or
longe bowe provided for that purpose, seeinge his tyme,
shott amongst them, killed the Gouvernours Couzin, and
3 or 4 more of the Cheifest, which was done on the
suddaine. But being quickly found and sett upon, with
his Jemdar \_jmndJidi'\ or dagger killed one or 2 more, and
then was slaine himselfe and his body hanged on the tree
as aforesaid.
The Afth December 1632. Heiderbeag [Haidar Beg] was
governour of theis parts and resided heere (Baboo ke Sarae
[Saral Babu], 6 Course). It was the same wee mett in the
way, as formerlye mentioned ^
^ For other descriptions of religious mendicants, see Fitch (in
Purchas), ed. Maclehose, x. 176; Bernier, pp. 316 — 322; Heber,
Narrative of a Jotirney from Calcutta to Bombay^ I. 283.
2 " It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty [Shah Jahan]
that during the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but
remained unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity.
The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty,
the Defender of the Faith, gave orders that at Benares, and through-
out all his dominions in every place, all temples that had been begun
should be cast down. It was now [1042 A.H., 1632 A.D.] reported
from the province of Allahabad that seventy-six temples had been
destroyed in the district of Benares." Bddshah-ndina, p. 449, in
Elliot, Hist, of India, vil. 36.
3 Apparently Haidar Beg mentioned below.
■* Here is a marginal note — "A desperate resolution."
^ See ante, Relation vin. p. 128.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 179
The ^th December 1632. In our way wee passed
through Anhoomohol ca Sarae [now Amwakantha]\ and
hard by the place where wee laye at our Cominge (Jegdis
ca Sarae [Sara! Jagdis], 8 Course), Zeffe Ckaun [Saif
Khan] had made a Htle Fort of earth, wherein were sett
certaine Souldiers to secure that passaged Many Townes
hereabouts destroyed ; The Inhabitants fledd att his
approach. Neere our Monzull \inanzil, halting place] was
an earthen Wall of \\ mile in Compasse, where hee laye
incamped att his Comeinge this waye, beinge now in
Johunpore [Jaunpur], which way Backur Ckaune [Bakir
Khan] and Danshawes [Sultan Danyal's] daughter are
gone to visitt him.
The 6th December 1632. After our Comeing to this
place (Handeea [Handiya]^ 6 Course), there was a Crewe
[of]"* Rusticks, all of them more then halfe drunck, there
wives in litle better case, daunceinge, which was the cele-
bration of the betrothinge of one of the Bettearees \bhathi-
ydri^ Children, not 40 dayes old, to another litle Childe,
and to be married in 2 yeares after'' ; It being the custome
of all Hindooes in this Countrye to contract and marry
their Children att 5, 6 and 7 yeres of age, and soe they live
and goe together when they please without takeinge any
more notice. If the husband die, shee is to burne with
him, or to remaine ever a widowe in Contemptible manner,
to Cutt their haire, not to weare Jewells, nor scarce accepted
into good Companie, whereas otherwise shee shall have
a monument built for her memorie. But since the Mogolls
1 See ante^ Relation vill., note on p. 115.
2 Here is a marginal note — " Some effect of Zefife Ckauns ex-
pedition."
^ On the outward journey Mundy halted at " Barramal."
* This word is inserted from the Hart. copy.
^ See ante^ Relation vill., note on p. 121.
" Here is a marginal note — "an early betrothinge."
12 — 2
l80 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
comeinge burninge is worne out of date\ But if shee dye
before him, then may hee marry againe^, which is most
Comonly another litle girle not above lo or ii yeres of
age att most, although himself a man in full growth and
strengths The Ceremonies, which are divers, performed
by a Braman [Brahman]. The day of Solempnizeinge,
hee rides about the Cittie in the greatest state they can
performe upon an Eliphante (if hee can procure it), his
head Crowned, and his face in a manner Covered with
flowers, holding a Coconutt in his hand, all his freinds and
acquaintance, as also their Children, accompanyinge him in
their best apparrell on horseback and on foote, with all the
musick and shew they can devise, as Trumpetts, drums,
pipes, etts. Thus hee rides to the brides howse to fetch
her home, and soe returne, shee beinge sent to him in
a Dowlee [do/I], covered or otherwise^.
This is also the manner of the Moores [Muhammadans],
onlie they are most commonly men growne, the weomen as
aforesaid of 9, 10, or 11 yeres of age, which they seldome
passe and [remain] a virgin.
Tke yth December 1632. Neare this place (Jussee
[Jhusi], 9 Course), on the Mango trees, Zeffe Ckaune [Saif
Khan] had caused 50 or 60 mens heads to be hunge upp
1 See ante. Relation v. p. 35. Akbar discouraged sati and in
1620 the practice was prohibited by Jahanglr under penalty of death
to the partaker. See Gladwin, Hist, of Hindostan, p. 50.
- Here is a marginal note — "The mans priviledge."
^ The end of this sentence is added in the MS. in Mundy's own
writing.
^ Here again Mundy shows close observation. The actual carrying
of the cocoanut by the bridegroom during the public procession
{bardt) is not recorded in set accounts of Hindu marriage ceremonies.
But as the cocoanut enters largely into the ceremonies generally,
owing to its protective properties against evil, it is quite likely that
Mundy saw a bridegroom carrying one to insure his personal safety
from the evil eye and other supernatural dangers. Mr W. Crooke
has kindly sent me the following references : — Tod, Rajast/idn, ed.
1884, I. 290; Campbell, Spirit Basis of Belief and Custovi, p. 227 ; to
which may be added Forbes, Rds Mala, pp. 339 and 345.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 181
by a stringe run through their noses, haveinge Compounded
with the Raja of Buddoy [Bhadohl]^ for 200000 rupees.
Other Rajaes there bee that have not submitted as yett,
with whome haveing concluded, hee will returne to Ella-
habaz [Allahabad].
The %th December 1632. Wee crost Ganges, which now
was not halfe soe broad as when wee left it, and lay in the
Sarae (Ellahabaz, i Course).
The gth December 1632. Passinge through Hoordeabad
[Khuldabad]^ ([to] Allumchund ca Sarae [Alam Chand],
9 Course), I went once more to see Cosrooes [Khusru's]
tombe. It was now new painted and fitted. Most of our
Mussellmen [Musalman] servants offered to him, some
flowers, some sweete meats. The former are throwne over
his Tombe, but the latter the Preists take to themselves.
Att his head is his Turbant, redd Couloured, with a sprigg
of blacke feathers in it, and by it the Alcaron [Koran], on
a little frame, in which hee was found readinge att his
deaths
The loth December 1632. Wee Lodged in the Sarae
(Shawzaadepore [Shahzadpur], 6 Course).
The nth December 1632. (Apphoy ca Sarae [Rampur
Aphol], 6 Course). This morninge wee past by Muzraffe
Ckauns Moholl [Muzafifar Khan's mahal, seraglio], goeinge
to Peeran Putton [Patan], himselfe beinge gone before for
Governour thereof*. There were 100 Coaches att least.
Hee, beinge but an ordinarie Amraw \amtr\ is sayd to
have 5 or 600 weomen. They had with them 7 or 8
Eliphants with drummes and Trumpetts.
^ See aitte^ Relation viii. pp. 109 — no, for Saif Khan's quarrel with
the people of Bhadohl.
'^ See ante. Relation viii. p. 99
° See aiite, Relation vill. p. 100.
* See ante, Relation viil. p. 132.
1 82 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
A Beast called a Rose.
One Course farther wee sawe a beast in forme of a
deere, called heere Rose \rojk\ whoe, while wee looked on
him, came towards us, and tooke bread out of our hands,
sufferinge himselfe to bee sleeked and stroked by us.
Hee was neere 4^ foote high. His neck was worne bare.
It seemes it belonged to the Kinge or some great man,
which they use to drawe in Coaches for their pleasure, his
homes somewhat straight, and about 5 or 6 inches longe,
coullour [iron-grey]\ white under the belly. Wee were
faine to beat him from us before wee could bee ridd of
him.
A Zunge what it is.
Neere to our Monzull \jnanzil'\ wee found a Zunge
[j-«;/^] which is a Company of Hindowes gathered together
goeing in Pilgrimage. Theis came from Sorett [Sorath in
Kathiawar] a province, in number about 2000, with horses,
tents, etts. accomodation, bound for Trepenny and Cassee
[Triveni" and Kasi], which is Ellahabaz and Bunaroz
[Allahabad and Benares]. They shave their heads and
beards, and wash themselves cleane of all their sins, as
they thinck, which is to be performed 40 mornings att
each^ (as it is said).
Gaja where they try their Legitimitation and in
what manner.
Some qf them from thence goe to Gaja [Gaya], a place
25 Course beyond Puttana, but those are only such whose
1 There is a blank here in the original. Mundy is describing the
nilgai {lit. grey cow) or painted (also white-footed) antelope, the local
name for which is 7-ojli or roz. The male is of an iron-grey colour
with white abdomen and legs. The female is much smaller and tawny
coloured. This animal is often caught young and tamed.
2 See a7ite., Relation vili., note on p. 115.
See ante.^ note on p. 176.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 1 83 •
parents are dead^ There they try their Legitimacye in
this manner. There is a certaine narrowe Cleft in a Rock
close to the ground (lyeinge levellwise), about 2 Coveds in
length, and i Coved from goeing in to comeing out. Now
those that passe through cleire are lawfully begotten and
their parents accounted for good ; but if otherwise, they
say the stone closes in such manner that hee shall not bee
able to stirr forward or backward, soe remaines defamed.
The reason they goe not in their parents life tyme is
because they will not bring their names in question. But
whether it bee soe or noe, the Bramanes [Brahmans], for a
few pice [small copper coins], will soe direct them that
they shall not neede to feare-. This by relation. Of theis
kinde of people in Zunges I thinck wee have already mett
this way above 100,000, the people of every province come-
ing in one Zunge [sang] or Companie. In the same manner
doe they resort from other parts, lyeinge East, North and
South : our Way lyeing Westward.
From Shawzaadepore [Shahzadpur] came a Fowzdare
l/auj'ddr], whoe carried with him certaine Chowdrees
or Cheifes of Townes \cJiaudharl, landholder, headman of
a village] prisoners, because either they will not or cannot
satisfie the Kings Imposition [taxation].
The \2tJ1 December 1632. Att our arrivall heere (Hate-
game [Hathgaon], 6 Course), wee found an other Zunge
or Company bound on Pilgrimage as aforesaid.
The i^^th December 1632. (Vellinda ca Sarae^, 6 Course).
1 That is, for the slirddh ceremonies for the benefit of the spirits of
deceased (Hindu) relatives.
2 I have found no allusion to this cleft or rite at Gaya in any
printed work, but Sir George Grierson tells me that Mundy is
evidently referring to the Brahm JonT, a narrow cleft between two
rocks on the top of the Brahm Jon! hill near the city of Gaya. The
legend of the Brahm Joni is that if a person can squeeze through
it he leaves all his sins behind him and can start life afresh.
3 Bilanda, or Sara! Sayyid Khan. The N. W.P. Gaz. 1884, p. 97,
is quite wrong in naming Sarbuland Khan, who died in 1679, ^-s the
eponymous founder. On the outward journey Mundy halted at Rampur
Aphol and Fatehpur instead of at Hathgaon and Bilanda.
184 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
In the morninge wee had thunder, and rayne all the day
after, none theis 3 monethes till now. Wee mett a Com-
pany of Rashpoots [i'djp2lts\ which wee tooke to bee
horsemen, but they [the horses] proved all mares. What
the reason is I know not, it being not usually
The 14.^/1 December 1632. (Bindukee ca Sarae [Bindkl
Khas], 10 Course). To day wee had also much thunder
and rayne.
The i^th December T632. (Corura [Kora Khas], 6
Course). Nothinge worthie notice.
The i6th December 1632. Chupperguta [Chaparghata],
15 Course). I departed from Corura, leaveing the Cart
in Charge of Abdulla Careeme ['Abdu'l-Karlm]-, Malla
[Malla], etts., haveinge accompanied it hitherto, in regard
of many passages of Rivers and places of daunger. But
now, being cleire of all, I went before towards Agra to
assist in what elce might concerne the Companies affaires,
takeing with mee Sunderdas [Sundar Das] and 2 or 3
servants, with Malla, my horsekeeper, to whome wee com-
mitted our beddinge and apparrell, which hee layed on an
Oxe of his owne. This Oxe hee bought in Puttana
[Patna] to carry a slave wench, which hee brought with him
from Agra, for whome they say hee served 7 yeres. By
the way shee proved with Child by him. The Oxe beinge
unrulie, and hee being to come alonge with mee, and noe
body to looke to the Oxe when hee was gone, shee sayd
shee would rather come softe and faire [quietly and easily]
after the Carte on foote then bee troubled with him,
haveinge throwen her downe divers tymes. Upon the said
Oxe was laden the best of our Apparrell etts. (it being
^ Here again we have an instance of Mundy's close observation
of facts. The troop, if not BaluchTs, were riding mares only because
they were on an expedition, marauding or punitive, which necessitated
silence at night. Mares when in company are much quieter than
horses or a mixed troop of mares and horses.
2 Apparently the "ancient and trusty servitor" referred to in
Relation xvii.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 185
neere Christmas by which tyme wee hoped to bee in Agra),
and wee proceeded to Gattumpore [Ghatampur], where
wee baited, willinge him to goe before, and that wee would
presently overtake him. This was about Noone, when
thousands travelled too and fro in a Champion [champaign]
Countrie. Wee made noe stay but followed him, yett
sawe him not that day. The same night wee sent back to
enquire after him, but noe newes.
The ijth December 1632. Wee went back to meete the
Carte, immagininge his Oxe might have failed, and soe
have stayed by the way, but hee was not there neither. In
conclusion, wee could conceive noe lesse, but being tempted
with the opertunitye, hee shifted himselfe out of the way
withall, for that there is not the least thought that hee
should bee robbed in that place, and att that tyme of the
day. Hee had of mine to the valew of rupees 140 nearest,
of Sunderdas rupees 52^, of our servants rupees 7, horse
furniture (as Jinpost [^sifi-posh, saddle-cloth] etts.) 6 rupees,
besides 9 rupees hee oweth to the Company. Of all which
litle satisfaction to bee expected, and his suertie as badd as
himselfe. Hee was well acquainted with the wayes, as
haveing formerly served in theis parts.
The iSfh December 1632. (Shecundra [Sikandra], 13
Course). This morninge and yesterday it was soe cold, as
I have not .felt the like in India, but noe Ice that I could
see, only a white hoare frost on grasse and Corne.
The \gth December 1632. (Buckever [Bakewar Khan-
pur], 19 Course). To the Munares of dead mens heads
made by Abdulla Ckaun ['Abdu'Uah Khan]^ are added
since our comeinge this way by Furzand Ckaun [Farzand
Khan]^ about 60 more with 35 or 40 heads a peece, lately
killed.
1 See ante, Relation vni. p. 90.
2 Mundy means Bakir Khan. See a7tte, note on p. 166.
1 86 THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA [REL. XII
The 20th December 1632. (Raherbuns [AhlrbansJ^ ca
Sarae). Neere Etaya [Etawa] there was a new Munare
a makeinge with a great heape of heads lyeing by them,
ready to bee immortered. After I was past through, it
was told mee the Kinge had sent thither two great
Rynocerosses to bee kept and fedd, which I was then
ignorant of, otherwise I had seene them, but now it was
too late, it being neere night, and 5 or 6 course back.
TJie 2\th December 1632. (Perozahad [Firozabad], 17
Course). Not anythinge more then ordinairie.
The 22th December 1632. Wee came to Agra (14
course), where I was loveinglye received by my good
freinds Mr Fremlen and Mr Robinson^, Mr Yard=^ being
gon downe with the Caphila \kdfild\ to which I was
appoynted. And heere is an end of this tedious Journey
to Puttana [Patna], haveing gon in our returne from thence
28if Course, which is 422| miles. Agra lyes from Surat
by my Judgment neere N.E. by E., and Puttana lyes from
Agra neere about E., betwene all which places noe great
difference in the manner oT the Soyle, People, Language,
Customes, Cattle, beasts, fowle, trees, fruites, Herbs, etts.,
only about Agra, it lyeing more to the North, I meane in
1 See ante. Relation viil., note on p. 86.
2 See ante, Relation viii., note on p. 80, for John Robinson's
election as a factor. In February 1633, when Mundy left Agra,
Robinson remained as second of that factory. In 1634 he was at
Surat desiring "further employment,'' having "outlived his contract."
He appears to have changed his mind, for in December of that year
he sailed for England with Captain Weddell as one of the Council
on board the Jonas. During the voyage he ordered "the inhuman
and unjust whipping" of Robert Griffin, an apprentice, for which
action the sum of twenty marks was deducted from his wages by
order of the Court of Committees. See English Factories, 1630 — 1634,
pp. 282, 324 ; 1634— 1636, pp. 58, T], 86 ; Court Minutes, 1635 — 1639,
p. 107.
3 See a7itc. Relation v., note on p. 24, for John Yard's arrival in
India. In February 1633 he was sent as assistant to Thomas
Thimbleby to buy cotton goods at P3roach (see English Factories,
1 530 — 1633, p. 282), and there Mundy found him, as appears in
Relation xvi.
1632] THE RETURNE FROM PUTTANA TO AGRA 1 8/
the general!, although Suratt bee very neere 1000 miles
distant from Puttana^
In our Returne from Puttana to Agra wee made it to
bee 28 if Course which is Miles, 422|^
^ Tieffenthaler's estimate (ill. 27, 140 — 142) of 1125 miles is nearer
the mark than Mundy's, reckoning the route from Surat to Agra via
Burhanpur.
2 See Relatiott vill. p. 137, where, in the outward journey Mundy's
estimate was only 379^^ miles. Even with the additional 40 odd miles,
his figures are much too low.
RELATION XIIP.
DESCRIPTION OF THE GREAT MOGOLLS COMMINGE FROM
BRAMPORE [BURPIANPUR] (WHERE HEE LAY WARR-
INGE AGAINST DECAN)^ UNTO HIS GARDEN CALLED
DARREECABAAG AND SOE TO AGRA, AS FOLLOWETH.
TJie first June 1632. Myselfe, with Sunderdas [Sundar
Das], went towards Darree ca baag" to see the Kinge
comeinge thither*. By the way, before wee could gett
forth of the Cittie, wee were stopped and hindred by a
great number of Eliphants, Cammells, Carts and Coaches
laden with lumberment [baggage], which came from the
laskerre \lasJikar\ or Campe, also many Coaches, Palan-
queenes and doolees \doll\ with weomen.
1 Relations xiil. and xiv. are not in chronological order. They
record events occurring prior to Mundy's journey to Patna and
should therefore precede Relation viil. But it is probable that Mundy
amplified and completed his notes at a later date.
^ The war in the Dakhan had been carried on against Khan Jahan
Lodi, an important military leader in the reign of Jahangir, who had
held a command there under Prince Parvvlz. But after the latter's
death he appears to have aimed at independence, and in January 1631
was killed in action with troops sent against him by Shah Jahan. See
Dow, Hist, of Hindostan., ed. 1812, in. no— 126; Ta7-ikhii'I-KJidn
Jahan Lodi, in Elliot, Hist, of India, iv. 537; v. 67; also vi. 323, &c.,
and VII. 8 — 20.
3 Dehra Bagh. See Relation xv. for remarks on this garden at
Agra.
* "The Emperor being tired of his residence at Burhanpur, resolved
to return to the capital; so he set out on the 24th Ramazan...and
arrived there on the ist Zi'1-hijja, 1041 a.h. [1631 a.d.]." Elliot, Hist,
of India, vii. 31.
1632] THE CREATE MOGOLLS ARRIVALL 1 89
The Coaches in this Countrie are generally drawne with
Oxen, never above 2 to a Coach, which hath but 2 wheeles,
in all things resembling a Htle Carte, the Cover excepted,
which is like to that of a Coach in England \
A Palanqueene is a thing to bee carried on mens
sholders, 6 or 8 att a tyme, haveing a long and grosse
bamboo, used by great men and weomen, spacious enough
to lye alongst. Dowlees [doli] are of the same manner but
not one third soe big, carried only by 2 men, wherein only
one person may conveniently sitt crosse legg'd, comonly
imployed for weomen closely covered.
Wee came to the Nacassee^, where they sell horses,
camells, oxen, etts. There wee overtooke Zefdar [Safdar
Khan] Ckhaun, Governour of Agra^, whoe went out to
meete and doe his reverence to the Kinge ; hee is an
Amraw [a7mr] of 4000 horse. To bee of 3 or 4000 horse is
thus. Hee whom the Kinge appoynts of that number is
to take the pay of soe many out of the revenewes (due to
the Kinge of that Countrie whereof hee is made Governour),
for his maintenance as alsoe to bee ready with the said
number of horse where and whensoever the King shall
have occasion to use them. The pay of each horse is [25]
rupees per [month]. This as I am informed^
It is said the aforesaid Governour brought now his
compleat number with him. Before him certaine great
^ For contemporary descriptions of " Indian coaches," see Fitch
(in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, x. 174; Delia Valle, ed. Grey, I. p. 21 ;
and Mandelslo, p. 29.
2 NakMs, a daily fair or market for horses and cattle, and slaves.
See De Laet, tr. Lethbridge, p. 70.
^ Safdar Khan, Khwaja Kasim, was made Governor of Agra in the
4th year of Shah Jahan, 1630 — 1631.
* There are blanks in the MS. The words added in brackets are
taken from Mundy's statement regarding Mirza Zu'lkarnain in Relation
XVI., i7ifra^ p. 240. In Akbar's time a one-horse trooper was paid from
Rs. 30 to Rs. 12 per month. See Bevnier, ed. Constable, p. 215 n.
See also Irvine, Army of the Ijidian Moghids^ pp. 3 — 27.
igO THE CREATE MOGOLLS ARRIVALL [REL. XIII
Eliphants with flaggs\ then some light Camells whoe are
used to bee sent on matters of hasted They will travell
by report yo ordinarie Course a day. Then 60 or 80 other
Cammels fitted [arrayed], each carrieinge one gunne, whose
bullett might bee 5 or 6 inches about.
Thus hee past on untill hee came neere to Darree ca
baag [Dehra Bagh], and there hee stayed, but wee went
forward, meeteing first by the way about 150 Cammells
with Cojavas [/^o/i^it^f^, camel-pannier], covered with redd, in
one Companie, one followeing Close to the other. Theis
Carried slave weomen and servants, attendants on other
weomen. A paire of Cojavas resemble a greate paire of
Panniars, in which may sitt two on each side. After theis
followed a multitude of Eliphants and Cammells laden with
Luggage, as Tents, Chests, beddinge, etts. Then about
160 or 170 Eliphants carrieing on their backs Ambarees
['ajndrz, amhdrl, a howdah with a canopy], close covered,
some with redd, others with greene, blewe, etts. [and other]
Coullours. Theis belonged to the kinge and certaine Am-
rawes \itiiiard\ there being in each of theis att least 4
weomen.
An Ambarree is just like a litle Coach made fast with
strong ghirsees and ropes ^ on the Eliphants backe, standing
on packsadles or things of purpose, att least a foote above
his Chine, which is a great hight from the ground.
Wee also mett a Chowndoolee^ carried betwene two
1 " Every Eliphant had divers flages of Cloth of silver, guilt satten
and tafifata." Roe, ed. Foster, p. 324. See also Ain Akbari, tr. Bloch-
mann, I. 126 — 130.
2 Here is a marginal note — "Post Cammells or Dromedares." The
last two words are in Mundy's own writing.
3 "Ghirsees" is apparently a copyist's error for "ghirnees" {g/dmi,
a pulley).
* Chaiidol, cha7idoli, chaundoli^ a sedan with two poles. Compare
Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 371, "The Princesses and great ladies of the
Seraglio have also different modes of travelling. Some prefer tchau-
doules \chandolis\ which are borne on men's shoulders."
1632] FROM BRAMPORE TO AGRA 191
Eliphants in manner of a litter, in which went Zeffer
Ckauns [Saif Khan's] wife, sister to Tagemohol [Taj MahaP],
the late deceased Queene, both daughters to Asaph Ckaun
[Asaf Khan]. The 4 sides were covered with Cusse \khas-
khas, the roots of ] a certaine hard, sweete smelHng grasse,
woven on Canes and to shew on the outside, just Hke our
thatch in England, makeing fast therein a little earth and
barley, soe that throwing water on the outside, it cawseth
the Inside to bee verie Coole by the strikeing of the Ayre
thereon ; and also in few dayes cawseth the barley to
spring out, pleasaunt to see to. In Agra men of qualitie,
in tyme of heat, have little roomes accomodated after
that manner called Ckusse Connaes [^khas-khdna\ where
they sitt Coole^ haveing also a great artificiall fanne of
linnen, which hanges downe from aloft, and by pulling
from without side, it swings forward and backward cawse-
ing a great deale of ayre within side^ Of theis Ckusse
Connaes wee have one att the English howse. There bee
also hand fanns of all sizes, whereof some are used in the
Chowndowlees and_ Ambarres before mentioned. Before
and behinde the Chowndowlees aforesaid were many Palan-
queenes, Doolees, etts., Capons [eunuchs] or gelded men on
horseback, besides a guarde of Gunners, sufferinge none to
approach any thing neere them. The manner whereof I
have expressed by figure. Also underneath, others that
I saw els where, soe that there are in all 1 1 severall wayes
how weomen kinde are transported [carried about, or
travel] in India*, besides others, of which few [are] used
amongst us, Vizi.,
^ See ante^ Relation vill., note on p. 108.
^ See Bernier's description of " kas-kanays," ed. Constable, p. 247.
^ This passage is important as the earliest clear reference to the
use of the modern European punkah by a traveller. See Hobson-
Jobson., s.v. Punkah.
* See Illustration No. 12.
192 THE CREATE MOGOLLS ARRIVALL [REL. XIII
[Mundy's Description of Illustration No. 12.]
1. Letter A. A woman must bee conceived to bee with
Child, where it is Carried 9 monethes to and fro.
2. B. A slave wench or servant carrieinge a Child
astride over her side, which is the usuall manner of
carrieing of children.
3. C. A little Girle when shee is brought to her husband ;
theis but seldome used.
4. D. Weomen of the poorer sort, with a Jewell in her
nose and shackells about her feete, rideing astride
on an Oxe, which I have heere sett forth as they
adorne them in their Coaches, Vz'sf., a great Coller
of Cocker [cockle-shell] bells, almost as bigg as
henns eggs, a frontlett of Netting worke and beads,
their homes tipte with brasse etts., this sometymes.
5. E. A woman of the better fashion on Horseback
astride, quite covered over from head to foote with
linnen ; before her Eyes a Nettinge worke or
Grateinge to see through.
6. F. Dowlees [do/t]. *
7. G. Palanqueenes.
H. Coaches.
I. Cojavas [kaj'dwd].
10. K. Ambarrees [avil?dri].
11. L. Chowndoolees [c/immdoll].
Theis 6 latter are more particularly before described.
Wee passed onward where wee might see all the other
high wayes leadinge to the Cittie full also of Eliphants,
Cammells, Coaches, etts. Att length wee were informed
whereabout the king was himselfe ; for all the face of the
earth, soe farr as wee could see, was covered with people,
troopes of horses, Eliphants, etts., with innumerable flaggs
small and greate, which made a most gallant shew ; for it
is the Custome of every perticuler great man to goe with a
1632] FROM BRAMPORE TO AGRA I93
great many of theis flaggs carried before him, there being
many of the said great men now joyned together.
The first that I remember to have mett was about
20 Coaches for the Kinges owne use, whereof 2 only were
drawne by 2 horses. Each of theis they call Kechees
\kachhiY, very swifte, the rest by Oxen some of Extra-
ordinarie greatnes, and some againe as little, chosen of
purpose. Then thousands of horsemen goeing breadthwise ;
then came about 19 or 20 great Eliphants of state- with
coverings and furniture ; most of them of Cloth of gold,
the rest of rich stuffe, velvetts, &c. ; some of them carryeinge
a flagg with the kings Armes, which is a Tygar couching
[lion couchant] with the Sunne riseinge over his backe*
One of theis was richer adorned than the rest, his fore orna-
ments of gold and the hinder of silver, beinge great plates,
bosses, chaines, bells, etts. On this was an Ambaree where
the Kinge might sitt when hee pleased, over which was
a Cannopie of most rich Cloth of gold supported with
pillars. There were divers others also fitted [arrayed] for
his owne rideinge. Theis Eliphants went about 2 [arrows]
flight shott before him. Then came Etimans^ or officers
^ See ante. Relation vi., note on p. 53.
2 Here is a marginal note — " Eliphants royall."
^ Mundy is attempting to describe one of the 'ala/n or standards,
forming part of the ki'ir (or collection of royal ensigns) carried before
the Emperor on days of festivity and in battle. See Am Akbari, tr.
Blochmann, I. 50 and Plate IX ; Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls,
PP- 31—33-
■* This word is apparently not found in any other European writer
on the Mogul Court. It is really sdhib-ihtirndm, "possessing responsi-
bility," and was used of the Court ushers. It is so used in the plural
form, sdhib-ilitimdmdn, in circumstances which place the sense beyond
doubt. Mr Btveridge sends me a reference to Gladwm's Pe7'sian
Muftshi, ed. 1801, p. 47, giving a description of the Court of Shah
Jahan in the following terms, as translated : — " In every quarter be-
tween the inner and outer balustrades are stationed active meer
toozaks \_)iiir-tt(zakdn, masters of ceremonies] and Jasawals [^yasd-
waldn, 'golfl and silver Sticks'] bearing wands of gold and silver."
But the Persian text has mir-tiizakdn u sdhib-ihtimdnidn tt yasdwaldft,
masters of ceremonies, pursuivants (marshals) and "gold and silver
sticks." In Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, II. 58, the word "jassooal"
occurs, as a Court officer at Dacca in 1676. The word in that instance
is rightly translated but wrongly derived.
M. II. 13
194 THE CREATE MOGOLLS ARRIVALL [REL. XIII
with silver staves, on horseback and on foote, to make
roome. Then came the kinge himselfe mounted on a darke
gray horse, and with him Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat
Khan] on horsebacke also, rideing side by side. A litle
distance behinde rode his eldest sonne Daroo Shuckur
[Dara Shikoh] all alone. All the rest of the Amrawes or
Lords on foote, before and behinde, and on each side of
him. A good Space off, halfe a flight shott behinde the
Kinge, came the Cohouree \kur, kuri, armed retinue]^ or,
as I may call it, the maine battaile (all the rest beinge but
as squadrons to this), heere beinge a mightie multitude of
horsemen, the head of whose lawnces (being verie longe,
broad and cleane) glittered most brightly against the
Sunne, Then the greate number of Eliphants belonging to
the Amrawes, haveinge each of them five or six flaggs
fastned alofte, made as gallant a shewe with their number
and diversitie of Coulours. All theis moveinge in one, on
soe many huge Eliphants seemed like a fleete of shipps
with flagg and streamers. Close to theis came as great
number of other Eliphants, each of them carrieinge two
small feild peeces ready mounted, Soe that all theis to-
gether made a most majesticall, warlike and delightsome
sight, besides the continuall carreeringe of horsemen (some-
tymes troopes together over the plaines) ; the Comon
people in a manner without number, as aforesaid. And in
this manner hee came to his garden of Darree ca baag,
where hee entred and remained there till the Tenth currant
[June 1632], when about Midnight, close shutt up in a
Palanqueene, hee was brought to his Castle of Agra- about
2 miles from the Garden.
The reason of his Comeing in att that hower is that the
Kinge and great men have Wizards [astrologers], whoe are
Comonly Bramanes [Brahmans] or Mullaes \imdldJis\
^ See Aln Akbarl, tr. Blochmann, i. 109 — 1 10.
2 The inahal or palace, not the fort. Both buildings are described
by Mundy in Relations Xiv. and xv.
faring f. "95
'^^
.^'^?
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«*;
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v^Si
S5,
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i
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I®
No. 13. A PROGRESS OF SHAH JAHAN IN 1632
(.Jej-M/y, KW. 35.
1632] FROM BRAMPORE TO AGRA I95
(Moore [Muhammadan] preists). Theis doe calculate such
dayes and howers as are fortunate or unluckie, soe that
they will not undertake any Journie, or begin any enter-
prize of purport^ but on such a Tyme as shalbe delivered
them by the said Wizards.
I have also by figure demonstrated in some manner
the Kings approach to Darreecabaag, when he came from
Brampore [Burhanpur] as aforesaid, wherein some thinges
are incerted, not mentioned in the Relation, and some
thinges there mentioned are heere omitted. It is, as I
remember, somewhat more or lesse, as on the other side.
[Mundy's description of Illustration No. 13.]
A. The Great Mogoll Shaw Jehan [Shah Jahan], on
horsebacke.
B. Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat Khan], on horseback alsoe.
C. Daroo Shuckur [Dara Shikoh], the king's eldest Sonne,
on horseback.
D. A quitasol [un^brella] over the kings head. And
excepting this tyme I sawe none used, either in
Agra nor betwene it and Suratt, by any great men
or others, but, as before mentioned, betwene Agra
and Puttana frequently carried, especially by the
poorest sort-.
E. Amrawes [tiinara] or Lords on foote behinde and
before the Kinge.
F. Etimanes \ihtimamY or Marshalls to make way.
G. Trumpetters.
H. Great Copper Kettle Drum.mes on Eliphants backs,
and other lesser on Cammells.
I. Eliphants royall with the Imperiall Armes.
1 The Harl. copy has " importe."
2 See aiite^ Relation vni. p. 126.
^ See ante, note on p. 193.
13—2
196 THE CREATE MOGOLLS ARRIVALL [REL. XIII
K. Ditto with rich Ambarees for his own rideinge.
L. The Cohouree [kf/rl'] or maine battaile, being most
Rashpootes \i'djp2'its\ Mohabutt Ckauns [Mahabat
Khan's] Souldiers.
M. Eliphants belonginge to Sundrie Amrawes fitted with
such kinde of Flaggs.
N. A Cahare \ka]idr'\ mentioned in Relation [vill.] fol.
[50]^
O. A Palanqueene carried on a great bamboo or Cane,
cawsed artificially to growe Crooked in that manner-^,
worth 2 or 300 rupees a peece for their lightnesse
and gentle bendinge.
P. A Souldier on horseback with his leather buckler with
broad round iron Nailes, his bowe and Quiver att
his Sadie, his sword by his side, his lawnce in his
hand, which from this marke * to the same againe is
iron and Steele. The Manes of some of their horses
for more braverye [adornment, embellishment] are
plated with silke strings made for that purpose,
haveing small Tassells att the end of severall
Coulours.
One that Carries a Coosdan \_kosJiddn\ a Case with
a Gorgolett [goglet] of Water^, the other a broad
fanne of feathers.
^ There are blanks here in the MS. See ante^ p. 114. In the
illustration N. is indicated by a cross ( + ) and a star (*).
^ For the bending of the bamboo while growing, for carrying
purposes, see Fryer, ed. Ciooke, I. 97 and il. 74. See also Delia
Valle, ed. Grey, i. 183; Tavernier, ed. Ball, I. 46.
2 See ante^ Relation vni. p. 114.
RELATION XIV\
THE CREATE MOGOLL SHAWE JEHAN HIS RIDEINGE TO
BUCKREE EEDE, HIS COURT, MARRIAGE OF HIS TWO
SONNS, FAVOURITS, ETTS.
\<^th June 1632. The kinge went to cellebrate Buckree
Eede [Bakar'ld] as much to say as the feast of Goates,
which the Moores observe in memory of Abraham, when
hee sacrifised, I say when hee went to sacrifize, his Sonne
(but whether Isaack or IshmaeU I enquired not, it being
a question)^ and in his leiw offered upp a Goate (as they
say)'*.
Hee came rideinge on a Royall Ehphant in a rich
Ambaree \ambdrt\ ; over his head a Cannopie of Cloth of
1 In the Harl. copy this Relation is a continuation of the last
{Relation xiil. in the Rawl. MS.), the headline being "The MogoUs
ryding through Agra at Buckree Eede and sitting in the Anicasse
etts."
2 Compare Mandelslo, p. 54: "The Mahumetans of those parts
[Agra &c.] celebrate also another Feast in the moneth of June, in
memory of the sacrifice of Abraham, at which they kill Hee-Goats."
'Idu'1-Azha, feast of sacrifices, commonly known in India as
Bakar'ld or the feast (sacrifice) of cattle, is one of the most prominent
annual festivals of the Muhammadans. It is held on the loth of
Zu'1-Hijja, the month of the pilgrimage, in allusion to part of the rites
during the pilgrimage to Mecca. It commemorates the sacrifice of
Isaac (Is-hak) by Abraham (Ibrahim), or, as the Muhammadans say,
of Ishmael (Isma'il). See Hughes, Diet, of Islam, pp. 192 — 194. In
India there is always a popular confusion as to the animal sacrificed,
owing to the Hindu beliefs as to the sacredness of the cow. Bakri in
Hindi is a generic term for "goat"; bakara is of Arabic origin and
means " cattle."
^ The Harl. copy has "when he went to sacrifize, his sonne Isaack,
in whose roome he found a Goate, as they say."
198 OF THE CREATE MOGOLL [REL. XIV
gold supported with pillars, as formerly mentioned^ With
himselfe satt 3 of his sonns'-. As hee passed, hee flunge
gold amonge the people.
First passe the Eliphants royall, adorned as aforesaid \
more especially one vvhome hee doth greatly affect (apper-
teyninge to his father Jehangueere [Jahangir]), which had
on it great quantitie of gold^, vizt., on his head a frontlett
[^pakhar, elephant armour] of gold with Jewells, and att his
eares were also hung two tailes \_kutds\ of certaine kine
[Tibetan yak] in India, much estimated*, alsoe about his
feete shackles and Cocker [cockle shell] bells of Gold \_pdi
raiijaii\. His teeth were alsoe adorned with rings \bangri\
and Tassells of Silke and gold, which were never Cutt,
being of a great length, besides which, of all those I have
scene, Avhich were verie many, there was not one, whose
teeth were of length, uncutt. I have heretofore shewed
the reason of it^, this being alwaies excused from fightinge.
Next came many horses whoe were ledd, with rich
^ See ante. Relation Xlll. pp. 190, 193.
2 Dara Shikoh, Sultan Shuja' and Aurangzeb.
^ Here is a marginal note — " Eliphants royall whereof one extra-
ordinarily sett forth." This elephant is probably the one mentioned
by Roe in 1616 {Embassy of Sir T. Roe, ed. Foster, I. 252 — 253) among
Jahanglr's "Lord Eliphants. ..having all the plates on his head and
breast sett with rubyes and Emeraldes, beeing a beast of a woonderfull
stature and beauty." See Irvine, Army of the hidian MogJitds, pp.
178 — 179, for khdsah (special) elephants; and for the various terms
for their trappings, see Ain Akbarl, tr. Blochmann, I. 126 — 130.
* " Kow tailes in great request" in "Tartarie.. .they use to hang
them for braverie upon the heads of their Elephants." Fitch (in
Purchas), ed. Maclehose, x. 184.
"The great Lords have Saddles and Housses [saddle-cloths]
Embroadered and set Sometimes with Pretious Stones. ..But the finest
Ornament, though of less cost, is made of six large flying tassels of
long white Hair, taken out of the Tails of wild Oxen that are to be
found in some places of the Indies [Tibet, Himalayas]. Four of these
large tassels fastened before and behind to the Saddle, hang down to
the ground, and the other two are upon the Horses head; so that
when the Rider spurs his Horse to a full speed, or if there be any
wind, these tassels flying in the Air, seem to be so many wings to
the Horse, and yield a most pleasant prospect." Th^venot, Part ni.
pp. 44—45-
^ See ante. Relation viii. p. 128.
1632] HIS COURT, FAVOURITS, ETTS. 1 99
furniture, with bovves and quivers of arrovves fast to the
Sadle\ Then nine or ten Pallanqueenes, some of whose
Bumbooes with which they are carried were plated with
gold, the rest of the work suitable. After theis came 12
paire of Copper Drummes [davidma] on 12 Eliphants, the
heads of some of them are 4 foote dyameter, covered with
redd Cloth, which they [the drummers] went beatinge a
leasurely stroake, jumpeing altogether [striking exactly
together]. With theis went the Trumpetts [karajia] of att
least 8 foote longe and \^ broad att the [pummell]^ or end,
with which they make a base [bass], hoarse hollow sound,
neither riseinge nor fallinge^ After theis came many
Ensignes, In some manner resemblinge those I sawe att
Constantinople^, beinge sundrie figures of gold and silver
upon long staves covered with the same, which were carryed
upright, vist., a hand, a great Ball, a Serpents head, a
Falcon, etts., and such likel Next to theis came Amrawes
\_nmaj^a\ on horsebacke, then the Kinge on his Eliphant as
aforesaid, then Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan] on an Eliphant
alsoe ; then againe other great Amrawes on horses and
Eliphants'^ ; soe that I conceive when the Kinge is on
horseback then the Amrawes goe on foote (excepte some
one or other through favour permitted to ride neere him),
but when that hee is on his Eliphant then they ride on
horseback.
1 Here is a marginal note — " Horses of State."
^ There is a blank here in the original. The Harl. copy has
"pummell" corrected in Mundy's own writing to "pannell." He
seems to mean " pommel," the rounded projecting part at the mouth
of the instrument.
3 See Aln Akbart, tr. Blochmann, I. 50, and Plate viir. for musical
instruments used in the Mogul court.
* See vol. I. p. 65. The Harl. copy has — " Such as are painted in
Romane battailes."
^ These are the ^alaiii or standards, generally five, carried before
the Emperor during a progress. See Aln Akbarl, tr. Blochmann, I. 50,
and Plate ix.
^ See Mandelslo's account of " The Mogul's ordinary retinue," p. 52.
200 OF THE CREATE MOGOLL [REL. XIV
Soe having passed on and performed his devotion, hee
returned in the same manner, haveinge not stayed above
f of an hower.
2^t]i June 1632. I went to the Amcasse ^dvi-khdsY in
the Castell-, a place where every day, about 9 a Clock in
the morninge, the kinge sitts in a Jarooca \_j'harokhdY or
windowe some two howers, and in the afternoone hee sitts
as longe atte his windowe to the river side. The place
where hee sitts out in the morninge Jetts [juts] out some
7 or 8 foote from the wall, supported with pillars, encom-
passed with a raile, made grateing wise, plated with silver
the thicknes of a half Crowne, they say, as high as a man,
and in length about 45 or 50 yards, under which and within
the said raile stand the Amrawes, for they are not suffered
to sitt before the Kinge (noe not an Ambassadour), the
windowe some 4 yardes highe. Without the silver raile is
an other of wood, some 50 yardes out into the great square
Courted In the forenoone the king sitts to heere any
Complaintes, to doe Justice, to conferr with his Amrawes^
^ 'Am-khas,Y\i. public and private (audience) chamber: the diwati-
i-^ani or hall of public (j^eneral) audience.
2 The fort built by Akbar in 1571.
3 See Roe (ed. Foster, I. 106) for a description of the jharokJia
or interview window. See also Sarkar, Daily Life of Shd/i fahan
(in Anecdotes of Anra7igzib\ p. 165, who says that the hour for appear-
ing before his subjects was 6.45 a.m.
* " The hall of public audience is separated by two balustrades :
within the first rail none but persons of high rank are admitted ; all
other servants of the crown are allowed to pass the second rail ; and
the multitude stand without side. Formerly both rails were of wood ;
but now [161 5] the inner one was ordered to be made of Silver, as well
as the stairs to ascend from thence to the Jerokha." Gladwin, Hist,
of Hitzdosta?t, pp. 27 — 28.
Compare also Mandelslo, pp. 46 — 47 : "There is a passage through
this Hall [the Guard Hall] into a paved Court, at the further end
whereof there is, under a Portall, a row of Silver Pillars, where there
stands a particular Guard which keeps the people from getting within
it, and permits only the Great Lords that belong to the Court to enter
there."
'* Compare Dellon, Siipp. p. 31: "The Great Mogul sets aside
every dav two hours for publick Audience, and dispensing of Justice
to his Subjects, in the presence of the Great Lords of his Court, who
stand by with their Hands cross their Stomachs."
1632] HIS COURT, FAVOURITS, ETTS. 20I
And in the afternoon to behold pastime as fighting of
EHphants etts.
The Mohol [inahal, palace] joynes to one side of the
Amcasse, to which hee goes and comes from his said stated
It is the place where his weomen are kept, and where noe
man enters but himselfe, haveinge Euenuches to looke to
them. Heere hee spends most of his tyme eateinge, drincke-
ing, sleepinge, etts.
Neere to the said Moholl is the GosuU Conna \^ghiisl
kkdnd] where hee calls whome hee pleaseth to conferr in
private, as alsoe to recreate, or to be merrie when and with
whome hee pleaseth-.
Marriage of two of the Kings sonnes 1632 [1633].
In February [1633] the eldest and second sonns to the
kinge were both married within 8 dayes one of the other,
first Daroo Shuckoore [Dara Shikoh], the eldest to the
Sultan Parvaez [Parwiz] his daughter, hee about 17 and
shee about 14 yeres of age ; And Sultan Sooja [Shuja'J to
the daughter of Rustum Candahare [Rustam Kandaharl],
both younger then the other Twoe^ I leave what past
within the Castle, as giveinge of rich presents on all sides
1 Mundy is apparently alluding' to Akbar's palace. The alterations
and additions made by Shah Jahan were scarcely begun in 1632. See
Keene, Handbook to Agra, pp. 11 — 22; Latif, Agra, pp. 74 — 99;
Fergusson, History of Iitdiaii and Eastern Architecture, p. 590.
^ The ghiisl-khdna, lit. (Akbar's) bath-room, was used as a place
for intimate audience and commonly called diwan-i-khds. Compare
Mandelslo, p. 49: "The Council sits in the Night, from seven of the
clock till nine, in a Hall, which they call Gasalcan " ; see also Pelsart,
pp. 2, 18.
^ Dara Shikoh was born in March 1615 and his brother Shuja' in
the following year. Dara married Nadira Banu Begam, daughter of
Sultan Parwiz. Shuja's bride was a daughter of Mirza Rustam Safava,
prince of Kandahar, younger brother of Mlrza Husain Muzaffar. For
a notice of Mlrza Rustam, who died in 1643, see Ain Akbari, tr. Bloch-
mann, i. 314, 619.
Mr Beveridge tells me that the actual dates of the marriages,
according to 'Abdu'l-Hamld, are i Feb. and 23 Feb. 1633. Mundy
left Agra for Surat on the 25th February.
202 OF THE GREATE MOGOLL [REL. XIV
with other Cerimonies^ only each Couple had two nights
of fireworkes, longe beforehand fittinge and prepareinge, the
first night when hee goes to see her, and the next night
when shee is brought home to him, being married in the
Interim. In breife the manner was thus.
On the Strand b}^ the River side, under the Castle wall
and the Kinges windowe, there was a place Rayled in,
about half a mile in Compasse att least. In it were placed
the fireworkes, vizt., first a ranck [row] of great Eliphants,
whose bellies were full of squibbs. Crackers, etts. Then
a ranck of Gyants with wheeles in their hands, then a
ranck of Monsters, then of Turretts, then of Artificiall
trees, etts. [and other] Inventions, all full of Rocketts, etts.,
as was the raile round about. All theis being fired (although
not att one tyme) innumerable were the Rocketts, reports,
squibbs and Crackers that flewe about and alofte in the
Ayre, makeinge the night like day-. The noyse was as
terrible. Also I think there were noe lesse then a million
of lights burninge in the meane tyme, as Characks [chii'dgh,
an earthen lamp], Lanthornes, Lampes, etts. fastned and
placed in rancks one above another on the Castle wall, with
turretts etts. edifices, in a manner cleane Covered with
them from the ground to the Topp, vizt. 3 or 4 rancks of
small and a ranck of great lights, and then small and then
great againe ; alsoe a great part of the plaine covered with
Lamps. Mee thought it made a brave and pleasant shew,
the Kinge himselfe beinge present with the married Couples
in their severall roomes. Heere was Cost and Labour
enough, but it wanted it may bee the Arte wee have in
Europe of those kinde of workes.
The Great Mogolls or kings daughters are never suffered
> For the Imperial presents at these two marriages, see Companion
of an Empress {^\xk3iX^ Anecdotes of Aiirangzih^ pp. 153 — 154); and for
the festivities, see Elliot, Hist, of hidia, vii. 142.
- See Mandelslo's description of a firework display at Ahniadabad
in 1638 (p. 38).
1633] HIS COURT, FAVOURITS, ETTS. 203
to marrie (as I am informed), being an auntient Custom \
This Shaw Jehan [Shah Jahan], amonge the rest, hath one
named Chiminy Beagum, a verie beautifull Creature by-
report, with whome (it was openly bruited and talked of in
Agra) hee committed incest, being verie familiar with him
many tymes in boyes apparrell, in great favour and as great
meanes allowed her-.
I have els where made mention of Asaph Ckaun [Asaf
Khan], Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat Khan] and Nooremo-
hull [Nur Mahal]. I will incert some few lynes concerninge
them, which are heere put for [esteemed as] Favourites or
rather great ones att Courte.
Asaph Ckaun^ [Asaf Khan] was Sonne to Etmad
Dowlett [I'timadu'ddaula], brother to Nooremohol [Nur
Mahal] and father to Tagemohol [Taj Mahal]. The former
was wife to Jehangueere [Jahanglr] and the latter to Shaw
Jehan [Shah Jahan]. [Asaf Khan is] a principall favourite
and a pollitique Courtier, Although upon the letting of
an Amraw \amir'\ escape, whome the kinge sent him to
^ Compare Bernier, p. 12: "The marriage of a Princess" is "of
rare occurrence in Hindoustan, no man being considered worthy of
royal aUiance; an apprehension being entertained that the husband
might thereby be rendered powerful, and induced perhaps to aspire to
the crown."
- ChamanI Begam, Princess Flowerbed, a new name apparently
for Jahanara Begam, also called Begam Sahib, Shah Jahan's much
favoured eldest daughter (1614 — 1682). See Bernier, ed. Constable,
p. 1 1 and fn. for repetitions of the current scandalous story repeated
by Mundy, and Manucci, ed. Irvine, I. 217, for a contradiction of it.
For Begam Sahib's wealth and influence, see the same authors ; also
Sarkar, Companioii of aft Empress (in Anecdotes of Auf'angzib), p. 153.
For Jahanara's tomb at Delhi, see Carr Stephen, Archaeology of Delhi^
pp. 108 — 109. Shah Jahan had also a daughter called ChamanI (popu-
larly Chimni) Begam, who died in 1616, in her grandfather's lifetime
(see Memoirs of fahdngir^ p. 326). Jahanara may have taken her
sister's fancy name after her death.
^ This and the two following paragraphs are found at the end of
the next Relation in the Harl. copy and are introduced as follows :
" I had here made an end but that I remember I have mentioned
Asaph Ckaun, Mohabutt Ckaun and Nooremohol, of whome I will
onely speake a fewe words and then conclude."
204 OF THE CREATE MOGOLL [REL. XIV
apprehend, hee was put to open disgrace, beinge made to
ride throughe the Cittie in weomens attyre\
Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat Khan] was the next great
one att Court. Theis Two stood next the Kinge [Shah
Jahan] when hee came into the Amcasse Yd}n-khds\ the
one on his right hand, the other on his lefte, standinge on
silver stooles a foote high from the rest, both powerfull,
insomuch as the Kinge in a manner dares not displease
them. This [Mahabat Khan] the better Souldier, whoe,
upon some affronts offered him, beat upp his drumms and
departed Agra. The kinge [Jahanglr] persueinge him, was
by him taken prisoner (although used with respecte) and
soe was Asaph Ckaun, but disgracefully handled, as they
say, beaten with shooes, kept in Irons and carried about
with him a longe tyme from place to place. Att length hee
was alsoe sett free, upon mediation of the kinge, Nooremo-
holle [Nur Mahal], etts. In conclusion, the Kinges power
encreased and Mohabutt Ckaun gott him[self] out of the
way, repaireinge to Sultan Ckorum [Khurram] in Decan
[Dakhan] and never left him till hee brought him to Agra,
where hee became King by Asaph Ckauns and this mans
helpe, the one att home the other abroad doeing their
endeavour^ Shaw Jehan haveing of late bene against
^ I have found no confirmation of this story. For Hawkins'
account of the punishment of cowards, see Purchas, ed. Maclehose,
III. 43.
Mirza Abu'l Hasan obtained the title of Asaf Khan in 1614. He
died at Lahore in 1641. " He had risen to a rank and dignity which
no servant of the state had ever before obtained." Elliot, Hist, of
India, VII. 68—69.
^ Mundy is here alluding to the events of the closing years of
Jahanglr's reign. Early in 1626, Zamana Beg, generally known as
Mahabat Khan, who had been made Khan Khanan, became alarmed
at the increasing supremacy of Nur Mahal, Jahanglr's favourite wife.
In order to withdraw the Emperor from her influence and that of
Asaf Khan, her brother, Mahabat Khan seized the king and carried
him to his own tents, where he kept him as a state prisoner. Asaf
Khan, who lied to Attock, also fell into his hands. No details are
extant as to the treatment to which Asaf Khan was subjected, but
there is doubtless good foundation for Mundy's statement, as for some
1633] HIS COURT, FAVOURITS, ETTS. 205
Decan, came thence, leaving" Asaph Ckaun, whoe also came
away, both of them effectinge nothinge\ Soe Mohabutt
Ckaun was sent, whoe had already gotten the stronge
Castle of Douletabad [Daulatabad], their Chiefest place,
and much of their Countrie, entringe farther upon them
dayly-. His Army consists of Rashpootes \_rdjputs\ Launce-
men on horseback, whome hee much affectes, haveinge
with them atcheived many exployts^
Nooremohol [Nur Mahal], sister to Asaph Ckaun
[Asaf Khan], was first wife to [Sher-afgan Khan]^ an
Amrawe, and being in Rebellion was slaine in battaile
where shee also was taken prisoner^, as they say, on
an Eliphant fightinge and encourageinge, whoe being
months Mahabat Khan practically ruled the Mogol Empire. Then
Jahanglr escaped from his tutelage and it was subsequently found
advisable to release Asaf Khan. Mahabat Khan was sent in pursuit
of Prince Khurram, whose cause he espoused as related by Mundy.
For a connected account of these events, see English Factories^ 1624—
1629, pp. xvii — xix.
1 In Jan. 1632 the English factors at Surat wrote to Persia:
"This base Kinge contynueth ungratfuUy his warrs on Decan and
prosecuteth them most wilfully, tho the famine and their good successe
hath hitherto made him much the looser. Now lately he hath sent
Asaph Caun upon them (against his will) with 40 or 50,000 horse ;
which will be to little purpose." English Factories, 1630 — 1633,
pp. 196—197.
"Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they
ought to have been by 'Azam Khan ; so a mandate was sent [after
the return of the Court to Agra in June 1632] to Mahabat Khan,
Khan-Khanan, informing him that the Government of Khandesh and
the Dakhin had been conferred upon him....Yaminu'ddaula, Asaf
Khan, with 'Azam Khan and other nobles under his command, were
directed to return to Court." Elliot, Hist, of India^ vii. 31.
2 For the siege and capture of Daulatabad (or Deogiri), a hill fort
in Aurangabad district, see Elliot, Hist, of India., VII. 36 — 41.
Mahabat Khan died in the Dakhan in 1633 — 1634 and was buried
at Delhi.
3 Mr Beveridge informs me that Mahabat Khan's men were chiefly
rdjpi'its., and that he was so associated with them that Tod {Rdjasthan)
speaks of him (wrongly) as a converted Hindu.
* There is a blank in the original.
^ Mehru'n-nisa (Nur Mahal), daughter of I'timadu'ddaula, married
Sher-afgan Khan. He was killed in Bengal by the attendants of
Kutbu'ddin, foster brother of Jahanglr, whom he had slain, and his
widow was sent to Delhi.
206 OF THE CREATE MOGOLL [REL. XIV
brought before the Kinge and sheweinge herselfe some-
what haughtie and stomakefull, it is reported hee com-
maunded shee should bee carryed to the Comon Stewes,
there to bee abused by the baser sorte; but this was
not put in execution. Rather hee became her prisoner
by marr}-eing her, for in his tyme shee in a manner
ruled all in ruleing him, Coyninge money of her owne,
buildinge and disposeinge as shee listed, puting out of
the Kinges favour and receiveinge whome shee pleased ^
Shee had a litle daughter [by Sher-afgan Khan] which
was married to Sheriare [Shahriyar], soe shee wrought to
have the Kingdome for him, And Asaph Ckaun for Sultan
Ckorum [KhurramJ whoe married his daughter; but the
old kinge in his will dissappoynted them both by resigne-
ing it to Sultan Boolakee [BulakI], allthough Shaw Jehan
gott it from him life and all, as heretofore mentioned-.
This is the vulgar report and comon received opinion what
I have writt of theis 3 great Personages, whoe are all yett
liveinee.
1 For Nur Mahal's defiance of Jahanglr, see Delia Valle, ed. Grey,
I. 54. She was married to the Emperor in 1610 and was given the
title of Xur Mahal and subsequently that of Nijr Jahan Begam. For
her power, privileges and unbounded ascendancy over her husband,
see Elhot, Hist, of hidia., vii. 69—70; Pelsart, p- 18; Manucci, ed.
Inine, i. 162. Nur Mahal died at Lahore in 1645.
2 See ante, Relation vili. pp. 106 — 107.
RELATION XV\
OF AGRA, WHAT NOTABLE THERE AND THEREABOUTS,
AS THE CASTLE, GARDENS, TOMBES, FESTIVALLS,
CUSTOMES, ETTS.
Agra is scituated on the River Jemina [Jamna] ; The
Castle and great mens howses on th' one side, as [those of]
Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan], Mohabutt Ckaun [Mahabat
Khan], etts. great Amrawes [i/i/iard], and their Gardens
(which are many and faire) on th' other side, yeildinge a
most delectable prospecte. It is very populous by reason
of the great Mogolls keeping of his Court heere;' every
day about the dharbare [dardar], such a number of
Eliphants, horses, Coaches, Soldiers, peons, etts. people
that is incredible; alsoe in the Bazare ordinarilye there
is such a throng that men can hardly passe without much
trouble. The Cittie hath many outstraglinge places, as
Pores [p2^r, suburb], Bazares, Gunges [g'anj, market]-, Soe
^ In the Hai'l. copy this Relation is joined to the preceding with
the heading "A Breife description of Agra, vizt."
^ Compare the description of Agra in Ain Akbarl^ tr. Jarrett, ii.
1 80: "Agra is a large city and possesses a healthy climate. The
river Jumna flows through it for five kos^ and on either bank are
delightful villas and pleasant stretches of meadow. It is filled with
people from all countries and is the emporium of the traffic of the
world." Asaf Khan's palace was blown up in 1857 — 1858. The large
walled garden of Mahabat Khan still exists. For other contemporary
descriptions of Agra, its palaces and gardens, see Finch (in Purchas),
ed. Maclehose, iv. 72, 75 ; Jourdain, ed. Foster, pp. 162—164; Pelsart,
pp. I — 2; Manucci, ed. Irvine, I. 132 — 133.
2o8 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
that I think to encompasse all would take att least 14 or
15 miles^ The Inhabitants are Moores [Muhammadans]
and Hindooes, Ckhattrees \khatris\ etts. Heere is alsoe
a Colledge of Jesuits with three or four Padres ordinarie^,
also three or four Christians that have pay from the
Mogolls, vizt., Signior Jeronimo Veroneo (a Venetian and
a Goldsmith), Signior Francisco (a Frenchman and an
Embroderer), Signior Angelo (a Phesition and servinge
Fousdare [Faujdar] Ckaun), and others".
Places of noate [in and about it]^ are the Castle, King
1 Here is a marginal note — " It hath noe wall, only a ditch and
severall gates." Of the extent of the city of Agra, Mandelslo, in 1638,
says (p. 45): "It is as much as a Man can doe to ride about it on
horseback in a day." Tieffenthaler's estimate (l. 159) agrees with
Mundy's.
^ For the foundation of a Jesuit college at Agra, the building of
a church in Jahangir's reign, and its demolition by Shah Jahan, see
Maclagan, Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar {J. A. S. B. Lxv.
38 — 113). See also Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 177; Manucci, ed.
Irvine, I. 140, 175, 202—203.
^ See a7tte, Relaiion vi. p. 65, for a previous mention of Jeronimo
Veroneo, who, on Manrique's authority, is said to have planned the
Taj. For arguments for and against this statement, see Manucci,
ed. Irvine, I. 183; iv. 422; Blunt, Christian Tombs in the United
Provinces^ p. 41 ; Havell, Agra and the JaJ, pp. 137 — 141 ; Vincent
Smith, History of Fine Art in India, s.v. Veroneo ; Sarkar, Who
built the Taj Mahal? {Anecdotes of Aurangsib), pp. 145 — 150. Veroneo
died at Lahore in 1640 and was buried in Agra cemetery.
Francisco is also mentioned in Relation vi. (see ante, p. 65), but
I have found no other reference to him.
For the identification of "Signior Angelo" with Angelo Gradenigo
I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., who has fur-
nished me with notes from a MS. letter of Fr. Francis Corsi, S.J. {MSS.
Soc. Jesfi). Angelo Gradenigo, a Venetian employed at the Court of
Agra, was summoned from Tatta (where he was living as a merchant)
by Jahanglr, in order to play a "monicordio" lately presented to the
King. He gave great delight by his music, but still more so by his
cooking, ancl was placed on the royal establishment at Rs. 10 a day.
In 1627 — 1628, while litigating about his brother's property, several
accusations were brought against Angelo Gradenigo, among them
that he had deceived the King by pretending that he knew how to
cast cannon, and was receiving Rs. 10 a day for work of which he
was entirely ignorant. If this charge were true. Father Hosten thinks
it may explain how, in Mundy's time, "Angelo" was passing himself
off as a doctor.
I am unable to identify the individual whom Mundy calls "Fous-
dare Ckaun."
■* These words are added in the margin.
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 209
Ecbars [Akbar's] Tombe, Tage Moholls [Taj Mahal's]
Tombe, Gardens and Bazare.
The Castle stands on the river side, built of square
hewen redd stone. That [part which] sides towards the
water lyes straight upon a lyne about a quarter of a mile,
and soe come[s] rounding into the Cittie. Heere is its
best prospecte, which is loftie and stately, garnished with
handsome Compleat battlements on the wall; about it
appearinge divers of the Kings places of residence some of
whose upper Coveringe are overlaid with gold. The inside
of the Castle lyes level! with the Topp [of the hill on which
it is built], but the outside [appears to be] of an exceedinge
height [from the river]. In the Corners on the outside,
great round Towers with galleries above ; on the Topp
sundrey Turretts, Copulaes, etts., which much beautifie it^
The gates and Posternes are many, but one above the
rest, to which you goe from the Bazare, very stronge, high
and well contrived, haveinge att the entrance on each side
an Eliphant made of stone'-, within which gate about a
flight shott is another entrance, before which lye many
peeces of ordinance, whereof one exceedinge greate, thick
and longe, alsoe stone peeces of a huge boare [bore], with
others all unmounted^ Within the second gate lyes the
1 The fort at Agra, begun by Akbar in 1564, was completed some
eight years later. It is thus described by Abu'l Fazl: "His Majesty
has built a fort of red stone, the like of which travellers have
never recorded. It contains more than five hundred buildings of
masonry after the beautiful designs of Bengal and Gujerat." Ain
Akbart, tr. Jarrett, II. 180. For other 17th century descriptions of
this castle, see Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, IV. 72 — 74 ; Jourdain,
ed. Foster, p. 163; Herbert, p. 62; Pelsart, pp. i — 2; Mandelslo,
pp. 44 — 47; Thevenot, Pt. 111. p. 33 ; Tavernier, ed. Ball, I. 105 — 109.
See also Keene, Agra, pp. 11 — 16.
'•^ Herbert, p. 59, says the castle has "fowre brave gates." Mundy
is here alluding to the inner gateway, the hdthf pol, or Elephant
Gate, where were two carved stone elephants with their riders. See
Latif, Agra, p. 76 ; and Finch, loc. cit. p. 72, for an account of the latter.
^ Compare Mandelslo, p. 45 : " The most spacious [courtyard at
Agra] is that which is before the Castle, where may be seen sixty great
guns of all sizes, but not kept in any order so as to be made use of"
M. II. 14
2IO AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
Amcasse l^din-khas], his Moholl [tnahal, palace, seraglio],
Treasurie, a Garden, many fine roomes of the Kings to the
waterside, now repaireinge and buildinge, the floore, roofe
and sides of marble, inlayd with lookinge Glasses made
into several! workes\ Moreover divers other places, as
Stables of horses, dwellings of Officers etts. men of service,
The Naubutt Conna \_nanbat khdna, music gallery] or place
where his drummes are beateinge in the Amcasse, over
against the place where hee sitts, which, att some tymes
of the daye are strucken upp 20 or 25 together which
makes such a noyse that the place seemes to shake with it,
they^ being of them 4 foote diameter. There also stand
his musick, as Trumpetts, pipes or hauboys.
Kinge Ecbars [Akbar's] Tombe is at Shecundra [Si-
kandra], two miles from Agra^, standing in a great Garden
with four great gates, whereof one principall excellinge
all others that I have scene in India for hight, curious
Invention in buildinge, paintinge etts. haveinge two extra-
ordinarie high spires like to those att Constantinople^
from whence in a longe walke you goe to the monument
itselfe^ whose outward frame resembleth the mauseolo
pictured amonge the 7 wonders, fower square, lesseninge
towards the topp, haveinge severall galleries round about,
adorned with Copulaes of which the lower galleries con-
teyne the more, the borders on the outside etts. of redd
stone through Cutt [perforated] with curious workes, theis
1 The private apartments of the Royal ladies, called the khas 7nahal,
were built by Shah Jahan. For a description of this richly decorated
marble edifice with its shish inahal, or Palace of Mirrors, see Latif,
Agra, pp. 80 — 83 ; Fi?'st Report of Curator of Ancient Monuments in
India, 1 881— 1882.
2 The Harl. copy has " there."
3 Sikandra is really five miles N.W. of Agra. It derives its name
from Sultan Sikandar LodI, who first made Agra his capital.
* See vol. I. pp. 35, 193.
•'■' From this magnificent gateway to the edge of the platform out
of which the tomb rises is a distance of 1 18 ft.
No. 14. THE TOMB OF AKBAR AT SIKANDRA : |a) A SMALL TANK ; (b) THE ENTRANCE TO THE TOMB
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 211
galleries ascendinge one from another to the Topp, on
which is a square litle Court, the pavements chequered
with white and a reddish marble, the midle of which is
over the midle of the whole, where stands a Tombestone in
forme of a herse of one entire peece of marble, curiously
wrought and engraven with letters and flowers etts.^ This
hath 4 turretts with Copulaes, att each Corner one ; from
one to another are galleries alofte and under foote marble,
the sides alsoe, which are artificially through Cutt as afore
mentioned-.
The said Tombestone lyes just over the place where
the said kinge is buried. From hence beinge discended,
and desirous to enter in, wee were not permitted, by reason
the Kinge keepes the key of the doore which is alsoe sealed
with his signett. The garden and the other gates were
not yett finished. There is mention made of it in Purchas^.
The designe thereof I have sett downe on thother side
as well as I can remember'', but whether it bee 4, 5 or 6
Ascents I know not. Neither certaine of the Number of
Copulaes, But sure I am there were but 4 on the Topp
and more and more to the Lowermost, and that the whole
1 Here is a marginal note in Mundy's own writing : " In Purchas,
His Pilgrimage [ed. 1626], page 524, it is thus — It hath 7 heights, each
narrower then other, the Sepulcher f mile about, the garden 3 mile."
This passage, though substantially correct, is not an exact quotation
from the volume named.
^ Mundy's description of the tomb, designed and begun by Akbar
for his own remains, and completed by Jahanglr, is as accurate as
would be expected from such a careful observer. For other con-
temporary accounts of this building, see Hawkins and Finch (who
saw it before completion), in Purchas, ed. Maclehose, ill. 51 ; iv. 75 —
76; Herbert, p. 63 ; Terry, pp. 291—292 ; Th^venot, Pt. III. p. 34. See
also Yi&h&x, Journey fj'om Calcutta to Bombay^ i. 386 — 387 ; Latif, Agra,
pp. 167 — 182.
3 The Harl. copy substitutes for this sentence — "Although I heere
finish my course relation of it, beinge better described in Purchas."
* See Illustration No. 14.
14 — 2
212 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
Fabrick is 4 square^ such a stately gate and such rancks
of small Cipresse Trees.
This Kinge is now buildinge a Sepulchre for his late
deceased Oueene Tage Moholl [Taj Mahal]^ (as much to
say att^ the brightnes of the Moholl), whome hee dearely
affected, haveing had by her 9 or 10 children, and thought
in her life tyme to use noe other woman (which is strange
if true consideringe their libertie in that kinde). He
intends it shall excell all other. The place appoynted
[is] by the river side where shee is buried, brought from
Brampore [Burhanpur] where shee dyed accompanyinge
him in his warrs, as shee did all the tyme of his troubles^
It is reported that in tyme of his rebellion, being fledd to
1 Here is a marginal note in Mundy's own writing — " Mem : The
Compasse of the Sepiilcher, every Square accompted from starre to
starre, by my computation is about ^-of an Enghsh mile." For "starre"
we should apparently read "stair." Mundydid not go over the ground
floor of Akbar's tomb, and seems to have measured the platform on
which the building stands from outside, from one to the other of the
two staircases on its northern face. The actual measurement is
500 ft., which gives roughly a third of a mile as the circumference
of the platform. One side of the garden enclosure measures about
2000 ft., giving one and a half miles as the circumference of the
whole.
2 Here is a marginal note — "Tage Moholl the late deceased
Oueene, her tombe nowe a buildinge." The Harl. copy has, " The
Queenes tombe nowe a buildinge."
^ The Harl. copy has " as."
* Arjumand Banu Begam, born in 1592, was a daughter of Asaf
Khan and niece of Nur Mahal. She married Shah Jahan in 1612.
She was known as Mumtaz Mahal, " Pride of the Palace," and Taj
Mahal, "Crown of the Palace." She accompanied Shah Jahan in
his campaign against Khan Jahan LodI in the Dakhan, and died at
Burhanpur in June 1631, on the birth of her fourteenth (and eighth
surviving) child, Gauharara Begam. Her body was temporarily
interred in a garden on the bank of the river Tapti, and in the follow-
ing December it was brought to Agra in charge of Prince Shuja'.
There it was placed in a garden on the right bank of the Jamna during
the erection, in the same neighbourhood, of the celebrated mausoleum
now known as the Taj. Shah Jahan's other alliances are said to
have been purely political. He married (in 1610) Kandaharl Begam,,
daughter of Muzaffar Husain Mirza, by whom he had a daughter.
In 1617, five years after his marriage with Taj Mahal, he wedded the
daughter of Shah Nawaz, by whom he had a son who died in infancy.
See Sirkar, Accou7it of Muinidz MahaVs Death {Anecdotes of Atcrang-
zib, p. 416); Latif, Ag7-a., pp. 100 — 103.
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 213
Decan [Dahkan], where hee had private intelligence from
Asaph Ckaun [Asaf Khan] of his fathers death, and not
knoweing how to gett out of Decan if they should heere
of it, but that hee should bee intercepted and brought to
what composition they would, hee fained himselfe dead.
Then shee desireinge leave to carry her husbands body
to be buried in his owne Countrie, it was graunted her;
and by that meanes, in a Coffin Covered with black, hee
was conveyed out of their dominion, which was but 3 or
4 dayes Journeies distant from his owne, where beinge
come, more people adhered to him, till hee came to Agra,
and by strange Courses to the Crowned There is alreadye
about her Tombe a raile of gold-. The buildinge is
begun and goes on with excessive labour and cost, pro-
secuted with extraordinary dilligence, Gold and silver
esteemed comon Mettall, and Marble but as ordinarie
stones^ Hee intends, as some thinck, to remove all the
Cittie hither, cawseinge hills to be made levell because
they might not hinder the prospect of it, places appoynted
for streets, shopps, etts. dwellings, commaunding Mar-
chants, shoppkeepers, Artificers to Inhabit [it] where they
1 This story, which does not appear to be given by Mundy's
immediate contemporaries, is related, with variations, by Tavernier
(ed. Ball, I. 338 — 339) and Manucci (ed. Irvine, I. 180— 181). See also
Mr Irvine's note on the subject {ibid. iv. 421); and the account in
Latif s Agra., p. 32.
2 The rail of solid gold studded with gems, which Mundy saw in
1632, was valued at six lakh of rupees. This golden palisade was
removed in 1642, as it was feared it would be an incentive to
robbery, and was replaced by a network of marble. See Latif, Agra.,
p. 115.
3 This account of the building of the Taj (begun early in 1632 and
finished some twelve years later) is especially valuable as coming from
an eye-witness of its construction. For descriptions by other 17th
century travellers, see Tavernier, ed. Ball, i. 109 — in; Bernier, ed.
Constable, pp. 294 — 299; Thevenot, Pt. III. p. ■})'}>■ See also for detailed
accounts of the mausoleum and the materials employed, Sirkar, Who
built the Taj Mahal? {Anecdotes of Aterangzib, pp. 148 — 150); Latif,
Agra, pp. 100 — 123.
214 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
begin to repaire and called by her name, Tage Gunge
[Taj Ganj]\
The Gardens about Agra are many, but the cheifest
are Darree ca bang [Dehra Bagh] and King Ecbars
[Akbar's] on this side the river and Mootee ca baag on
the other side, the latter built by Nooremohol-. As these
are, soe are all the rest in generall, I meane the better
sort, although much inferior yett for the manner [of much
inferior description], vizt., a great, high, large, faire, fower
square brick wall, 4 Towers, att each Corner one, with
their Copulaes, pillars and galleries, An arched gate; some
have 2 and some 3 or 4. Theis comonly lead towards the
midle (by long walks with rancks [rows] of Cypresse trees
on each side), where is the cheife howse of pleasure and
Tancke, haveing divers other roomes and tancks heere
and there in the Garden, but this is the principall, which
is curiously contrived, wrought and painted ; and some
Tancks of great compasse. This square Garden is againe
devided into other lesser squares, and that into other like
bedds and plotts; in some, litle groves of trees, as Apple
trees (those scarse)^, Orenge Trees, Mulberrie trees, etts.
1 The reason for the foundation of a suburb and market near the
Taj was to provide a revenue for the upkeep of the mausoleum,
according to custom. In 1643, the rent of the sardis and shops ad-
joining the tomb produced a lakli of rupees (then about ^12,500),
and this was assigned by Shah Jahan for the maintenance of the build-
ing and the support of the holy men placed in it. See Sirkar, Who
built the Taj Mahal? {Anecdotes of Aurangzib, p. 150).
2 The foundation of the Dehra or Zahra Bagh is ascribed to Babar,
who is said to have built a garden palace there for a daughter named
Zahra. See Archaeol. Survey Report^ iv. 107.
By Akbar's Garden Mundy apparently means the garden attached
to the Emperor's tomb at Sikandra.
The Mot! Bagh is usually ascribed to Shah Jahan on account
of a beautiful little mosque (not the well-known Moti Masjid in
the Fort) erected by him in that garden. Mundy's statement, how-
ever, shows that the grounds were laid out and the summer palace
built in the previous reign when Nur Mahal's power was m the
ascendant.
3 During Akbar's reign trees and flowers of various kinds were
imported and planted at Fatehpur SikrI and at Agra. Apples were
brought from Samarkand.
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 21 5
Mango trees, Caco [cocoanut] trees, Figg trees, Plantan
trees, theis latter in rancks, as are the Cipresse trees. In
other squares are your flowers, herbes, etts., whereof Roses,
Marigolds (theis scarse only in Mootee ca baag) to bee
seene; French Mariegolds aboundance; Poppeas redd,
carnation and white; and divers other sortes of faire
flowers which wee knowe not in our parts ^, many growe-
inge on prettie trees, all watered by hand in tyme of
drought, which is 9 monethes in the Yeare. This, I say,
is the generall manner, but the former"^ excel! both in
greatnes and curiositie of buildinge, painteing etts.; the
carved worke off through Cutt [perforated] redd stone much
used in all their gardens and Tombes etts. In Mootee
ca baag were many roomes painted, which wee might
perceive to bee drawne from Europe prints (of which they
make accompt heere). Alsoe there was the picture of
Sir Thomas Roe, late Ambassadour heere, as it was
told us^
The Bazare affoards plentie of all things, as flesh, fish,
graine, fruites, etts., as Beefe, Mutton, Partridge, quailes,
pigeons, Turtle doves (Sometymes geese and ducks);
Mangoes, Plantans [bananas], Ananesses \anands^ pine-
apple], etts. [and other] fruites of this countrie (and out
of Persia), Raysins, Almonds, Pistaches [pistacia], wal-
nutts, apples, orrenges. Prunes [plums], prunellas or dryed
^ Jahanglr {Memoirs^ pp. 5 — 6) dilates on the beauty and fragrance
of the flowers of India and says that "it has many such that nothing
in the whole world can be compared to them." For the methodical
arrangement of Indian gardens, introduced by Babar, see Ain Akbari,
tr. Blochmann, I. 87.
^ The three gardens specially mentioned above.
3 This "picture," of which I have found no other mention, was
probably a fresco on the wall of the garden palace. Sir Thomas Roe
(1580 — 1644) was sent by the East India Company as Ambassador to
the Court of Jahanglr in 161 5 — 1618.
Roe himself, however, was never at Agra. See Embassy of Sir
T. Roe, ed. Foster, Introduction.
2l6 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
Apricocks\ Musk millions [sitap/ial'\, although of the
latter there bee much in this Countrie, as also of water
millions [tarbilsd\"\ Fish of divers sorts out of the River,
whereof one is ver)' good called Roe", a great scaly
Fish.
There is also another Bazare or Markett, which, although
not soe Commendable, yett much frequented and allowed
of, not only heere but all India over, namely the Common
Stewes, of which there bee in divers places of Agra. Each
of them every eveninge is like a faire, where they resort,
make their bargaines, take and choose the whores sittinge
and lyeinge on their Cotts att their balcones and doores.
Theis are called Manganaes \^}ndngani\
There are also dauncinge wenches, of whome there are
divers sorts, as Lullenees [/r?////], Harcanees [harakm\
Kenchanees [^kauc/in/il] and Doomenees [dojn>u'\ (all
whoores though not in soe publique a manner) beinge of
severall Castes and use different manner of musick. Most
comonl)' they are hired att solemne feasts, where they
pla}'e, singe and daunce, whilst they [the guests] eate,
drinck and discoursed And there is scarse any meetinge
of freinds without them, where, when they are once warme
with their meates, drinckes, gullees [^ghola], etts. (I meane
the Moores [Muhammadans] etts.), the}' take whome they
have a minde to, either for [the] night or otherwise. These
[women] buy litle slave Wenches and bringe them upp to
their professions, sellinge their Maidenheads att first att
deere rates, after prostituted for a small matter.
^ Prunello or prunella, an obsolete term for dried plums of the finest
varieties. See O. E. Z>., s.7'. Prunello. In the Aiii Akbarl, tr. Bloch-
mann, i. 65, dried apricots are termed kJnlbani.
^ For the fruits of Akbar's table, see AT/i Akbarf, tr. Blochmann, i.
64—67.
^ Ro/ift, N'uly. nil, cypriniis ro/u'/ir, a species of carp.
^ See Dellon, p. 58 ; and Ovinj^ton, p. 2157, for accon is of " Dancing
women."
facing p. ziq
No. 15. CEREMONY OF CENSING KALI IN A HINDU TEMPLE AT BENARES, 1632
No. 16. A MIHMANI OR BANyUET IN 1632
(See p. 217)
Hakluyt Society.^
\Scries If, Vol. 35.
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 21/
I have here under sett a Mimmannee \jnihmdni\ (or
banquett) with daunceinge wenches by figure^ Vizt.,
A. A Table Cloth layed on the Ground.
B. The guest[s] sittinge on the ground also, with
great Cusheons behind them.
C. A servant beatinge away the flyes with a Chewra
\chaiihri\, which is a horse taile on a handle.
D. Another with a puncka [pa7ikha\ (or leather fanne)^
makes wynd.
E. The dauncinge wenches.
F. One that playes on a Tabor or litle Drumme.
G. An old woman which doth only singe and clapp
her hands keeping a kinde of tyme.
H. A fellow beating on both sides of a Drumme
\tani-tam, tom-tom], in fashion like the Barricas
[Port., water-cask] wee have aboard the India
shipps.
I. A woman Clappinge two things like Sawcers of
brasse [small cymbals], keeping tyme also.
K. Girles or slave wenches sitting behinde the rest.
L. A learge Carpett whereon they all eat, sitt and
daunce, It is to bee understood they all singe,
aswell those that daunce as those that playe,
all of one note, except the man who is the
Diapasons Noe thirds nor fifts in Musick as I
could heere*.
Goolees^ is a kinde of Composition made of strong
^ See Illustration No. 16.
2 The hand pankhd or large leather fan, not the swing paiikha
described miie^ p. 191.
^ Mundy seems to mean by the diapason the man who provides the
motif ox therne of the song.
* Modern Indian music, like that of the bagpipe and the Gregorian
chant, has five notes to the modern European octave, and so the two
styles are irreconcilable. Mundy was right therefore in observing that
Indian music has no thirds or fifths in the European sense.
^ Ghold, an intoxicant of opium or bhang.
2l8 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
druggs and spices, fashioned into small pelletts, used by
the Moores as wee doe wyne to make them merrie, in that
kinde workeinge the same efifect, but more especiallie to
provoke them to Lust.
The honourable Company have a howse wherein their
servants reside in Phullhuttee [Phal-hattl]S a quiet place
amonge Hindooe Ckhattrees \khatris\ in the hart of the
Cittie, where wee live after this Countrie manner in matter
of meate, drincke and apparrell ; Our meat for the most
part after the Custome of this place, sitting on the ground
att our meate or discourse. The roomes in generall Covered
with Carpetts with great round, high Cushions to leane on
(this aswell in publique as in private). Our Habitt when
wee goe abroad is a Shash [turban] on our heads, a Doo-
pata [dopaita] or white lynnen scarfe over our shoulders
(this in Summer and Pummering^ in Winter); then a fine
white lynnen Coate, a girdle to binde about us, breeches
and shooes, our swords and daggers by our sides. Thus
in the Cittie. But when wee goe out of Towne, wee have
our bowes and arrowes att our sadle, and a buckler hanging
on our shoulders. However, wee never stirr a foote out of
doores but on horseback, it being the Custome of the Cittie.
There are certaine Customes or Ceremonies used heere,
as also in other parts of India, vizt., Shawsen^ Hooly
[Roll], Dewally [Dlwall]^
1 See a7tte, Relation viil. p. 78.
2 Painari^ pamri^ pa?twrd, silk cloth, also silk or cloth carpeting.
Mundy probably means by his "pummering" what is now known as
pashmina^ a fine cloth made of wool or goat's hair. See Hobson-
Jobson, s.v. Pambie. Besides the quotations given in that article,
compare the following: 1636. "Investing me with two pamrynes"
{English Factories, 1634— 1636, p. 254). 1638. " Upon their ordinary
garment they [the Indian 'Mahometans'] wear a kind of Cloak,
which thev call Pomereis against the cold and rain" (Mandelslo,
p. 80).
'•'■ The cry, "Shah Husain," in corruption of "Ya Hasan, Ya
Husain," used at the Muharram.
■* The Harl. copy has for headline here—" Holie tides : as Shawsen,
Hoolee, Deewallee."
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 219
Shawsen by the Moores in memorie of one Shawsen
a great Warriour, slayne by the Hindooes att the first
conqueringe this Countrie, Soe that they doe not only
solempnize his funerall by makeinge representative Tombes
in every place, but, as it were, promise to revenge his
death with their drawne swords, their haire about their
eares, leaping and danceinge in a frantick manner with
postures of fightinge, alwaies cryeing, "Shawsen, Shawsen,"
others answeringe the same words with the like gestures.
It is dangerous then for Hindooes to stirr abroad. This
they doe 9 or 10 dayes, and then hee is, as it were, carried
to burialP.
Then there is Hoolee [Holi] of the Hindooes used in
the same manner as Shrovetide is in Fraunce, by eating,
drinckeing, feasteinge, playinge, throweinge sweete oyles
and water with redd powder on that againe, soe all be-
daubeing themselves, the Courser sort towards the end of
it flinging about old shooes, raggs, dust, dirt, etts , with
affrontive Gambolls to those that passe by, being also of the
inferiour sort. This lasteth some few dayes and then hee
is also carried to burninge with great Companie, musick,
etts. This they doe in remembrance of a certaine de-
liverye of their Countrie from a Tirant"-.
1 This is a garbled but interesting account of the tragic deaths
or martyrdom of Hasan and Husain (the grandsons of Muhammad
through his daughter Fatima), together with their followers, com-
memorated at the Muharram festival. The murders took place at
different dates, i.e. a.h. 49 and 61 (a.d. 669 and 681), and of course
neither of the "martyrs" was ever anywhere near India. See Pelly,
The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain, for a detailed account of this
festival and its meaning ; and Herklots, Qanoon-e- Islam, pp. 150 — 171.
For other 17th century travellers' accounts, see Fryer, ed. Crooke, I.
273; Thevenot, Pt. iii. p. 116.
2 -phe Hoii festival is a kind of Hindu saturnalia held in the spring,
during which much license of language and behaviour is customary
amongst all the lower orders in Northern India. The throwing of red
powder over each other is a prominent feature, as also are the " holi
fires" which Mundy does not mention. According to one legend of
classical origin the demon Harnakas persecuted his ascetic son Prah-
lad, with the assistance of Hoh, his sister, and was destroyed by Vishnu
220 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [rEL. XV
Then Deewall}' [Dlwall], a holly tyme among the
Hindooes, when they sett Lamps and lights in their
windowes and tarrasses, etts.^
The manner of carrieinge auntient men to burninge.
I also saw in Agra divers tymes that if they carried
a verie auntient man [devotee] to burninge, they would
goe with the greatest musick, daunceing and content that
they could devise, throweinge flowers, redd powders, etts.,
one upon another, as also on the Corpes, rejoy[c]einge that
hee hath soe well performed his tyme, and arrived to such
a good age^. Otherwise they make great lamentation, the
weomen comeinge after the Corps, a great distance of,
when they are carried to be burned, Crieing and Lament-
inge to the uttermost, performeinge certaine Cerimonies
att the River and keepeinge some dayes of mourninge in
the same manner as the Jewish weomen att Constantinople,
sometymes singinge, then Cryeinge, scratchinge and pul-
linge their haire, then singinge againe, etts.^ This they
doe alternatively for some (ew howres in a day and then
in his form of Narsingh, the "man-lion." See Crooke, Popular
Relicrion, li. 313 — 319. For contemporary accounts of the festival,
see Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 277 — 278, il. 79; Thevenot, Pt. iii. pp. 57 —
58. For a modern version of the HolT legend, see Punjab Notes and
Queries, lll. no. 553.
^ See ante. Relation x. p. 146, for a previous mention of and note
on DiwalT or " Feast of Lamps." Apart from the so-called classical
legends attached to this festival, the object of cleaning and lighting up
the houses, and placing lights outside them, is to make things pleasant
for the spirits of the dead who, on the DlwalT night, are supposed to
visit their old homes. See Crooke, Things Indian, pp. 212 — 213;
Forbes, Ras Mala, 11. 317. See also Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 277;
Ovington, p. 401.
2 Here is another instance of Mundy's accuracy of observation.
Compare Forbes, Rds Mala, li. 56: "At the devotee's interment no
wailing or expressions of grief are allowed. ..the corpse is. ..attended
by persons wlio cast rose-coloured powder into the air, or demonstrate
in other modes their joy."
•' Here is a marginal note — "A strange kinde of mourninge." For
mourning women, see Le Blanc, p. 89.
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 221
referr it to the next. This is att the meeteinge of neigh-
bours and friends.
Those that intend to burne with their Husbands and
doe it not when hee is burned, they reserve his Shash
[turban] by them. The tyme appoynted being come, and
they come to the place appo3aited, they sitt downe, and
takeing their husbands shash in their lapp, instead of the
whole bodye, they are burned with it. This they say\
A Straunge Custome.
The Hindooes wives or Ckhattarannes^ att the mar-
riage of their Children, besides the Ceremonies heretofore
mentioned*, doe Cellebrate their Nuptialls with Drummes,
beateing with their hands and singing to it for many dayes
and nights together, both att home in the Topps of their
howses and in the streets, haveinge libertie by Custome in
this tyme to say what they list, which is in revileinge,
scoffeinge, filthy, bawdy and beastly speeches in singinge,
which is very strange, consideringe that att other tymes they
are scarce to bee scene or heard, and that if they should
utter the least of those things they would bee esteemed vile.
The makeing of Indico.
Now a word or two of the makeinge of Indico, the best
and richer sort being comonly called by the name of Agra
Indico.
1 This appears to be a reference to the Hindu custom of performing
funeral rites in efifigy, when, for any reason, it is impossible to perform
them in the presence of the corpse itself, although I have been unable
to trace any instance of the use of the turban as described in the text.
It is not, however, an unlikely custom and probably did exist in
various places in India in Mundy's time. Mr Crooke has given me
the following references on the subject : Playfair, The Garos^ p. in;
Anantha Krishna Iyer, Cochin Tribes and Castes^ 11. 157; Crooke,
Things Indian^ p. 130.
2 Khatinnl means a female of the khatri caste, and not a Hindu
woman generally.
^ The Harl. copy has a marginal note — "Betroathinge." See
ante. Relation Xll. pp. 179 — 180, for Mundy's previous reference to
marriage ceremonies.
222 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [REL. XV
There are divers Townes about Agra, some 40, some
30, some 20 and some 15 course distant, as Hindowne
[Hindaun], Byana [Bayana], Panchoona, Bashavor [Bi-
saur], Connoway [Khanvva]\ etts., where it grovves and is
made, vizt. — About the begining of the raynes they
labour the grounds and soe the seeds which by the end
of it, is growne a good hight, being a Htle sprigge bearinge
a Htle small leafe consistinge of many parts, as"^
but much '-'.
There is also Tancks called Chaboochaes^, places made
of purpose, well plaistered to keepe in liquor, and may
conteyne five or six Tonn each. In the bottome is a round
receptacle. This place is filled with water (their beinge
many of them together). Then Cutt they the said plant
somewhat above the ground and throwe it into the said
water (the plant next yere springeth upp againe), and
there they lett the said Stalkes and leaves remaine some
48 howres, keepeing it dovvne with waight, and nowe and
then stirringe of it, from which the water receaves a
Coulour. After this they lett it settle, leaveinge the water to
runne out att a passage of purpose ; and in the bottome they
finde a substance which they gentlye take out, and put to
drie untill it become as hard as paist and then the[y] forme
it into Lumps, crushing it together in their hands, which
being againe put to drie, is put up readie to be sold or used.
1 Pelsart (p. 6) calls these last three towns " Patchiona," " Bas-
sower" and " Chanoua." "Patchiona" or "Panchoona" may be
represented by the "Pichaouree" of the Indian Atlas. Of Khanwa
Finch remarks, "Cannowa is a small country Towne round about
which is made very good Nill [«z7, indigo] by the reason of the
fatnesse of the soil and brackishnesse of the water." (Purchas, ed.
Maclehose, iv. 44.)
2 There are blanks in the MS. here. Pelsart, who has a long
account of indigo-growing (pp. 4 — 7), is also at a loss for a comparison.
He says that "the leaves are round and rather like which
grows in our part of the world." In Purchas, His Pilgriinage, p. 570,
the shrub is compared to a gooseberry bush. Tavernier, ed. Ball, il.
9 — 10, says that indigo "much resembles hemp."
^ Chahbacha {lit. son of a well), a cistern, vat, sink.
1632] AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE 223
That which is made the first yere is called Nautee
\naudhd, noti'], the second yere Jeree [ja7^f\ and the third
yere Coteale \^k/mtiydl\ Jeree is the best, then Nautee,
and lastly, Coteale, the worsts After three yeres they
doe noe more good of that plant, soe worke upon others
that they have planted in the meane tyme. It is ordi-
nariely noe higher then a yard, and there is but litle
made of a great deale of ground, for were it easie to
come by, it would prove much Cheaper. This as neere as
I can remember as it was told mee by our Indico Mer-
chants and Brokers, and is only a litle lighte to those that
are desirous to knowe of its makeinge, this discription
beinge not soe punctuall as it might have benel
The manner of the Kings boates at Agra.
The kings and great mens boates heere are sucli as are
at Puttana^ although not soe longe, this litle River Jemina
1 The words used by Mundy and his contemporaries for the three
indigo crops are not to be found in modern works on the subject and
therefore appear to have gone out of use. They are, however, generic
terms for various sorts of crops grown from seed, stalks and stubble.
Naudhd {naiidd, 7totI, nillt) is indigo sown at the beginning of the
rains, /art is the second crop taken after the naicdhd has been cut.
Khunti {khiiti, khutiyd^ khutiydl) is the crop cut from the second
year stubble of the naudhd. Of these, naudhd is fair; jan is the
best; but the khunti is poor, or as Rumphius (who calls this crop
sassald) says, a vilissiuia species. See Rumphius, Herbaj'iuvi Ain-
boittense. v. 224. Pelsart's terms are "nouty," of a brown colour and
somewhat coarse, "ziarie" second growth, "Catel" third growth.
Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, IV. 44, has "Notee, immature;
Cyeree, perfect ; Catteld, declining."
^ For other contemporary accounts of the growth and preparation
of indigo, see Mandelslo, pp. 83 — 84 ; Terry, p. 107 ; Tavernier, ed.
Ball, II. 9 — 12. See also the account by Francis Fettiplace in Letters
Received {1616), p. 241.
^ The Harl. copy has a headline "Boates" and the following
introductory sentence to this paragraph — "I had almost forgotten
the Boates here for the Kings and great mens uses (as I did those
at Puttana) ; only twoe words and then I will cease troubling Agra
any further." Then follows the description, already given in Relation
XI. ante., pp. 157 — 158, of the pleasure boats at Patna with the ad-
ditional remark, "This is for the most parte as it pis] used in the
River Ganges at Puttana, there beinge litle difference heere."
224 AGRA AND DIVERS PERTICULARITIES THERE [rEL. XV
not soe Capeable [suitable for navigation] as the river
Ganges. They are rowed with Padles and observe neere
the same Custome as they doe in the other [boats at
Patna]!.
Heere are also verie great lighters or Gabares-, of 3, 4,
or 500 Tonns each, serving for transportinge great men
with their howshold and howshold stuffe dovvne the river
to Etaya [Etawa], Ellahabaz [Allahabad], Puttana [Patna],
Dhacca [Dhaka, Dacca] etts. places on the river Ganges,
haveing howses in the midle for the weomen^, and many
of them on their stemms the figures of the head of an
Eliphant, Dragon, Tiger, etts., with double sternes. Others
there are plaine, both ends alike, for Courser offices, as
carryeinge of Timber, stones, etts. such as are att Etaya^
See folio [43]°.
I have heere sett the figure of the first and best sorte of
theis Lighters".
1 See ante. Relation xi. p. 158. See also Finch (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, iv. 75.
'^ This is a European, not an Indian, term. The forms (It., Sp.
and Voxt.) gabarra, (Fr.) gabare, (Eng.) gabbart, gaber, gaboard, gab-
bard all represent a large sailing barge, a lighter. It was apparently
an elaborate variety of the Indisin patetd. See O.E.D., s.v. gabbart.
^ The Harl. copy has — " Heere are alsoe greate Boates to convey
his [the King's] MoIioU [ina/ial^ seraglio] with severall roomes, able
to carry a prettie village with all theyre Inhabitants and goods; such
is theire hugenesse."
■* Here Mundy seems to be describing the paield or ordinary barge.
See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 162.
^ Mundy is alluding to his previous remark on these lighters.
See ante, Relation vill. pp. 87 — 88.
^ See Illustration No. 17.
RELATION XVI\
A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT WITH A CAPHILA CON-
SISTINGE OF 268 CAMMELLS AND IO9 CARTS, WHEREON
WAS LADEN I493- FARDLES INDICO AND 12 FARDLES
OF SALTPETER ETTS. GOODES, DESPEEDED BY
MR WILLIAM FREMLEN UNDER THE CONDUCT
OF PETER MUNDY WITH A CONVOY^ OF
170 PEONES OR SOULDIERS, vizt.
The 25 of February 1632 [1633]. Wee Sett out from
Agra in the morninge, accompanied with Mr John Robin-
son^, Signior Jeronimo [Veroneo], an Itah'an*, Signior
Tristen and Signior Martin, Dutchmen^, and haveing satt
a while by a Tanck a mile without the Cittie, the accus-
tomed place of partinge, wee tooke our leaves each of other,,
they returninge to Agra, I on my Journey. That evening
wee came to Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikrl], (12 Course).
1 This is Relation xiv. in the Harl. copy.
2 The Harl. copy has " 1439 Fardles [bundles]... under the conduct
of mee Peter Mundy haveinge with mee 170 Peones or Souldiers."
2 See ante. Relation vili. p. 80, for Robinson's appointment as a
factor, and Relation xn., note on p. 186, for his return to England.
■* See Relation xv., note on p. 208.
^ Lodewijk Trijssens, Dutch factor at Agra, is mentioned in the
Dagh Register for 1636, p. 52. See also English Factories., 1634 —
1636, p. 89 n.
By " Signior Martin," Mundy may mean Maerten Frederickszoon,
who was imprisoned by Asaf Khan in 1623. See English Factories.,
1621 — 1623, p. 197;?. I have, however, found no later mention of
him.
M. II.
15
226 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
King Ecbars Pilgrimage to Adgeemeere.
In our way were certaine Munaries [^mndr] or small
Towers made Taperwise, built by king Ecbar [Akbar] on
this occasion. Hee haveinge never a Childe^ and being
desirous of a Sonne to succeede him, hee was perswaded
by a Fackeere [fakir] that if hee went barefoote to Adge-
meere [Ajmer] to visitt and to offer to the Tombe of Qfuaz
Mondeene [Khwaja Mu'Inu'd-dln Chishtl] a reputed Saint
among the Moores [Muhammadans], hee should obteyne
his said desire, which hee accordinglye performed (by way
of Sanganeare [Sanganer], there being 150 Course from
Agra to Adgeemeere); and att every Course end hee cawsed
these Munaries to bee builtl Hee had after this three
Sonnes^. It is said hee went on Carpetts all the way, but on
this manner: There beinge a good space first spread, as fast
as hee went on, the hindermost Carpetts were taken away,
and readye spread in his way before hee came to them^
^ The Harl. copy has — "never a Sonne to succeede him."
2 Here is a marginal note— "King Ecbar's pilgrimage to Adge-
meere." There are various contemporary accounts of Akbar's pil-
grimage to the shrine of Khwaja Mu'Inu'd-dln Chishtl at Ajmer.
Most of them, however, describe the monarch's journey as being one
of supplication, rather than thanksgiving, for the birth of his son,
SalTm (Jahanglr), so-called after Shekh Sallm Chishtl in whose house
the child was born, in 1570. See Jahangir's own account of his birth
{Memoirs of Jahanglr^ pp. i — 2). Gladwin, Hist, of Hindosta?!., p. 11,
says that the pilgrimage occupied seventeen days.
For the inlnars set up on the route, compare Purchas, His Pil-
grimage^ p. 533: "Betweene Agimere or Azmere and Agra, are a
hundred and twentie Courses : at every Course end a great pillar
erected, and at every tenth Course a Seraglia or Place of lodging for
Man and Horse. ..there are also at every tenth Course faire Houses
erected by Echebar for his Women. ..The reason heereof is reported
that Echebar wanting Children went on Pilgrimage on foot to Asmere
for that purpose, at every Course end saying his prayers, and lodging
at the tenth." See also Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 41 ;
Herbert, p. 61; De Laet, tr. Lethbridge, p. 72; Th^venot, Pt. in.
p. 49.
•' Akbar's three sons were Salim (Jahanglr), Murad and Danyal.
Previous to his vow, he had twin sons who died in infancy.
* Mundy is retailing the usual story related for the glorification of
the Saint. Akbar, in fact, appears to have travelled on horseback
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 22/
Halfe a mile out of Agra was a little Tanck lay by
the way side, of one entire massie peece of white Marble,
fowre square, each squaire conteyninge at least 2^ yardes,
brought for the kinge, yet unpollished, of about a foote
thick.
Gonga Mohol : wherefore built.
Within 3 Course of Futtapore, there is a ruinated build-
inge, named Gonga \_gtingd, dumb] Mohol, that is, the
howse of the dumbe, built by Kinge Ecbar of purpose,
where hee cawsed litle Children to be brought upp by
dumb Nurses to knowe what language they would
naturally speake; but it is said that in a long time they
spake nothing att all^
The Cittie of Futtapore [Fatehpur Sikri] was also built
by Kinge Ecbar aforesaid att his returne from the Conquest
of Guzaratt, nameinge it the Towne of Victories It is
encompassed with a faire high wall of bigg square redd
stone. In my opinion it was the only place that might
from Mandelgarh to Ajmer, regarding which ride another story for
the glorification of Mu'Inu'd-din Chishtl is told, viz. that a disciple
dreamt that the Emperor was relieved of the obligation of com-
pleting the pilgrimage barefoot. See Latif, Agra., p. 229.
1 Akbar's object in making this experiment was to ascertain
" natural laws " and he intended to follow whatever laws and customs
might belong to the people whose language the children spoke natu-
rally. As language is, however, acquired by imitation, the children
necessarily spoke no language, and Akbar had no opportunity of
ascertaining his "natural laws." See Beveridge, Father Jero?ne Xavter
\n J.A.S.B. 1888, p. 2)7 '■, Purchas, His Pilgrimage, p. 516; Manucci,
ed. Irvine, I. 142.
2 Twenty-two miles from Agra was the hamlet of SikrI, the retreat
of the celebrated Indian Muhammadan Saint, Shekh Salim Chishtl {i.e.
of the sect founded by Khwaja Maudud Chishtl who died in 1153). In
1569, on his way back from his campaign in Gujarat, Akbar halted at
the foot of a rock, on the top of which the holy man had taken up his
abode. The Emperor had lately lost his only sons (twins by his
Hindu wife), and is said to have besought the Saint's prayers for
another son, and to have sent his wife to reside with the Saint, who
was then over ninety years of age. In the following year Prince
Salim (Jahangir) was born. In honour of the Saint and to com-
memorate his conquests in Gujarat, Akbar built at Sikrl the town of
Fatehpur, the City of Victory, as a royal residence.
15—2
228 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
any way resemble our European Citties, for conformitie of
stately buildinges. Now it lyes in a manner of a heape^
(the ruynes to bee seene of broken Arches, galleries^ etts.),
exceptinge the Kinges howse, the great Messitt \inasjid'\
and one Bazare.
The kings howse or MohoU stands on the highest hill,
within which are aboundance of Courts, Conveyances,
galleries, Chowtrees \c]iabfitrd\ Arches, pillars, Tancks,
Chaboochaees [chahbacha\% private roomes, all verie rich,
curious, and full of invention of painteinge, carvinge, etts.^;
Also a little garden. The water to water it is also to fill
the Tancks alofte, and for their use is drawne from the
valley, first into one Tanck and then from that into another
higher, and soe into 4 or 5 untill it come alofte, by that
which wee in Spaine call Noraiesl
The Great Messitt.
The Messitt \inasjid'\ is the fairest I have yett seene
in India, standing verie high, built by [Sahm Chishtl],
' For descriptions of the deserted city, see Finch (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, iv. 41 — 43; Herbert, p. 61; De Laet, tr. Lethbridge,
p. 71 ; Tiefifenthaler, I. 179. The cause of the abandonment, in 1605,
of Fatehpur Sikrl as a royal residence is generally attributed to the
difficulty of obtaining sufficient water. But there is also still current
an apocryphal story that Shekh Sallm Chishtl, who died in 1572, was
so inconvenienced by the noise attendant on the residence of the
Court, that Akbar, in deference to his desire for seclusion, left the
place. See Latif, Agra, pp. 162 — 163.
2 Here is a marginal note — "The Cittie of Futtapore ruinated."
The Harl. copy adds, after " galleries," the word " pillars."
2 See ajtte, Relaiion xv., note on p. 222. Here is a marginal
note — "The Kings howse entire."
•i For a full description of the Diwan-I-'Am, the Mahal-i-Khas and
other royal buildings comprised in Mundy's "Moholl," see E. W.
Smith, Moghul ArchitecUire of Fathpur Slkn, Pt. I. See also Am
Akbart, tr. Jarrett, li. 180 — 181.
■' Noraie, Sp. ftoria, through Ar. fufilra/i, the common or "Persian"
wheel of India, ra/iat, arhat. The earliest quotation for "noria" in
the O.E.D. is 1792. The ruins of the series of Persian wheels and
reservoirs, by which water from the lake outside the city was supplied
to the palace, still exist.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 229
a Fackere much reputed of^ Soe that a certaine Amravve
[a^mr] being bound for the warrs, and haveinge noe sonne,
left his meanes with [t]his Fackeere, with Condition that if
hee returned not it should bee all his. The Amrawe was
slaine and hee [the /akir] remained with all his riches,
wherewith hee built this Messitt, as also his owne Tombe^.
It is a very Curious [elaborately constructed] buildinge;
a faire arched entrance full of Copulaes round about on
the walls, very large, paved with Marble. It hath many
Fackeers etts. to attend it, whoe att certaine tymes in
the day and night beat on great drumms and sound with
Trumpetts, which is usually done att all great mens
Tombes according as they are of abillitie.
The Moores tombes.
As the Turks att Constantinople, soe doe the Moores
in this Countrie make their Sepulchers without the Citties
for the most part, Great men in Gardens of their owne
or eminent places (as on the Topps of some hills, by great
Tancks etts.). The Comon sort have a Common place,
and over every one they build a forme of a herse or
Coffin, with some Invention, accordinge as their meanes
will stretch.
1 SalTm ChishtT was buried in the Jama' Masjid at Fatehpur Slkri.
The building is attributed to the Saint by contemporary writers and
by the inscription on the mosque. The fact, however, seems to be
that the khanka or monastery and cloisters were erected by Sallm
Chishti and the mosque and tomb by Akbar. See Ain Akbart, tr.
Jarrett, il. 180; Smith, Moghiil Architecture of Fathpii7' Sikri^ Pt. iv.
pp. I — 15 ; BadaonI, Muiitakhab Ut-Tawdrikh^ tr. Lowe, pp. ^ii 112.
For quaint accounts of the Masjid, see Finch (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, iv. 42 — 43, on "The Faire Meskete" ; De Laet, tr. Leth-
bridge, p. 71 ; Thevenot, Pt. ill. pp. 39 — 40.
2 Mr Beveridge suggests that the amir was Kutbu'd-dln Kokaltash,
known also as Shekh Khuban or Khubu, son of Shekh Sallm Chishtl's
sister, and foster-brother of the Emperor Jahanglr. He was Governor
of Bengal 1606 — 1607 and was killed by Sher-afgan Khan, the first
husband of Niar Mahal. His remains were subsequently buried at
Fatehpur Sikri.
230 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
Under the Cittie is a Lake of lo or 12 mile long,
haveing store of Fish^ By it is a curious Munare [mlndr]
or Tower of a greate highte, to bee ascended within side,
haveinge on the outside peeces of white Marble made in
forme of Eliphants Teeth built into it and sticking out
about three quarters of a yard, and soe much distance
betwene on[e] another, haveinge on the Topp a fine
Chowtree [c/iadfitrd] and a Copulae, supported with pillars,
to bee ascended within side with stepps. It is Comonly
called the Towre of Eliphants teeth, many thinckinge them
to bee realP as by the figure heere sett downe*.
There is also a conceited [ingeniously devised] Stable
standinge on the side of the hill Towards the lake, which
is made into severall flatts [floors] or degrees, like stepps
one above another with pillars and arches to support a
Coveringe to it. On each of those degrees stood a Ranck
of horses; the entrance att one end^
Likewise a Parke or meadowe walled in, wherein were
severall beasts. Amonge the rest Nilgaues, a kind of deere
as high as a good Colte or Mule with short homes I
Within the kings howse was a great Jarre made of
plaister and lyme like a Tynaja in Spaine*'. It might
1 This jM^ or lake, six miles long by two wide, was formed by an
embankment enclosing the waters of the Banganga or Uttangan.
2 The Hiran Mlnar or Antelope Tower is said to have been
erected by Akbar over the grave of a favourite elephant. It is 70 ft.
high and is studded with imitation elephant tusks. It is also said
that Akbar used it as a hunting tower, from which to fire at game.
Mr E. W. Smith, however, thinks it more likely that the place was
used by the inmates of the Seraglio as a vantage point from which
to witness tournaments, etc. See Mogluil Architecture of Fatlipur
Sikri, Pt. III. pp. 36 — 37.
3 See Illustration No. 18.
* This account and the drawing attached to it (Illustration No. 19)
are interesting as totally disagreeing with the description and plans
given by E. W. Smith in Alogkul Architecture of Fathpicr Sikri, Pt.
III. p. 61.
'" Nili(di {rojh), the painted antelope. See atite. Relation xii. p. 182.
" Tinaja, Sp. a water-jar. The Harl. copy has a marginal note,
"A great Martaban [Pegu jar] or Jarre and to what use." For " Mor-
tovan, Martavan, Martaban" jar, see Ind. Ant. xxxill. 159.
facing p. 230
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1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 23 1
conteyne three or fower butts, wherein was put water of
Ganges for the kings own drinckinge. For it is a Custome
that the kinges of India drincke noe other water but of
that river, bee they never soe farr off, which is brought
on Cammells backs in brasse or Copper vessells^ About
3 Course off Hes Rupbaz [Rupbas] where are the quarries
of those redd stones, which supplye all their parts for the
principall buildings, as the Castle of Agra, this place, Great
mens howses, Tombes, etts.^
The figure of the Kings Stable, mentioned on th'other
side, is somewhat after this manner, conceived only to serve
in faire weather^.
The 26th Febjniary 1632/3. In our waie hither (Neem-
bera [Nibhera], 8 course), wee came to Connoway
[Khanwa], where I found Mr Fremlen, whoe had sent the
Carts away before to Neembera. About Noone wee had
much thunder and windes with such a deale of dust (which
is usuall about Agra some monethes before the raynes),
that wee could scarce see on[e] another. After followed
aboundance of raine which accompanied us to Neembra,
where wee pitched our Tent for that night. Heere wee
found Backur Ckaun [Bakir Khan], whoe was newly come
from Oreshaw [Orissa]^. Wee had intreated him that our
Caphila \kdfila, caravan] might goe with his Laskarre
[lashkar, camp], to which hee seemed very willinge, promise-
ing to further us in what hee could. This way wee con-
ceived would bee beneficiall to our Masters in saveing such
^ "His Majesty... both at home and on travels, drinks Ganges
water. Some trustworthy persons are stationed on the banks of that
river, who dispatch the water in sealed jars." AT7i Akbari, tr. Bloch-
mann, I. 55. See also vol. il. tr. Jarrett, pp. 120 — 121 ; Tavernier, ed.
Ball, II. 253—254 ; Ovington, pp. 208 — 209.
2 Rupbas, 10 miles south-west of Fatehpur Sikrl, is still noted for
its quarries of excellent red sandstone (Agra stone). See Tieffenthaler,
I. 170.
^ See Illustration No. 19.
■* See a7tte, p. 166. Bakir Khan was on his way to Ahmadabad to
take up his post as Governor of Gujarat.
232 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
Customes which otherwise would bee forced from us on
the way.
The 2']tJi February 1632/3. By reason of wett weather
i(it haveinge rayned all night) Backur Ckaun made a moc-
'came \inakdm, halt] or dayes rest. About noone there
was such a Tempestious shower of raine mingled with
haile, that the like hath seldome bene scene, especially att
this tyme of the yeare. It lasted neere halfe an hower,
Sondrey Sorts of Executions and Punishments.
Heere, as I was told, the Ckaun cawsed a fellowe to
bee throwne to owne [one] of his Eliphants that was
more furious then the rest, whoe instantly Catchinge hold
of him, sett his foote on him, and with his trunck tore him
in peeces one quarter from another (to this I was not
present)^ hee beinge one of others that had Committed
a Robberie, vizt., Backur Ckaun [Bakir Khan] amongst his
necessaries for accomodation, had a silver Cotte [khdt,
bed], or att least wise plated over, which, because it might
not bee hurt by Ladeinge and bindeing it on a Camell or
Cart, was carried on mens shoulders. This said Cott was
way laid and surprized by a Company of Theeves, this
fellow being one of them. Sometymes this manner of
execution is used by the Kinge and great men, Alsoe
throwne to doggs bredd for that purpose. Other tymes
to wilde beasts. Yea, sometymes appoyntinge certaine men
to teare the ofifendour with their teeth, of which Cuttwall
Ckaun was said to bee one, Commaunded thereto by Jehan-
gueere [Jahanglr] because hee was a bigg fellowe and had
a good sett of teeth". Other tymes to bee tyed to an
^ Mundy is only describing what he heard. An elephant would
take the culprit and throw him on the ground by his trunk, and then
kneel on him.
2 This is extremely unlikely, and Kotwal Khan is not a verifiable
name. The kotwal was a police officer, and the Kotwal Khan of the
text was probably a confidential attendant on Bakir Khan.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 233
Eliphants legg and soe to be dragged upp and downe the
streets till hee die. Theis afore mentioned are not soe
usuall, but the ordinary manner of execution and punish-
ment is Cutting of heads, Imprisonment [and] the Corula
[^korla]. The rich most comonly free themselves by force
of money but the poorer sort suffer.
A Corula what it is.
The Corula is a whipp of Twisted Cord about a fathome
longe, with a handle about a Cubit, from which it goes
smaller and smaller to the end. Of this they receive 50, 60
or 100 stripes, accordinge to their offence. There are of theis
Corulaes which I have scene that have a kinde of a brasse
rowell woven into it, haveing 4 ends or poynts each, and
stand about 5 or 6 inches one from the other, I meane
each rowell. With theis they will cruelly torture a man
(many tymes to death), fetching off Skin and flesh and all^
The Comon Justice is called a Cuttwall [kotwdl, police
officer, magistrate], which are in every Cittie and Towne.
Of the Eliphant.
Although Eliphants are els where largely discribed,
yett I will add heere two or three words. They are gene-
rally swart, neere to black, their Teeth in their upper jawe,
Joynts in their feete, for I have scene some (on which great
men used to ride) that have satt or layen downe on their
bellies and upp again as suddainely as any horse or bul-
lock Could doe possiblye, which is by reason of their
short leggs, wherein they differ much from all other
Creatures from the knee downewards, seemeing like a
Stumpe or halfe Cutt off-, also in their Trunck, and the
1 Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 228, speaks of " the korrah, that long
and terrible whip hanging at every Omrah's gate."
^ But Mundy in his drawings makes his elephants' joints turn the
wrong way, i.e. as a horse's, whereas they turn like those of a monkey.
See Illustrations Nos. 12 and 13.
234 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
females in their place of generation which lyes right under
their bellies where the Cowes udders are placed, and the
duggs of these are close to the fore legs.
The 2^th February 1632/3. Wee came to this Towne
(Biana [Bayana], 6 course), betwene which and Futtapore
[Fatehpur Sikrl] were about 250 or 300 men sett on Stakes
by Mirza Laskarr [Mirza Lashkar], Governour heere\ being
of Rebells and theeves by him taken, this way heretofore
being much pestered with them and very daungerous for
passengers. Heere is made the best Indico in all India
and hereabouts nothing inferiour^. By this stands the
fairest Beawle {bdoli^ in India, as I have formerly discribed
The 29/// February 1632/3. Wee made another moc-
came \jnakdni\ by reason Mirza Laskarree feasted the
Ckaun [Bakir Khan]. The Towne adjoynes to very high
hills.
TJie first March 1632/3. (Soroto [Surot], 6 course).
About 1 1 Course from Byana wee past through Shecundra
[Sikandarabad], neere which is a ruinated Castle on a hill,
a part whereof being sepperated from the rest is environed
with a wall, some 2^ miles in Compasse and about f of a
mile upp, where ascended, I saw nothinge but ruynes of
howses etts. Water it hath none alofte, but is supplyed
from the other side of the said rock or hilH, where is a
prettie valley to bee descended by stepps or staires. This
1 There are two personages, alive in 1633, who might have been
the official named — Jannisar Khan, Yadgar Beg, created Lashkar
Khan by Shah Jahan ; and Mirza Lashkarl, son of Mukhlis Khan;
but I have been unable to connect either individual with Bayana.
2 See atite, Relation xv. p. 222. In Akbar's time Bayana indigo
was worth Rs. 10 to 12 per 7iian. See Ain Akba7% tr. Jarrett, 11. 181.
See also Tieffenthaler, i. 172; Dalrymple, Oriental Repertory, I. 314.
2 See ante. Relation vill. p. loi and note.
* There is still existing a baoli in the Fort, near the lower gate.
See Ai-chaeol. Survey of Itidia, XX. 80.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 235
was auntiently the seat of Shaw Shecunder [Sikandar Shah
Lodi, d. 1 5 10], King of India\
Within f Course of the Towne is a Trench or Channell
made by Raine water, called Guddakhall [Gadda Khal,
ravine], well knowne heereabouts for robberies continuallie
comitted heere^. Two Corse farther is the prettiest tanck
I have yett seene in India, fowre square. The water is of
the ground, att every Corner a well, the descent finely con-
trived, with Copulaes on pillars, Chowtrees, etts., within
side.
The 2d MarcJi 1632/3. Wee pitched neere the Towne
(Hendowne [Hindaun], 5 course) on the further side from
hence. Backur Ckaun sent his sonne Mirza Facur
[Fakhir]^ before to Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad] to take
possession of the Government there in his name, with
order to proceede 16 Course a day.
The '^d March 1632/3. This Towne (Somt ca sara
[Sop], 9 course) was dispeopled through sicknesse.
The 4.th March 1632/3. (Bamangame [Bamanwas], 7
course). About noone I tooke my leave of Mr Fremlen
and Dongee [DhanjI]^, whoe lefte mee to looke to my
Charge, and they returned for Agra.
TJie Sth March 1632/3. There is a little Castle [Rajoll]
overlookes this Towne (Lollsoote [Lalsot], 7 course), which
lyes on the side of a hill as doe many others ; [the inhabi-
tants] most part rebells. Heere is some base Indico
made.
^ Mundy is describing the fort of Bijagarh or Vijaimandargarh,
known also as Santipur. See ArcJiaeol. Survey of India^ vi. 54 — 'j'l
and XX. 79 — 88 ; Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 44 — 45 ; De
Laet, tr. Lethbridge, p. 74.
2 Here is a marginal note — "Guddakhall, a theevish place."
^ Mirza Fakhir, second son of Bakir Khan, had the rank of 2000
after his father's death. In 1648 Shah Jahan gave him the title of
Khan and the office of Mir Tuzak (Master of the Ceremonies). He
died in 1688. I am indebted to Mr Beveridge for this information.
* See ante^ p. 79.
236 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
The 6th March 1632/3. (Jampa [Jampda], 5 course).
Wee travelled under the Hill, not encountringe any thing
worthie notice.
The Jth March 1632/3. Some 3 course short of this
place (Chatsoo [Chaksu], 7 course), wee passed by a Tovvne
[? Loharl-ka-pura], out of which came three or four fellowes,
whoe carried away an Oxe out of our Caphilla \_kdfila'\
belonginge to some of our Bulloaches [Baluchls], whoe had
bought him and laden him with graine to carrie to Guzaratt
[Gujarat] to releive their necessetie with it in tyme of that
great dearth (which began att my Comeinge away and yett
continued in Some part^), Upon Complaint to the Ckaun
[Bakir Khan] wee tooke three of the Townes people along
with us to use them att our pleasure till they returned the
Oxe, which stayed not longe, for att our Monzull \inanzil,
halting place] it was brought us, with provision and all".
This Towne stands on a little riseinge, reasonable bigg,
with an old paire of Castle walles. Close to it is a faire
Tanck by which Backur Ckaun pitched-'.
The Zth March 1632/3. Wee made a Moccame \inakdin,
halt], there being sett upp an extraordinarie great and high
pavillion close to the water, and Masons sett on worke to
make a Chowtree \chabntrd\ where Backur Ckaun meant
the next day to sitt his Nouroze \iianroz, New Year's
Day].
The gth of March 1632/3. Wee made an other moccame
by reason the Ckaun did solempnize his Nourose aforesaid
with all the Magnificence the way could affoard, as by
shooteing off his shutternalb or Cammell peeces (because
1 See ante, p. 38, and Appendix A.
^ Here is a marginal note, "A Robberie — Restitution."
3 Chaksu, a very ancient town, 25 miles south from Jaipur, stands
on rising ground in the midst of a plain. For a description of the
great tank on the west side of the town, see Archaeol. Survey Reports,
VI. 1 16 — 120.
* ShuturnCxl, a swivel or small gun placed on a camel.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 237
they are fitted on Cammells backs), in number 16, beating
of Drumms, whereof hee hath with him 6 or 7 paire, to bee
carried on Eliphants backs, of which one paire weigh 16
Maund Jehangueere, which is neere 1000 [lb.] weight
EngHsh\ sounding of his trumpetts, haveing by report when
hee came from Oreshawe [Orissa] drums of silver and
trumpetts of gold, which now the King is possessed of, as
also Jewells and 9 great Eliphants.
But to return to our Nourose, There was also the
fightinge of furious Cammells, called Bugdanees [Baghdadi].
The afternoone hee feasted all his Cheife Favourites and
followers. Att night all the Tanck was sett round about
with 3 Rowes of lights. They keepe this feast as their New
yeares tide.
The Kings manner in sitting out the Nouroze.
Att this tyme in Agra, the kinge sitteth out upon his
throne or Tackhe \takht\ of which everye kinge hath his
owne, there being one now makeing for this-, that by
Computation cannot be worth lesse then 4 Courourees
\karor, crore] of rupees, (Every Courouree is 100 Lack and
every Lack is 1 00000) which, in our money, is fower
millions and three hundred thousand pounds sterlinge^;
All of pure gold, curiouslye engraven, enamelled and sett
with diamonds, Rubies, emraldes, Saffiers, etts. prettious
stones, taken out of the treasurie. I say the king sitteth
out nine dayes under mightie high, rich and stately
^ This makes the Jahangirl man to have weighed about 62J lbs.
'^ Mundy is alluding to the celebrated Peacock Throne of Shah
Jahan, completed in 1634. See Mandelslo, pp. 46 — 47 ; Elliot, Hist,
of India, Vll. 45.
3 This computation must be wrong for two reasons : firstly it
makes the value of the rupee only a little over is. id., whereas it must
have been worth at least 2s. 2)d- at this date ; secondly the actual
cost of the Peacock Throne is now estimated at something over a
crore of rupees, equal to say one and a quarter million sterling in
1632. See Sirkar, Wealth of Ind {Anecdotes of Auratigzib), pp. 159
— 160.
238 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
pavillions of Cloth of gold etts., with his Amrawes or
Lords about him, all makeing the greatest shews of mag-
nificence and mirth they can, in feastinge, presentinge,
recreatinge, with severall shewes and pastimes, and
dauncinge wenches, fightinge of Eliphants, etts.^
There is also att this tyme a Bazare or markett kept
within the Moholl, where his weomen are. Thither repaire
the wives and daughters of all sorts, noe man daringe to
refuse the sendinge them if the king require them (although
of the greatest Amrawe). Theis [the vendors] being of
Jewellers, Goldsmithes, Mercers, Grocers, etts. Theis
haveing their places appoynted to displaye their wares.
The king cometh with the Sultana etts. weomen, himselfe
playing the Broker. They all take what they like and
have notes given them by those weomen that can write.
They [the vendors] deliver the said Notes to their husbands
and [who] are accordingly paid out of the kings treasurie.
This they doe because the Kinges weomen are never
suffered to goe abroad, that they may then see the varieties^
curiosities etts. necessaries that are in the Cittie or els
where^
The loth March 1632/3. Wee sett out before day and
came hither (Peepeelegame [Pipalgam, Plplo], 6 course)
about ID a Clock in the morninge, meeting by the way 4 or
5 who carried Faggotts of rodds like Switches. I asked
what they m.ent. It was told mee that by the Holynesse
[of] Qfauz Mondeene [Khwaja Mu'Inu'd-dln Chishti], whoe-
soever had a rodd of those in his hands should not bee bit
by any venimous thinge, as Snake, Scorpion, etts. ; and
1 For other contemporary descriptions of the keeping of the
" Nourous," see Hawkins (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, ill. 48 ; Roe,
ed. Foster, pp. 142 — 143.
2 The Harl. copy has " rarities."
3 These fancy bazaars on New Year's Day were instituted by
Akbar for the amusement of the ladies of his harem. See Latif,
Agra, pp. 217 — 218; Ain Akbari, tr. Blochmann, I. 276 — 277;
Bernier, ed. Constable, pp. 272 — 273.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 239
they carried them to Agra where they sold them for 5 or 6
pice each, bringing them from Adzmeere [Ajmer], where
they growe and where also is the Tombe of their said
Saincte^
TJie nth March 1632/3. Haveinge removed att Mid-
night, wee came hither (Mozeabad [Mozabad], 1 1 course)
about nine in the forenoone. The way from Lolsoote [Lals5t]
plaine with some litle hills heere and there, which appeared
in the plaine like Islands in the Sea ; many theeves, water
scarce and wood. Wee pitched hard by Joogneca Taloo,
[JogI ka talao]-, in which were a number of wilde ducks
which (because they are not suffered to bee hurt), come
close aboard the Shoare without shew of feare. This
Priviledge they have from the Raja of this place.
The manner how great men travell.
Backur Ckaun sent his Peshconna [pesh-khdna, advance-
camp] before. To give you to understand what it is, I will
relate the manner of great mens travellinge through the
Countrie. First (as before), they send away their Pesh-
conna (which is a Sutte [suite] of Tents, Cannatts^, etts.
accomodation) to the place where they meane next to
rest, hee in the meane tyme remaineinge in another sute of
Tents, etts. The which, when hee begins to sett forth, is
carry ed 2 dayes Journey forward, vizt., where hee intends
to stay the morrowe. When himselfe is on the way, There
first goe certaine Elliphants before him about | mile distance
with flaggs, then the measurer of the way^ then troopes of
horses, and among them other Eliphants with drumms on
^ Obviously a charm of local origin and probably of a transitory
nature, invented for the benefit of the shrine attendants of the time.
2 " The tank of the fakir." The party halted at a similar tank on
the other side of Ajmer twelve days later.
3 Kanat, canvas walls of a tent, or for an enclosing wall round a
camping ground.
* See ante, Relation vi. pp. 66 — 67.
240 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
their backs, continually beatinge a kinde of March ; and
now and then the Trumpetts sound. Then a great number
of flaggs carried by Footemen. Then cometh himselfe,
either in a palanqueene, if it bee darke (with Caracks
[chirdgh, earthen lamp]^ or great lights before him), or hott
or dirtye weather; els on horseback or upon an Eliphant";
Severall servants about him, some to beat away flyes,
others carrye Fanns to keepe away the Sunne, others with
Coole water, with divers others^ Then come his favourites,
then the Cohouree [kfn'l'] or maine bodie of horse and foote;
then, after all, his Lumberment [baggage] and people of
service, as Cookes, Horsekeepers, Frosts'* or Tent setters,
water bearers, Cahares [kahdr'], etts. there beinge of these
alsoe gon with the former Peshconna, it being now the
turne of this to goe 2 dayes forward, haveing also drummes
with them on Cammells, It being the Custome of Caphilaes,
Banjares \_ba7ijdrds\ etts. to have them [i.e., drums when]
travellinge the Countrie.
In this Towne [Mozabad] is made yerely four or five
hundred Maunds of base Indico.
Mirza Zilkurne the chiefest Christian in India made
Taggueere.
Seven Course Northward lyes Sambar [Sambhar], the
Jaggueere[y^^/r] of Mirza Zilkurne [Zu'lkarnain, Alexander]
of 1000 horse pay, each horse 25 rupees per moneth, whoe
is now putt out [from his governorship in Bengal] and
made Tagguere [tagkt7^, dismissed], himselfe wife, Children
1 Mundy has here mistaken the cJdragh or sniall oriental earthen
lamp for the viasKal., cresset or torch.
2 Here is a marginal note — "Great men of India travell with greate
multitude of noyse, shew and ostentation of greatnes and state, as
doe the Inferior sort according to their abillities."
^ For similar descriptions, see Bernier, ed. Constable, pp. 359 —
360; Manucci, ed. Irvine, ll. 67.
4 This is an early instance of the use of "frost" iw farrdsh, a
servant whose chief business it is to spread carpets.
^^33] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 241
and servants in prison because the King is informed hee
hath store of money and demaunds of him 60 lack\ haveing
sent Pioneers [investigators] to search and digg his howse.
Before I came away [from Agra] hee offers 5 Lack, which
will not bee accepted, soe remaines still prisoner. Hee is a
Christian and the Cheifest in all India, formerly in favour^
Att Sambar is a Myne of Excellent white salte much
esteemed of, and serves for great mens uses, being carried
to all partsl
T/ie \2th March 1632/3. Heere (Bandersunder [Bandar
Sindrl], 9 course), wee pitched by a Tanck full of fowle ;
our waie hard and gravellye.
The I2)th March 1632/3. Att 4 in the morninge wee
stayed heere amonge the Hills [Aravalll Mts.], (Setila [now
Satpura], 6 course), our Cammells and Oxen not being able
to followe Backur Ckaun, who went [on] to Adgemeere
[Ajmer] ; our waie stonie lookeinge like Marble.
Some 7 Course off is Nurnoulee, from whence are
brought all your Marble stones^, wherewith the kinge is
supplyed for his buildinges, there being noe lesse then
500 Carts Comeing and goeinge in its carriage \i.e., for its
transport].
Wee past by Kissungurre [Kishangarh], a Castle with
a Cittie under it. Hard by a learge Tanck [Giind Talao].
One Course hence wee pitched by a small Towne
[PSawantra], where were as many more ruynes, also of a
Castle ; the Countrie round about Hillye. Not farr from
^ This is an exaggeration. See Appendix E, where the amount is
given as 8 lakJi.
^ For an account of this very interesting personage, see Ap-
pendix E.
2 Sambhar, on the borders of Jaipur and Jodhpur, is the most
important of the lake sources of salt in Rajputana. See Tieffenthaler,
I. 312—313.
* By " Nurnoulee " Mundy apparently means Narwar, where there
are quarries of pink marble.
M. II. 16
242 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
hence is a Copper myne^ Also from hereabouts is brought
greate store of that wee call Muscovia glasse^, which is
digged out of the ground, there being much of it to bee
seene in the place where wee pitched our Tent.
The XA^tJi March 1632/3. The way hither (Adgemeere
[Ajmer], 7 course) plaine, till wee came within 2 Course of
it, and then it proved hillie and stonie. The Cittie it selfe
stands under a high Mountaine [Taragarh, 2855 ft.],
whereon is a Castle, with many others [hills] on every side,
high, steepy and ragged, especially one, where is the Tombe
of Shaw Mad are, a reputed Saint amongst them^ Att
the foote of the adjoyninge hills are many ruinated
buildings, formerly belonginge to the Amrawes in Jehan-
guerrs tyme, whoe resided heere about 3 yeres, by whose
Moholl or Pallace wee rested, which now lyes to ruyne^
Shaw Jehan hath also his hard by a faire Tanck, named
Anasawgur [Ana Sagar]^, with a garden wherein are many
Cipresse trees.
1 There are numerous abandoned copper workings in Jaipur State.
2 Here is a marginal note — " Muscovia glasse, or slode," the last
two words in Mundy's own writing. "Muscovia glass" is an obsolete
term for common mica. The word "slode" does not appear to be
known elsewhere. The ordinary Indian vernacular terms for mica
are abrak and talk, whence talc.
3 The hill meant is probably that now known as Nag Pahar, about
four miles west of i.'\jmer, and the "Tombe" a MadarT asthan, always
a temporary structure. The Ma.d2iV\ fakirs, spread all over India, are
by way of being a Musalman sect connected with the SufTs, but they
are really an imitation of the Hindu saimydsts. Their eponymous
founder was the foreign Saint Shah Badlu'd-dln Madar (now usually
known as Zinda Shah Madar or Zinda Pir, " the ever-living Saint ") of
Makanpur in Cawnpore District, where there is an important shrine
to his memory. He died on 17 Jamadlu'l-awwal A.H. 838 = 20 Dec.
A.D. 1434. See Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North West Provinces,
s.v. Madari ; Herklots, Qanoon-i-Islam, pp. 241 — 243.
* Jahanglr was at Ajmer from Nov. 1613 till Nov. 1616, and it
was here that Sir Thomas Roe presented his credentials as am-
bassador. Jahanglr's palace was in the Daulat Bagh which was laid
out by him.
'"' Shah Jahan erected five marble pavilions, as pleasure houses,
on the Ana Sagar lake.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 243
Ajmer — The Castle.
Wee ascended the Castle Hill. Wee found it 1^ mile
upp, and steeple, with windeinge and turninge soe that
Eliphants may goe upp, but there is a neerer way, to be
only ascended and descended by men, and that with
difficulties On the Topp is a plaine of i^ mile in Circuit,
taken in with a strong wall, within which are about 100
dwellers, and a prettie Messitt [pmsjid] wherein is interred
Scied Miran Ching [Sayyid Miran Chang], a Suare [sazmr,
horseman], whoe won this part of the Countrie from the
Rashpootes and reputed a Sainct, of vvhome they faine
some Miracles^ Within the said Castle or plaine is a
naturall rockie Concavitie, which receives so much raine
water as serves their necesseties. There are also little
gardens and Fresh greene trees and flowers.
Qfuaz Mondeene, one of the most esteemedst
Saints in all India l
After my Comeinge downe, I went for Curiositie to see
the Tombe [of] Qfauz Mondeene [Khwaja Mu'Inu'd-din
Chishti] standing att one end of the Towne. This is the
Saint to whome King Ecbar [Akbar] came barefoote on
Pilgrimage to have children (as in the begining of this
Journeye)'*. Wee comeinge by way of Lolsoote [Lalsot]
^ For other travellers' descriptions of Taragarh, see Thevenot,
Pt. III. p. 48; Tiefifenthaler, i. 310; Yi&h&x, Journey from Calcutta to
Bombay^ II. 31 ; and for a detailed account of the fort, see Archaeol.
Survey of India, xxiil. 39 — 46.
^ Mundy is referring to Sayyid Husain Chang, also known as
Miran Husain and Chang Sawar. He was a follower of Muhammad
Ghori who defeated the Rajput chiefs and annexed Ajmer to the
Delhi kingdom, in 1193. Sayyid Husain was subsequently made
Governor of Ajmer. In 1210 the Mers and Solankis of Gujarat made
a night attack on Taragarh and massacred the Muhammadan garrison.
The tombs of Sayyid Husain, his followers and his horse stand on
an enclosure known as Ganj Shahidan.
3 To this title, which is a marginal note in the original, is added,
" (if not cheif ) by the Moores."
* See ante, p. 226.
16 — 2
244 A. JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
sawe not the Munnaries, but [except] att our setting out,
for 20 or 30 Course. Hether also (as report went) Shavve
Jehan would have sent his 2 elder Sonns two monethes
since to take their oathes to be true and obedient to him,
and Never to undertake any thinge against him, fearing
(as hee might Justlie) that they would doe to him as hee did
to his father [Jahangir] and elder brother [Khusru]\ The
goeing in is through a great gate, the floore paved with
marble white and black, kept verie poUisht with the bare
feete of those that enter in, for all must leave their Shooes
without. Haveinge passed 2 Courts, you come to the place
of his Tombe [the Saint's], there sitting att the entrie on
either side divers old Mullares \in2dldJi\ or Churchmen.
The place is a Chowtree \chabutrd\ some i^ yards high
and 2 yards square every waie, on the which was a raile,
and within that his Monument or Herse, in forme like theis
ordinarie ones, but covered all over with flowers. Right
over it hung divers lights, globes of Steele, Estridges
[ostrich] Eggs, etts.^ When I came forth, one presents
mee with a rodd, another with seedes, another with Sandall,
another with water, etts., all belonginge to their Sainct, for
which they must have your goodwill (some pice)l Great
resort of people continuallie from all parts thronging in and
out. Of him also are reported a world of false miracles.
The i$ik March 1632/3. A poore Towne (Budwarree
1 Mundy is stating a current rumour. There is no evidence to
show that Shah Jahan's elder sons, Dara Shikoh and Shuja', were
sent to Ajmer at this time.
2 For the dargdh (or pilgrimage shrine) including the tomb of
Mu'inu'd-dln ChishtT, Akbar's patron saint, who came to India in the
1 2th century and is said to have died at Ajmer c. 1235, see Finch (in
Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 61 ; Herbert, p. 61 ; De Laet, tr. Leth-
bridge, p. 92; Th^venot (who calls the Saint "Cogea Mondy"), Pt.
in. p. 49; Tieffenthaler, i. 310 — 311. For detailed accounts of the
building, see Gladwin, Hist, of Hijidosian, p. 36; Tod, Rajasfhan,
ed. 1829, I. 319 — 323; Archaeol. Survey of hidia, xxili. 35 — 39.
2 For the " rodd," see ante, p. 239. The other objects would be
also articles blessed by the Saint for use as charms.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 245
[Badhwara], 7 course), the waie stonye, for 4 Course under
the hills.
The \6th Maixh i6i2\^. This Towne (Arrea [Rea], 8
course) lyes under a litle Hill [1399 ft] that stands by
itselfe, all the Countrie plaine, without either wood or
water, great store of Chace, or Antelopps, Hares, partridges,
etts.^ Wee had much trouble by a parcell of sand in a
Bottome [hollow], soe that it was almost two nights and
one daye before wee could gett our Carts hither\
The lyth March 1632/3. From Arreea hither (Mirta
[Merta], 7 course) the way plaine, litle wood and water, but
better peopled and manured [cultivated] then former
dayes Journys. This Towne was auntiently the head of
this province called Marwa-. It stands on a litle riseinge,
faire to see too. About the midle of it are six or seven
Dewraes [deura] or Hindooe Churches in a Cluster, of verie
curious workemanshipp for matter of buildinge, especially
the Inside of the Copulaes (whereof they most consist), but
their Imagery is not proportionable. One of the said
Dewraes is of white Marble^. This lyes in the Jaggueere
\_jdglr'\ of Raja Gutzing [Gaj Singh]^ as farr as Jalore [Jalor],
which by him is kept in good order, soe that people passe
without molestation. Theis Inhabitants are Ra.shpootes \rdj-
pilts] which goe after a more free and Souldier like manner
then other Hindooes, rather like Masters then Subjects.
Hereabout instead of horses, they ride on high Cammells,
commonly 2 and 2 in a long Sadie, which goe a great pace.
^ Here are marginal notes— "Good huntinge and fowlinge"; "A
bad peece of way."
'^ In Akbar's time Marwar formed part of the sfebah of Ajmer and
comprised five sarkdrs (districts). Merta was taken by Akbar in
1562 from the Rahtor Rajas. About twenty years later the Emperor
restored it to the Jodhpur chief, Raja Udai Singh.
3 Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 61, and De Laet, tr.
Lethbridge, p. 93, both mention three "pagodas" at Merta, remains
of which still exist. See also Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 169 Jt.
* Gaj Singh, eldest son of Raja Stir Singh, was ruler of Jodhpur
1620 — 1638.
246 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
This Towne is reasonable bigg, verie well peopled, although
of noe great Traffique and Commerce. Here wee spake
with a Puttamare \^pathmdr'\ or foot post, whoe told us that
under Abbooghurre [Abugarh] there were certaine Cammells
laden with Indico violently taken out of the Dutch Caphila
by Theeves, and [who had] slaine one of their Bulloaches
[Baluchi]. Also that beyond Seedpore [Sidhpur] eleven
Cammells were carried away as they were feeding. Also
att Arreea [Rea] wee were told of 12 more carried away
feedinge, all belonginge to ditto Caphila.
The i^th, igth and 20th March 1632/3. Wee made
Moccames [inakdm, halt], by reason Backur Ckaun had
occasion to take upp money to pay his Souldiers.
The 21 th March 1632/3. Wee arrived about 9 a Clock
in the morninge (Betun [Bitan], 7 course), noethinge extra-
ordinarye.
The 22th March 1632/3. (Peeparee [Pipar]). The way
stonie as it is in some places of Cornwall, beinge of the
same kinde of Stone, which wee call Moore stoned Good
huntinge, for 5 hares were chaced by the people to and
againe [to and fro] just before my face, besides one that
was killed by one of the Carters in another place.
I thinck this Companie vizt., Laskarre \lasJikar\ Pesh-
conna \_pesh-khdna\ Caphila \^kdjila\ Zungs [^sangY returning
etts. merchants tooke upp seven miles att length at the
least, Soe that some are att their Journies end before
others sett out'\ The water in our 2 former Journies^ 14
or 15 Fathome deepe, and heere not above 2 or 3. In our
waie hither was a fruitefull vallie of Corne, as wheat, barley
' Moorstone, a kind of granite, found chiefly in Cornwall.
- See anie^ Relation xil. pp. 182 — 183, for Mundy's comments on
the pilgruns whom he met in his journeys.
^ Here is a marginal note — "The length of the Laskarr etts."
* Mundy is alluding to his journeys from Surat to Agra and from
Agra to Patna and liack, which were both made at a different season
of the year.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 247
etts.\ which lay along by a Channell of a River [Jojrl,
Jhojn], of which sort wee passed many from Agra hitherto,
but noe runninge water in any of them att this tyme. Only
in the raynes, or litle after, they are supplyed and runn like
rivers.
Opium — Post— Bang.
There were also many feilds of Poppie of which they
make opium, called heere aphim \afij?i\ by this Countrie
people, much used for many purposes. The seede thereof
they putt on their bread, I meane of white poppye. Of
the huskes they make a kinde of Beveredge called Post,
steepeing them in water a while, and squeezeinge and
strayninge out the liquor, they drinck it, which doth
enebriate. In the like manner they use a certaine [plant]
called Bang [bhang'] workeing the same effect, soe that
most comonly they will call a druncken fellowe either
Aphimee [aflmi, opium-eater], Postee [postl, opium-drunk-
ard], or Bangguee [bkangi, bhdngl, drug-taker], although
Muttwallee \inatwdld, drunkard] is the right name of a
drunckard. Heere is a litle old Castle with a faire en-
trance.
The 23^/2 March 1632/3. It was morninge before some
of the Carts arrived (Jooguee ca Talao [Jog! ka Talao], 9
course). The Laskarr being already departed. The Countrie
a litle better refreshed with water. This is called Jooguee
ca Talao by the reason of the residence of a Jooguee \_jogi\
or Faqueere \_fakir\ by it^. This Night a horse was stolne
out of the Laskarre and a man hurt in divers places. The
Countrie plaine, only heere and there a litle hill very farr
distant one from an other.
The 2Afth March 1632/3. Within 4 Course off our
1 Tieffenthaler (l. 338) also remarked on the fertility of the land
in the neighbourhood of Pipar.
2 The "Jouges gong" {gaon, village) of Finch (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, iv. 61.
248 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
monzull [7na/ist/], (Cacanee [Kakoni], 9 course) was a
wood of Thorne trees \babTil, kikai', acacia arabicd\ of about
\\ Course longe ; Trees of any sort scarse All the way. A
few poore Townes environed with hedges of thornes 8 or 9
foote high, heaped together to keepe out pilfringe Theeves.
The Inhabitants generallie Rashpootes \j'djputs\ ; this from
Adgemeere [Ajmer] hither. One Course farther wee past
by Ghora [Garha], a Towne now ruinated through the late
famine that raged in Guzarratt [Gujarat], and it seemes
reacheth hetherto, there beinge to bee seene aboundaunce
of Skulls and bones of men and beasts. The ruynes are of
a fine reddish Moore stoned Of the Countrie all this way
there is scarce one part of a hundred manured [cultivated]
or put to use, the rest lyeing desert and waste, although
verie good ground. Corne (as wheat and barlye) now ripe,
which is watered by Mans Labour, as is all other graine,
gardens or any thinge els that they would have growe
(generally all India over); I meane from the end of the
raynes or begining of October to the begining of the raynes
againe or end of May, 15 dayes more or lesse.
The 2^th March 1633. (Danoora [Dandara], 8 course).
Wee past by a great Channell wherein runneth very much
water in tyme of Raine, but now drie, and verie fine white
Salt in the bottome, the earth all hereabouts saltish and
consequently the water brackish^, soe that there are but
few Wells, Travellers beinge supplyed by Pooles of water
rather then Tancks-l Scarce a Sarae in eight or ten dayes
Journie. Nothinge [like] soe good accomodation this way
as there is from Agra towards Puttana, where there are
store of good Townes, tillage [cultivated fields], Talaoes
\taldo, tank] and faire Saraes every foote.
^ See ante, p. 246.
^ The "great Channell" is one of the streams of the LunT river,
whence salt is obtained by evaporation.
^ Mundy means that the water supply here was from natural and
not artificial pools.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 249
The 26th MarcJi 1633. Wee began to ingulfe our selves
among the Hills [Aravalll Mts.], being on either side of us,
but as yett some distance of, very stonye, ragged and un-
inhabitable to see to, not any water in 7 Corse ; a poore
Countrie. The Towne (Ckunducke [Khandap], 9 course)
somewhat large, environed with your usuall thornie fence,
every howse standinge by itselfe, in forme like our round
Corne Stacks in the feild though not soe bigg nor soe high,
hetherto not haveing seene any other of this sorted
The 2jih March 1633. This morninge wee came in
Companie of a Caphila and Tanda [tdndoY with graine
bound for Guzaratt. Wee stayed by this Towne (Bowrane
[Bharwani], 3 course), being out of possibillitie to attaine
Jalore (where Backur Ckaun arrived this day), there being
noe other place to stay by the way that had any water.
Hetherto from Adgemere is accompted Marwa [Marwar]",
and from henceforward Guzarratt [Gujarat], and heere our
Carters supplyed themselves with Oxen, about 200 bought
and Changed.
The 2W1 March 1633. This Towne (Jallore [Jalor], 9
course) stands under a verie high hill [1200 ft.] whereon
stands a faire Castle about two miles in Compasse, the
Towne inhabited generallie with Rashpootes.
The 2gth March 1633. (Modra, 9 course). I went by
way [in the direction] of Dantewaree [Dantwada] to dispeede
the Cammells along with Backur Ckaun, whoe proceeded
forward that way with all expedition^, myselfe with the
1 Mundy is describing the beehive huts, made from roots and
grass, erected by the poorer rajput classes in the desert tracts. The
thorn fence serves as a protection against sand-drifts and hot winds,
and also as a cattle-pen.
2 See ante^ Relation vin. pp. 95 — 96.
^ Here is a marginal note — " The end of Marwa and beginning of
Guzaratt."
* Here is a marginal note — "Our Caphila forsaken by Backur
Ckaun."
250 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
Carts to goe by waye of Sheroy [Sirohi], It being impossible
for our Oxen to hold out, haveinge made tryall, but beinge
come thither, our Cammellers affirmed that their Cammells
Could neither hold out, soe resolved to goe togeather.
The ^oth March 1633. I returned to Jallore (9 course).
Although this bee also a trade waye, yett it is verie desert,
overgrowne with bushes, a poore strawe village. In 4 or 5
miles the way cloyed with sand\ waters scarse and wells
about 20 fathome deepe.
The last of March and first of Aprill 1633. Theis two
dayes the Carters spent in mending their Carts that were
broaken striveinge to follow the Laskarre. In this Interim
I went upp to see the Castle [at Jalor], the gate whereof
was plated with iron, with great spikes sticking out close
together of a foote longe in the upper halfe, to prevent the
Eliphants, with whome belike in this Countrie they use to
force open gatesl It is unlevell and rockie within the '
walls, only 4 or 5 plotts where might bee made good
accommodation of liv^einge, especially one next the gate
where is a Beauly \bdoli'\ or pond partly naturall and part
by Arte, in forme of a long square about 16 yards longe
and 5 or 6 broad by Computation"'. It is very Cleire and
deepe with fish in it, a verie prettie place. The water is of
the rayne that descends from the lesser hills within the
walls, beinge, Castle and all, on the topp of one great rockie
mountaine ; the said Well being Cutt out of a meere [an
entire] Rock, all the sides of it as upright as a wall, with
stepps to descend to the water. This place is now out of
^ Compare Tieffenthaler, i. 332.
2 Mundy is alluding to the third or innermost line of defence.
Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. 61 — 62, says the castle has
three gates, the first "plated with iron," the second "not so strong"
and the third "strongly plated with Pikes sticking forth like harping
Irons."
^ Here is a marginal note — "A dellicate Beauly, well or pond."
Finch, op. cit., loc. cit.., mentions the "goodly Tank," see also Tavernier,
ed. Ball, i. 87.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 25 1
request ; 8 or 9 poore dwellers. Sometymes heere resort
Hindooes to a Dewra [deurd, temple] not yett finished. It is
the neatest and prettiest that I have yett seene of that sort
of Coarse white Marble. There is also a Messitt [inasjid\
a Moholl \jnahal, palace] and a tombe of one of their Peeres
[/ir] or Saincts\ Nothinge els remarkeable but its great
hight, farr and faire prospect, especiallie from one Chowtree
[chabiitrd'] on the topp of a litle Rock which overlookes all
the rest. It had a Copula, but they say the Peere, beinge
angrie that men went first to see that before they visited
his Tombe, caused thunder and lightninge to carrie away
the said Arch=. As yett never a River betwene Agra and
this placel
The 2d Aprill 1633. (Bagra [Bagra], 7 course). We
went about to eschewe a Trackt of sand, passeinge by the
hills over against Jallore, which are the highest, steepest,
Craggiest, barrenist and rockie that I ever sawe yett*. The
best quallitie that they have is that they take not upp above
seven or eight miles in length.
The 3^ Aprill 1633. This (Shehana [Siwana], 3 course),
is a great Towne of Hindooes, whoe not only refraine from
killinge any liveing Creature but (as they say) also from
Cuttinge downe Trees ^
1 The " Messitt " is evidently the three-domed mosque attributed to
Alau'd-dln KhiljT (1296 — 1316), still in good repair. There are also
temples and palaces within the walls. The " tombe " of the " Peere " is
that of Malik Shah, whom Finch, op. at., loc. cit., refers to as " King
Hassward." See Rdjputdna Gaz. ni. A. 189. For other accounts of
Jalor fortress, see De Laet, tr. Lethbridge, p. 27 ; Tieffen thaler, I.
333-
2 Here is a marginal note — "An angrie Saint."
■^ Mundy travelled in the dry season when there is little or no
water in the Rajputana streams.
* Here is a marginal note — " Unprofitable mountaines."
'" This reads like a confused reference to the Dhiindia Jains, who
carry the reverence for life to an extreme extent (see New Jmp. Gaz.
XXI. 115) and the cult of Krishna, which is prevalent in the neigh-
bourhood. According to the latter, sacred groves, which are numerous,
cannot be cut. See Crooke, Popular Religion, 11. 87, 9ofif. ; Bombay
Gaz. vni. 453,
252 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
This day, in an unluckie hower, my Curiositie carried
mee to see one of those Craggie hills \ on whose topp there
appeared the very forme of a high Tower, immagininge it
to bee somewhat neere, but found it to bee twice as farr.
Passinge over rocks. Clefts, etts. daungerous places, heere
was the true patterne of a fearefull barren desert. Men I
sawe none, only Owles out of the Clefts, wilde Peacocks,
foxes, hares, wilde Catts, great Snakes, etts. and not a
dropp of water to bee found. In fine, I gott upp with
much labour, leaveing behinde mee fragments of my torne
apparrell on thornes and bushes as I passed. On the verie
topp of this round picked [peaked] hill stood a huge stone,
upright, appearinge afarr of like a mightie high tower ^,
being by my Computation neere 9 yards from the topp of
it to the foote and some 8 yards about ^, The strangest
worke of Nature that 1 have seene (another is the Porto de
Sainte Adrian in Biscay)^. The head of this is bigger then
the foote of it, lesseninge from the Topp. There is but
one [peak] appearinge to sight one waye, although other
waies there are two to bee seene, the one much higher then
the other, as they are both in one, they shewe after this
manner^
I brought 4 men out with mee. First Mohabutt [Ma-
habat], cheife, who haveinge come one quarter of the way,
lingered behinde and returned. Then Peero [Piru] that
Carried my Launce ; hee came halfe waye and stayed
behinde. Only the other twoe, whome I accompted lesse
able, they kept mee Companie, but ascended not the hill.
^ Here is a marginal note — "An impertinent Curiositie." Mundy
seems to have ascended an offshoot of the AiavallTs, the Chappan-
ka-pahar (Saucer Hill) near Siwana, 3199 ft.
2 Here is a marginal note — "A monument of nature."
^ In the Harl. copy Mundy has corrected these figures, and gives
' 25 yards" and "45 yards" instead of "9" and "8."
* See vol. I. pp. 141 — 142.
^ See Illustration No. 20.
facing p. 252
No. 19. akbar's stable at fatehpur sIkri, as it
APPEARED IN 1 633 (see p. 230)
X \.
V-
.^^
No. 20.
the pillar rock on the summit of chappan-ka-pahar,
ARAVALlT MTS. (see p. 252)
Hakluyt Socieiy.}
[Series II, Vol. .^5-
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 233
Beeinge now come on the other side with great difficultie
and daunger, over great steepie rocks, betwene deepe Clefts
etts., I found my two fellowes that stayed for mee, soe
tooke our way towards the Tent (it being late). Wee went
to and againe [backwards and forwards] listning, fearinge
to happen on some theevish Cottages that are thereabouts.
As wee passed on, wee heard whoopinge and callinge, and
although wee were assured they were our owne people
seekeinge for us, yett answered not for feare of the worst.
When wee were come to the Tent, it was told us there
were about sixty of our men abroad seekeinge of mee.
A man slaine.
A litle after wee heard an outcrye about quarter of
a mile off, which after wee learned to bee this. Five or six
of those mountainous theeves mett our people in the darke,
and shooteinge amongst them, hitt Peero aforementioned
through the Neck, that hee fell downe. The rest seeinge
that, and imagininge them to bee a great manie, tooke to
their heeles and left their shooes behinde them for hast,
followeing their leader Mohabutt (who promised more in
his presence and words), 2 or 3 exceptinge, whoe lurkeing
among the bushes, shott among the rogues, cryeinge and
calling after their fellowes to returne for shame, that there
were but 4 or 5 of them. But all would not serve, for they
durst scarce looke behinde them for feare. Next morning
they went to looke for their consort, whoe they found dead
and stripped of all hee had. They brought him home and
buried him under a Tree hard by our Tent. They [the
thieves] alsoe tooke another of them that was not soe
nimble as the rest. And tooke from him his Armes and
Clothes, vizt., sword and buckler, Shash [shask, turban],
Coate, Doopata [dopatta], girdle, breeches and shooes, unto
whome I made some satisfaction. Wee complained to the
Raja of the place, whoe brought with him the cheifest of
2 54 ^ JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
the next Towne, whome was suspected, but it being a
Night businesse and noe evidence of the Deb'nquents, It
was concluded that those whome wee thought Culpable
should thrust their Armes into hott boylinge oyle^, where,
if they were guiltlesse, the oyle would not hurt them, but
if faultie, it would burne and scald them. This belike is
the countrie manner of Tryall in doubtfull matters-. But
it was not then put in execution.
The ^th and ^tJi Aprill 1633. Wee made two Moccames
for the Cammells whoe were not yett come from Modra.
The 6th Aprill 1633. About Noone wee arrived heere
(Oonde [Ud], 7 course), the countrie well tilled and In-
habited, but water scarse.
Tumbling Tricks.
Towards night came Bazighurres {bdztgar\ Men that
use dauncinge, tumblinge, etts. Feats^ And this among
the rest. One Takes a pole of about three yards longe,
which hee setteth upright upon his head, holdinge it with
his hands, while a boye clambers up to the Topp of it
(where is fastned a board halfe a foote broad) and with his
feete stands upon it, when the other, lettinge goe his hold,
daunceth about with him. More then that, the Boy Stood
with his head on the said board with his heeles bolt
upright in the Ayer, while the other daunceth with him as
aforesaid, not once touching the pole with his hands as per
this Figured
Another tyme I sawe one sitting on the ground
with his leggs a Crosse after this Countrie manner, then
^ Here is a marginal note — " A straunge manner of triall."
^ Trial by ordeal was fully recognised in early Hindu law. The
ordeal of boiling oil was used only for persons of inferior degree.
See Crooke, Thing's Indiati, s.v. Ordeals.
•^ For feats of "tumblers," see Terry, p. 190; Th^venot, Pt. in.
pp. 77—78.
* See Illustration No. 21.
facing p. 254
No. 21. BAZIGAR, ACROBATS
Hakluyt Society.] {Series II, Vol. 35-
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 255
poyzeinge himselfe on his hands, hee brought upp his body
backward very leasurely by degrees without touching the
ground till it came over his head, his leggs remaininge in
the same posture. Theis twoe Tricks mee thought were
somewhat strange. Your best in this kinde are the De-
cannees [Dakhanis], which goe upp and downe the Countrie,
as doe the rest. There daunceinge is full of antick Gestures,
faces and postures, flinging out their leggs and bestirringe
themselves as fast as ever they can, others playing and
singing the while. But the daunceing wenches doe it with
a kinde of grace, turneinge, traceinge and windeinge their
bodies, and with it head, Armes, and hands, acte many
wanton, womanish and some lascivious gestures. Them-
selves, as all the rest, keepe on singinge and playeinge,
without any pawse or intermission untill the daunce is
ended.
TJie ytk Aprill 1633. Att our setting out towards this
place (Sheroy [Sirohi], 4 course)^, our Cammells overtooke
us. This Towne lyes under the Hills^, plentie of all things,
one only Beawly \bdoli\ which serves both the Inhabitants
and strangers. Att night the Raja thereof^ came from
some 7 course off (hearing of the Caphila), and within
2 howers after departed againe on swifte Cammells, It
being, as I said before, the Custome of the Countrie here-
abouts [to ride on camels].
The ^th and ()tJi Aprill 1633. Wee made Moccames to
agree and pay the Jaggatt \^jagai\ or Custome, which att
this place is extorted for all Merchandize passing this way.
^ Here is a marginal note — "Heere are very good sworde blades
made." SirohT has long been noted for the make and temper of
the sword blades manufactured there. See Tod, Western India^
p. 71.
^ Sirohi lies on the slope of the Saranwa hill, 28 miles from
Abu.
3 The Raja of Sirohi at this date was Akhai Raj, c. 1630 —
1673.
256 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
Upon report of 600 or 700 Coolees^ said to lye in vvaite for
this Caphila, wee hired 8 horsemen and 115 Footemen to
goe with us to the place of Suspected daunger.
The \otJi Aprill 1633. Our Convoy came hither (Mac-
rouree [Makrora], 4 course) to us. This Towne lyes neere
the entrance among the Hills [Mt. Abia].
The wth Aprill 1633. Wee sett forward by Morninge
accompanied with our afore mentioned Convoy and entred
the straghts of the Hills ; in many places but one way to
passe, there being bancks and thick Woods on each side.
About the midle of this passage is a plaine, the place where
the Dutch Caphila was assaulted^, being alone without
People. Signior Solomon^ with the Cheife of the Cam-
mellers etts., about some occasion stayed behinde att
Sheroy [Sirohl], soe that 60 theeves or thereabouts issued
out upon that part of the Caphila that was neerest and
scattered many Cammells laden with goods, of which they
carryed away 8 Cammells and 1 1 Fardles Indico. The
rest of the Cammells and fardles they [the Dutch] found in
the wood. One bulloache [Baluchi] was slaine and buried
by the high way side, Signior Solomon left 2 servants to
demaund and recover the goods, whereof they had gotten
in parcells about 3 fardles Indico. The rest, with the
Cammells irrecoverable, being carryed away by the people
of Rana, a great Raja hereabouts''. God bee praised, wee
^ Kolt^ killi was a term applied to villagers in the 17th century
and specially extended to the marauding Mlna Rajputs, who were
the bane of travellers. Herbert (p. 76) calls them "that rascall race
of Coolyes, that so unjustly and theevishly robd the Cafifilas." See
also Bernier, ed. Constable, p. 88 and fn.
^ Here is a marginal note — "A daungerous place where the Dutch
Caphila was assaulted and robbed." The robbery apparently took
place in the south-east corner of Sirohl State, in the rugged district
known as Bhakar, then notorious as a refuge for marauders and
outlaws.
^ See ante. Relation vi., note on p. 65, for Salomon Voorknekt.
■* Mundy is apparently alluding to Rana Jagat Singh, ruler of
Mewar (or Udaipur), the State adjoining Sirohl. Jagat Singh was in
power from 1628 to 1652.
1^33] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 257
escaped from forraigne violence, but our ovvne disorder and
dissention amonge our selves had like to have wrought us
more hurt, for the Cammellers and Carters fell out about
the way, the Carts breakeing into the files of the Cammells,
soe that from words they fell to blowes and wounds. The
Jutts [Jat, Jatt], whoe had charge of the Carts, haveing
hurt one of the bulloaches [Baluchi] on the brest verie
daungerously.
Att our arrivall to our Monzull (Nytora [Nitara], 4
course), the Bulloaches and Cammellers would have re-
venged themselves, butt the Jutts came to meete them,
with the Carters, with their weapons and peeces charged ;
theis being both Hindooes and the Bulloaches and Cam-
mellers Mussellmen [Musalmans], there beinge upwards of
220 of each side\ With much adoe the matter was pacified
for that tyme, but had they gone by the eares, it might
have endaungered much of the Companies estate. This is
the effect of joyninge Cartes with Cammells and Jutts with
Bulloaches in one Caphila.
This day wee travelled under Abbooghurre [Abugarh],
a verie great and learge mountaine, the outerside exceeding
high, steeple, stonye and ragged, but alofte within those
Craggs is all playne, where are 12 Townes haveing water,
graine, etts. maintenaunce sufficient of themselves^. Next
the place where wee pitched is the highest hill that I have
yett scene in India, haveing 4 ridges, each of them higher
then other, one within an other, all very ragged''. But the
farthest att the Topp appeared just like a Sawe or teeth of
^ Here is a marginal note — "A great fray like to have bine."
^ See Tod, Western India, pp. 'j-i, — 126, for a description of Abu,
its towns and temples. The fact that so observant a man as Mundy,
like the other travellers of the 17th century, makes no allusion to
the extensive Jaiii temples on Mt Abu is interesting" as a proof of
the faithfulness with which the people maintained their exclusiveness.
^ Here is a marginal note — "A notable cragged hill." The peak
meant is probably Guru Sikr, the Saint's pinnacle, 5653 ft., the
highest point in the isolated cluster of hills.
M. II. 17
258 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
some wilde beasts all alongst. Wee were now inclosed
with the aforesaid Hills. From Jallore hither wee payd for
our water, and from hence wee dismissed our Convoy.
T^e \2th Aprill 1633. (Ametola [Amtharo], 7 course).
Wee still continued our way under the high and ragged
hills of Abboo, manie Townes, much Tillage [cultivated
land] ; Xoe water from all those hills. Lyons there bee\
also Porcupines. On the sides of the aforesaid hills growe
many bambooes, which, with the winde waved too and
againe, and soe rubb each other that they kindle and burne
all that is neere them, soe that in the night wee might see
severall great fires burning att once, occasioned as before-.
This is generally knowne and observed.
TJie I'^th Aprill 1633. ^y Sunne riseinge wee came
hither (Mungtola [Mungthala], 5 course), through woods of
great Trees, especially Burres \bar, banyan-tree]^, from
whose branches fall downe certaine thridds, which, comeing
to ground, take roote and become a great body, soe that
there bee some of those trees seeme like a litle grove, the
severall stemms like soe many severall trees which alofte
joyne one to another. For my part I never saw but one
worth notyce, I thincke betwene Suratt and Agra, but att
what place I knowe not. Heere were also many Tarree
\tdn, toddy] trees, haveing not seene any that I can re-
member since my Comeing from Agra. Heere ends the
hills of Abbooghurre, leaveing it on our right hand, the
way upp one and a halfe Course a sterne of us. Passeing
by it, the howses begin to be covered with Tiles^.
The i^th Aprill 1633. Wee made one Moccame to
pay our Custome to Chanda, the Raja of this place, whoe
1 The last lion was shot on the western slopes of Abu in 1872.
2 Here is a marginal note — "Fire strangely kindled.'"
3 Here is a marginal note — " Burre or Arbore de Raiz (Port, 'tree
of roots')." See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Banyan-tree.
^ Mundy was approaching a more civilized district, where better
dwellings would be found. Bhil houses are often capacious and tiled.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 259
stands in feare of the Raja of Sheroy [Sirohl], soe comes
not neere himselfe^ but sends his people some i^ mile out
of Towne amidds the woods, and, standing by the high
way, told [counted] our Cammells and carts as the}' past
on, and after carryeinge us behinde a hill hard by, wee then
payed our Jaggatt \_Jagdt, custom]. Hee acknowledgeth
not any duetie att all to the Kinge, but lives upon his
guarde, and on the least rumours, flies to the moun-
taines^.
The i^th Aprill 1633. This (Roe [Roha], 3 course) is
a verie great Towne, well peopled and provided. It hath
a great Channell of a river [the Banas], but noe running
water only pooles heere and there and water within a foote,
digginge for it. \\'ee had heere verie good fresh fish.
Theis people are called Coolees^ There were two brothers
named Ardast [Hardas] and ]\Iandon []\Iandan], the latter
dwelt in the Towne, the other in Sheroutra [Sarotra].
They are both dead and their Sonnes succeede them-.
The i6th Aprill 1633. This (Sheroutra [Sarotra], 3
course) is the other brothers Towne, not soe bigg as Roe
[Roha].
The lyth Aprill 1633. (Godora [Ghod], 5 course).
Some 1 1" Course from the Towne in the passage, which is
1 Here is a marginal note — "Chanda, a notorious Rebell."' Chanda
was the son of Prithwi Raj who murdered Raj Sin^h, the chief of
Sirohl, c. 1630, and was himself slain by Rao Akhai Raj, Raj Singh's
son. Chanda ravaged a portion of Sirohl State, in revenge for his
fathers death, and remained in outlawry as stated by ]vlundy.
- Tod, Western India, pp. 68 — 69, remarks on the local importance
of Sirohl as a place of halt for commercial caravans in the 17th century
and speaks of its ill repute owing to the habits of rapine of its Rajput
chiefs.
^ See ante, note on p. 256.
■* I have found no other mention of these brothers, who must have
been quite small chieftains. Roha and Sarotra are now in Palanpur
State. When Tod travelled from Sirohl to Sarotra in 1822, he found
only a path practicable for foot passengers and oxen, and was obliged
to send men with hatchets to clear the way for larger animals. He
does not mention Roha, which had probably sunk into insignificance.
Western India, pp. 135 — 136.
26o A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
[in the mountains] somewhat deepe and straight [steep and
narrow], are divers paires of posts with holes to put long
barrs a Crosse, to hinder the said passage on all occasions,
theis [inhabitants] being also noe better then Rebells.
About 3 course farther I sawe that which I much longed
for, vizt,^ a Springe, which, issueinge out of a litle banck
with a full and cleire streame, ran into a litle brooke ad-
joyninge, whose greene and pleasant bancks represented
unto my memorie Englands flowrishinge and fruitefull
soyle, aboundinge in theis kindes. The side towards Agra
belonging to the Raja of Sheroutra, and that of Suratt side
to the Kinge, whoe hath a Governour in Seedpore [Sidhpur]\
All the people in generall goe halfe naked with bowes and
arrowes, swords and daggers, haveing Comonly two strings
and sometymes three to their bowe, both bowe and strings
made of Bamboo [gnlel, pellet-bow]-. To day some Sand.
In most of the Townes where wee payed Jaggatt [^Jcigdi]
The Raja himselfe or his Sonnes will come to visitt and
sitt with you in very freindly manner, sending you a present
of refreshinge, etts. But you must pay your Custome : If
not, looke to your selfe and stand upon your guarde.
The iSt/i Aprill 1633. (Goola [Gola], 7 course). The
Countrie (as yesterday) verie pleasaunt, litle or noe woods,
runninge water, now and then verie much sand, badd for
Carts. Wee left all the hills beyond us, two litle ones
excepted by the Towne, five miles distant from any
other.
The igth Aprill 1633. To daie (Mogurwarra [Magar-
wada], 5 course), Champion [champaign, flat] with some
woods, wherein were divers fruite trees, as Mangooes,
1 For "Sheroutra" we should apparently read "Sheroy" (Sirohl).
Mundy was now leaving Rajputana and entering what was then the
silbah of Gujarat.
2 Mundy is describing the wilder Bhils whose attire consists of a
rag round the head and a scanty waistcloth. All BhIls are armed
with the tribal weapons, bows and arrows; the headmen and others of
consequence carry swords. See Crooke, Tribes and Castes^ s.v. Bhll.
^^35] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 26 1
Kheernees [k/iirufj, Peelooes [pi/fi], Golares [gfila?-, wild
fig], Mowa [iiiahtta], etts.
Sundrye fruites.
Kheernees resembles a date as bigg as the topp of
ones litle finger, somewhat long, yallowe and verie
sweete.
Peelooes, a litle fruite like Currence that growe in
England, verie pleasant, both white and redd.
Mowa, as bigg as a Grape, white and verie sweete,
with which they make rack [spirit] by distillation^.
Goolares, a frewte like a blew figg within and without,
but somewhat lesser, of a sweete taste. Of all theis wee
found ripe (Mangoes excepted), whose tyme is about the
end of May. The Countrie pleasant to see to, in round
riseings, verie daungerous for Theeves, because it is in the
borders of the Kings rule and the Rajaes. Last night
they stole away one of our Oxen, leading him away over
our people as they slept. Att the end of this Towne
(Mogurwarra [Magarwada], 5 course), comes in the way
[road] from Dantewary [Dantwada].
The 20th Aprill 1633. Not soe good ground as yester-
day, more woods, especiallie Peeloo \^plli^ trees laden. A
daungerous place neere the Towne (Seedpore [Sidhpur],
6 course) soe brought a Convoy of 25 souldiers from the
last [town]. As under Abbooghurre [Abugarh] the Carters
and Cammellers fell att odds, soe in this verie place the
Jutts [Jatt] and Carters to wounds and blowes robbing
each other like mortall enemies. This place has a faire
prospect, a mile of handsome howses and stronglie built^
Inhabitants halfe Moores halfe Hindooes, in the Jagguerr
\_ja.glr'\ of Muzaffe Ckaun, resident in Piran Putton
1 See ante, Relatiott vill. p. 119.
2 Sidhpur, in Baroda State, stands on the steep northern bank of
the Saraswati river.
262 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
[Patan]\ Heere is a Hindooe Dewra [deura] ruinated,
It seemes by Moores envieing its beautie, adorned on the
outside with the best Carved worke that I have seene in
India, verie spacious and high, yett not a handbreadth
from the foote to the topp but was Curiously wrought with
the figures of men and weomen etts. their fabulous stories.
Now the said Edifice is defaced ^ by throweing downe the
Copulaes, Arches and pillars thereof, breakeing the Amies,
Leggs and Noses of the said Images, Thus they have
handled it without, but it is much worse within, servinge
for a howse of Office, where they alsoe threw the Carcasses
of those that dyed by famine. The Skulls and bones of
them to bee seene. Heere is a faire tilled village [Lalpur]
under the Towne, a Channel 1 of a River [the Saraswati]
and water within three or four foote of the superficies.
T/ie 2\tJi Aprill 1633. Wee made a Moccame \inakdni\
by reason there went a way a Banjare \banjdra\^ that night
of 2000 Oxen, and there being but one Well, not able to
suffice both, For avoyding of quarrells wee stayed heere one
day. They [the carriers] had neere 100 small Shott and
6 paire of Drummes with a multitude of other people.
The 22th Aprill 1633. This Towne (Nowa [Unawa],
7 course) is halfe [inhabited by] Moores and halfe ruynated,
faire woods of Kheernees, Peelooes etts. in our waye. Att
our setting out from Seedpore, the Carts were there much
hindred by Sand.
TJie 2^th Aprill 1633. Our Canimells sett out att
1 Patan (Anhilvada, Anhilpur) in the Baroda State, called also
Plran Patan on account of the number of shrines {dargCiJi) of saints
{pzrdn) it contains. For the transfer of Muzafifar Khan from Sasaram
to Patan, see atiie, Relation VIII. p. 132.
^ Here is a marginal note — "A Dewra ruinated and disgraced.''
Mundy is describing the Rudra Mala, dedicated to Siva, which was
sacked and converted into a mosque by Alau'ddln Khiljl(i296 — 1316),
and further devastated by Ahmad Shah (1410 — 1443).
^ Here, as in Relation vi. (see ante^ p. 55), Mundy confuses the
carriers with their charge. He means that a tdndd of oxen conducted
by Banjaras left the place.
^^33] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 263
3 a Clock in the morninge ([for] Messana [Mehsana],
8 course), but the Carts not till breake of day, by whome
I stayed ; the place verie daungerous for Theeves.
A daungerous place — A man hurt.
Close by us lay a poore fellowe, to whome came a
Coolee \_koli\ and, snatchinge att what hee had, ran away
with it, the other runninge after him to recover his Clothes,
There were 3 Coolees more that looked on, bidd him not
to trouble himselfe for that was gone, and with that word
shott him in the Shoulder. The Arrowe head stuck soe
fast in the bone that with much adoe it was gotten out.
Thus they raigne without Controll.
Another kilde.
Fower Course in our way is Bandoo [Bhandu], a
Towne of Rebells, where, some of the Inhabitants
standinge by the way to tell [count] our Cammells (be-
cause they also heere exacte Custome), our people
Immagininge them to bee pilferringe Theeves, tooke one
of them, whoe, after they had misused him, he was lett
goe. The rest ran into the Towne and raised more
Company, out of one of whose hands the partie misused
takes a bowe, and ayming att him that wronged him,
he hitt him in the bottome of the belly soe that hee
dyed presently [immediately] after. This was an Ar-
menian, a Christian named George^ His body was layed
on a Cammell and brought hither where it was buried.
Upon this came Sundrie horsemen Armed in Coates
of male and a number of foote standing on their guard
and demaunding Jaggatt S^jagdt\ whome haveinge satis-
fied, wee past i Course farther to Dao [Moti Dau], where
wee must pay as much more, findeing heere a farr greater
^ In the margin is added — "This was of our Company."
264 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
number of foote and horse, whome wee also contented. From
Agra itselfe hither, and as I understand, to the Gates of
Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad] is a desert, barren and theevish
Countries noe Saraes [saj'dis], meat nor drinck to bee
had, except Graine and water, the latter verie scarse. Our
Carts being gon before, and not haveing money to paye
our Custome, wee left 9 of our men in Pledge att Dao and
Bandoo untill they had notice the money was paid in
Messana [Mehsana] to whome they should appoynt.
This is a bigg stragling Towne with a Tanck by it.
Heere Buckar Ckaun [Bakir Khan] had put 4 men on
Stakes.
T/ie 24^/1 Aprill 1633. This day wee made a Moccame
\^nakdin\ by reason our men came not yesterdaie as
expected ; but they came this morninge about 9 a Clock,
and then [it was] too late to sett out. Att evening there
were Theeves fell on our Cammells as they were feedinge,
soe sent presently [immediately] to their rescue, and tooke
one of them [the thieves]. The rest rann awaie, being
in all 15. Hee that was taken defended himselfe as longe
as hee had any Arrowes lefte. Haveing hurt one of the
Balloaches [Baliichls], wee brought him before the Deputie
of Sheriare [Shahriyar], the Governour, whoe wee plainely
saw tooke his part (and good reason for it, maybee hee
should have part of the purchase). Soe, leaveing the
Theife to his disposure, wee returned to our Goods.
The 2$th Aprill 1633. Betwene this (Jurnucke [Jor-
nang], 7 course) and Messana [Mehsana], the way verie
daungerous for Theeves, woods and Champion [champaign,
plain] mingled. Under a Tree were 10 Tombes in a
ranck, all of a bignesse and likenesse called Sciedgunge
[Sayyid Ganj], being of ten Souldiers that were scieds
* "From Geloure [Jalor] to this Citie [Ahmadabad] is all a sandy
woody Countrey full of theevish beastly men." Finch (in Purchas),
ed. Maclehose, iv. 64.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 265
[sayyzds] slayne by the Coolees [ko/is]. Two or three
Townes in our way, heaps of deadmens bones and
multitudes of them scattered heere and there, the sad
Trophees of the late mortall famine not yett extinguished.
TAe 26th Aprill 1633. (Pansere [Pansar], 7 course).
Aboundaunce of Kheernee \]zhirni\ trees which are very
learge, spreadinge and faire to see too, Also Peelooe
[///??] trees, resembling the willowe ; good ground, store
of Partridges. Men staked by the high way by Backur
Ckaun [Bakir Khan]. This Towne is in the Jaggueere
\^jdgir\ of Mier Shemisha [Mir Shams], whoe was
Governour of Suratt when I came to the countrie, re-
moved thence by Complaint of the English to the Kinged
Wee had a great gust of winde, dust, raine and haile, as
wee had also yesterday [dust storms].
The 2'jth and 2%th Aprill 1633. Our Carts sett out
before day ; but the Cammells not untill towards night,
by reason their Packsaddles were wett, which would spoyle
there Cammells backs. That night wee came to Adulla
[Adalaj], 7 Corse, where wee found the Carts. The
Cammells past forward to Chandungame [Chandkhera]
(10 course) with order there to stopp. The Carts followed
Next morning where our Caphila was entire. There came
from Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad] to meete us Mr Nathaniell
Wyche and Mr Edward Knype-.
^ Mr Beveridge has kindly supplied me with the following par-
ticulars, taken from the Madstfu l-Uinard, III. 492, regarding Mir
Shams. He was a HusainI Sayyid, was appointed to the government
of Sural early in 1628 and was gradually raised in rank and honours
until 165 1, when he was made fmtjddr of Patan. In 1654 he was
again at Baroda. He died in June 1657. There is no allusion either
in the Madsir or among the E. I. Co.'s records to the complaints of
the English and the consequent dismissal of Mir Shams, as related
in the text. The arrival of a new Governor, Mir Miisa, is, however,
recorded early in 1629, so Mundy's statement is, at any rate, partially
correct. See English Factories, 1624 — 1629, p. 335; and 1634 — 1636,
p. XV.
^ Nathaniel Wyche, seventeenth child and youngest son of Richard
Wyche, arrived in India in 1627 and served the Company at Ahmada-
bad and Baroda until 1631, when he was appointed Warehousekeeper
266 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
The 2gth Aprill 1633. Wee came to the Cittie
Ahmudavad (3 course), the Metrapolitan of Guzaratt
[Gujarat] and the auntient seate of their Kingc\ incom-
passed with a faire Compleat wall, 10 Course about
(although Comonly accompted 12), and with the Suburbs,
16 course. The Bazares and streets very large, faire and
conformable, now halfe ruynated and dispeopled by the
last famine. A prettie River [the Sabarmati] runns by
it. A verie faire Artificial! Tancke of 32 squares with
stepps to descend, as that in Suratt, in the midle whereof
stands a faire buildinge with a prettie garden with a litle
Tancke in it, A longe and an Arched bridge, to come to
it from the maynel To the said Garden every Eveninge
at Surat. In December 1632 he returned to Ahmadabad. In April
1633 he applied for leave to go back to Surat, but was desired to
remain to procure goods for the cargo of the Ma7y, the ship in which
Mundy sailed for England. In April 1634 Wyche went to Masuli-
patam where he remained for a year. In 1636 he returned to England
accompanied by a commendation of his "abilities and civil carriage."
He subsequently became a member of the Court of Committees, and
in 1658 was appointed President of Surat, where he died in 1659. See
English Factories^ 1624 — 1636; also ajtti\ vol. I. Appendix B.
Edward Knipe was elected a factor in 1630, and on his arrival in
India was appointed to "write under" the "Accomptant" at Surat.
In Jan. 1633 he was sent to Ahmadabad to assist Nathaniel Wyche
and was described as "diligent, pliant and obedient." In the same
year he was ordered home by the Court on the charge of "exorbitant"
private trading. He sailed in the Jonas with John Robinson and was
implicated with him in the ill treatment of Robert Griffin (see tuite,
note on p. 186). On examination, the amount of Knipe's private trade
was not found to be extensive, and the Court, since his offence was not
"capitall" and in consideration of his being "a hopefull young man,"
overlooked his "error." In 1636 he joined Courteen's Association,
and in 1655 made an independent voyage to India with Mundy as his
assistant, as appears in the Appendix to the Rawl. MS. A. 315,
fol. 220. See Cal. State Papers/E. /., 1630 — 1634; English Factories.,
1630 — 1633; Court Minutes., 1634— 1639.
^ Ahmadabad, built in 1412 by Sultan Ahmad, grandson of Sultan
Muzaffar, founder of the Gujarat Dynasty, was the capital of the kings
of Gujarat until its capture by Akbar in 1572 when it became subject
to Delhi.
^ For contemporary accounts of Ahmadabad, its walls, and the
celebrated Kankria Tank a mile to the south-east of the city, see
Herbert, pp. 61 — 62; Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 171; Delia Valle, ed.
(irey, i. pp. 96 — 98, 102; Mandelslo, p. 30; Thcvenot, Ft. ill. p. 8.
See also Tieffenthaler, I. pp. 374 — 379.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 267
there resort an Infinite number of Parratts that roost in
the Cocotrees (as att Suratt the Staires [starhngs]^ doe
to the htle Island by the English howse). By the said
Tancke is the Tombe of Captaine Browne, an English
man and once Principall in Ahmudavadl It is well kept
and repaired. The Tancke is in Compasse att the least
li mile English. It is the biggest of this kinde that I
have scene in India.
The \2th May 1633. In this tyme wee howsed all the
goods accordinge to order from Suratt, And this Morninge
arrived Mr Reading and Mr Wilbraham, Factors, with
Richard Bellfield'l Moreover, 15 English under the leading
of Leiutenante Smith^. All theis came upp with a Sup-
plie of money to the Factory.
1 The Harl. copy has "stares." Mundy means maina.
■^ For a notice of John Browne, factor and versifier, who went to
India in 1614 and was chief of Ahmadabad factory from 1616 till April
1620, when he "changed this life (noe doubte for a better)," see Roe,
ed. Foster, i. p. 68 n. See also E/iglish Factories^ 16 18 — 1621, ^passitn.
3 There is no record of Joseph Reading's entertainment in the
Company's service nor of his arrival in India, and the only other
mention of his name is on the 4th May 1633, when he was ordered to
assist Thomas Wilbraham in the charge of a caravan from Surat to
Ahmadabad {English Factories, 1630— 1633, p. 303). He died shortly
after Mundy's arrival at Surat. See infra.
Thomas Wilbraham appears to have gone to India in 1626 under
Richard Wylde's protection and to have subsequently entered the
Company's service. In 1628 he was made "Clerk of the Stores" at
Swally and in May 1633 was sent to Ahmadabad. In 1634 he sailed
for England with Mundy in the Mary. In 1635 he was purser of the
William, one of the Company's outward ships, and is last mentioned
in 1638 as "late purser" of that vessel. S&& English Factories, 1624 —
1641 ; Court Minutes, 1635 — 1639.
Richard Bellfield's name first appears in 1630 as being detained^ at
Surat to supply a deficiency in assistants. He came to Ahmadabad,
as related in the text, in charge of a caravan. He was next appointed
steward at Surat, vice Thomas Ashwell. In April 1634 he went to
Masulipatam and is last mentioned in 1636 as among the factors in
Bengal. See English Factories, 1630 — 1636.
* Lieutenant Osmond Smith arrived at Surat from Armagon in 1632,
and for the next two years was employed in guarding the Company s
caravans to and from Ahmadabad. His instructions in May 1633
directed him to keep his men "from drinking and quarrelling" and
to maintain "good relations" with the Dutch. Lieutenant Smith
returned to England with Mundy in the Mary. See English Factories,
1630 — 1633 ; Cal. State Papers, E. I., 1630 — 1634.
268 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [rEL. XVI
The i-i^th May 1633. Heere arrived Signior Vantwist,
principall of Ahmudavad, Signior Salomon, principall of
Agra, Signior Marques, Agent att the Court, Signior
Isabrant, Cheife of Cambajet [Cambay]\ with divers other
assistants of the Dutch Nation.
The \^th May 1633. I departed Ahmudavad, accom-
panied with :Mr Wyche, Mr Knipe (English) and the
Dutch afore named, and haveing Taken our leaves in the
litle garden att the great Tanck, they returned to the
Cittie and my selfe came to this place (Issun Pore [Isan-
pur], 2 course).
The \6th May 1633. This (Mahmud Avad [Meh-
madabad], 10 course) is a handsome bigg Towne. By
it are the ruynes of a kings Moholl \inahalY, a sweete
and pleasant River [the Vatrak] runninge under it (of
whose waters the Governour of Ahmudavad and other
great men drinck). It is not of it selfe very bigg, but heere
and there makes many spreadinge Lakes, aboundinge
^ Jan Van Twist, chief factor for the Dutch at Surat 1633 — 1635,
went on a mission to the King of Bijapur in 1637. According to
A^alentijn he was a member of the Dutch Council at Batavia 1639 — ■
1643, \\'hen he seems to have returned to Europe. In 1648 he
pubhshed at Amsterdam a Generale Beschrijvinge van Indien. See
English Factories, 1637 — 1641, p. 23.
For Salomon Voorknekt, see ante. Relation vi., note on p. 65.
"Signior Marques'' is Marcus Oldenburch who was then on his
way to the Mogul Court as an emissary from the Dutch. He obtained
■A. farman from Shah Jahan and died shortly after, in 1634, at Agra.
See Dagh Register, 1634, pp. 194, 263 ; Hague Transcripts, nos. cccxvi,
cccxviii.
The latest mention of Isbrand Pieterzoon is in 1634 when he was
in charge of the Dutch factory at Agra. See Hague Tra7iscripts,
nos. ccxix, ccxx; Dagh Register, 1634, pp. 329 — 330.
- Mehmadabad, 18 miles south of Ahmadabad, was founded c. 1479,
by Mahmud Begada of Gujarat, who built the palaces there. The
deer park was enclosed by another MahmQd (1536— 1554). The place
is referred to in the Ain Akbari (tr. Jarrett, II. p. 241) as follows:
"Tweh'e kos from Ahmadabad is Mahmudabad, a city founded by
Sultan Mahmud in which are beautiful buildings extending to an area
of 4 kos square. The whole is surrounded by a wall and at every half
kos is a pleasure house and a preserve in which deer and other kinds
of game are at large."
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 269
with excellent Fish', and fowle. Of the former wee were
supplyed by our monyes, but of the latter by the dex-
teritie of Thomas Trott, an excellent English Shooter-,
whoe brought us in Peacocks etts. land and water fowle.
The lyth May 1633. Heere (Borabee [Boriavl], 10
course) betwene some great Trees of Burre {bm-, banyan],
a poore Tonne, greate store of wild peacocks of whome
wee killed some.
The \Wi May 1633. This (Charsoo [Karchia], 10
course) is also a poore Towne. In the midd way wee past
by W'assett [V^asad] Castle, and over the River [Mahl
Sagar] adjoyning to it% which flowes and ebbs, it being a
Creeke of the Sea that comes from Cambayett [Cambay],
about 40 Course hence. Mr Willbraham, Richard Bell-
feild and my selfe, the\- in two coaches, I on horseback,
past it over, but before wee could gett to th' other side,
both horse, Coaches and Oxen were put to Swymme, Soe
that the rest of our people with goods and Carts sta3'ed
on th' other side. In the meane tyme, from a Towne on
the said River towards Cambayett, named Benkerree
[Bhanpur], there came over the water by severall Com-
panies about 100 Coolees \kolis\ Rebells^ with longe
Launces etts. Armes, of whome about twenty or thirty
came to us three and besett us round, forbiddinge that
' Here is a marginal note — "A curious river." Cf. Mandelslo, p. 28,
"Mamadebath. This little City is... upon a pretty large river which is
very full of fish."
2 I have found no other reference to this individual.
^ Mandelslo, who calls the jNIahi Sagar "Wasset river," says (p. 28)
that "Wasset...is an old Castle partly ruui'd, built upon a high mountain,
where there is kept a Garrison consisting of a hundred horse, who there
received a certain impost of a Ropia and a half... for every wagon."
* See ante., note on p. 256. The predatory kolis were the terror
of travellers in those parts. Both Finch and De Laet speak of
"a certaine Rajaw in the Alountaines" near Ahmadabad who could
collect 17,000 horse and foot. "His subjects are called Colles or
Quillees." See Finch (in Purchas), ed. Maclehose, iv. p. 63; De Laet,
tr. Lethbridge, p. 351.
270 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
any should come over to us\ In fine, they said that one
of us must come to their Captaine Called Nagga [Naga],
whoe was hard by on a litle hill. To him I went, whoe
received mee with great shew of Curtesie. Att length
demaunded his Custome which all men pay when they
come that way, the which wee payed and were quietly
dismissed. Within quarter of an hower after, came downe
the said Captaine with all his Rebells, and giveinge the
watch word, fell suddenly to pillageinge of certaine Carts
belonging to Morare [Murarl], a Hindooe, whome they
carryed away with them perforce, also a horse, divers
Oxen, goods, etts. This was done att Noone, when they
were 7 or 800 people lookeing on, and none able or ready
to help, it was soe suddainly done^ It was done out of
revenge to the said Morare, whoe was formerly a great
officer in Brodra [Baroda] and had vexed and done them
great displeasure. After this exployte they returned over
the water againe and wee past onward, but, for 2 or 3
Courses on this side, wee had a very strange, deepe and
narrow passage, even just as much as a Cart Could goe
in and noe more, a fitt place for theeves, which wanted
not, for wee were molested divers tymes in that litle space
and glad to content them.
The \()th May 1633. Wee came to this Cittie (Brodera
[Baroda], 5 course), which is walled but not verie bigg^.
Heere wee used to have a Factory, but now have
nonel The Dutch have, for whome was Signior Arnolds
Through the great and earnest suite of Scied Shecam
1 Mandelslo, p. 28, describes a skirmish between the caravan with
which he travelled and the outlaws in the same neighbourhood, some
five years later.
^ For a contemporary description oE Baroda, see Mandelslo, p. 27.
^ The English Factory at Baroda, established in 1614, was "dis-
continued" in 1633 — 4, "in regard to the misery of the tymes." It was
re-established at the end of 1635.
^ I cannot identify this individual.
^^33] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 2/1
[Sayyid Shikam], Sonn in law to Dellill Ckaun [Dalll
Khan], late Governour of this placed Wee left our
Chirurgeons Mate to Cure the foote of a Moore [Muham-
madan], a freind of his, which had bene a long tyme sore
and almost growne to a Canker.
T/ie 20th May 1633. (Caravan Sarae [Karvan]^ 10
course). This day, as the former, very wilde and woody,
a black ground full of Clefts and Cracks [cotton soil], as
about Suratt.
The 2ith May 1633. This Towne (Saron [Sarang],
10 course) as yesterdayes dispeopled through famine, ex-
ceptinge some Banianes that sell graine for Travellers,
The 22th May 1633. Wee came hither (Barroche
[Bharuch, Broach], 10 course) by morninge, where wee
found Mr Thimbleby^ and Mr Yard^ This stands on
a hill encompassed with a verie faire wall. It hath a fine
prospect into the Countrie and the river Nerbadare
[Narbada], which runnes under it. It is about two Course
^ The only allusions I have found to Dalil Khan are in November
1630 when the factors at Baroda were advised to obtain 2i paj'wdfza to
the chaukis in Dalll Khan's y«_o-f;', and later in the same month when
they were directed to apply to "the deputies of Delill Ckaun" for the
restoration of certain "fardles" of saltpetre. See English Factories,
1630— 1633, pp. 95, 100.
^ The "Karawanet" of Mandelslo, p. 27.
2 Thom.as Thimbleby arrived in India in 1632 "having been
trayned up in England as a lynnen draper." In 1634 he was made
warehouse-keeper and one of the Council at Surat. In Sept. 1635 he
went as Chief to the re-established factory at Baroda, where he died
early in 1636. See English Factories, 1630 — 1636.
■* See ante, Relation v., note on p. 24, for John Yard's arrival in
India, and Relatiotts Vl., VIII. and XII. pp. 49, 79, 186, for Mundy's
previous references to him. In 1634 Yard was sent to Masulipatam and
in 1636 he took over the charge of the Bengal factories from Ralph
Cartwright. In 1640 he was summoned to Masulipatam, whence he
appears to have returned to Surat and thence to England to answer
certain charges brought against him. In 1647 he was re-entertamed
in the Company's service. Nine years later, in 1656, Yard and Mundy
met on the high seas, the former bound to Surat, the latter returning"
to England after his third voyage to India. See Eiiglish Factories,
1634 — \6/\.i) ; Coiirt Minutes, 1644 — 1649; Rawl. MS. A. 315, fol. 231.
2/2 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
in Compassed Unto the 24th Currantt afternoone was
spent in Clearing the Custom of the Musters- and passing
the Carts over the River.
The 2^th May 1633. By six a Clock afternoone wee
gott to this place (Unclesere [Ankleswar], 3 course) being
3 Course from the English howse at Barroache.
The 2$th May 1633. About nine a Clock wee came
to Bereawe [Variao]^ being 16 Course. Leaveing all the
Carts att the River side, I with some other English went
over, and came to Suratt to the English howse, where I
made an end of my tedious Journey from Agra, from
whence I departed the 25th February and arrived heere
the 25th May as abovesaid, have gon and travelled 414
Corse, vist.
From Agra to Seedpore [Sidhpur] 284 great
Corse, att i^ mile English per Corse amounting
to Miles 426
From Seedpore to Suratt 130 small course, att i\
mile English per Corse amounting to Miles i72|-
Corse 414 makes Miles 59^2 *
At my arrival! heere there were but few liveing of
those I left heere att my departure, the rest dead with
the Mortall Sicknesse that imedeatly followed the famine.
The names of those liveing att my departure are as
follovveth.
^ For the city of Broach and its stone walls, see Mandelslo, p. 26 ;
Thevenot, Pt. ill. p. 6.
2 Both Thevenot (Pt. ni. p. 7) and Tavernier (ed. Ball, I. p. 66)
remark on the customs imposed at Broach on all imports and exports.
By 'musters' Mundy means the bales of samples that he had procured
at Patna.
^ Variao, on the Tapti, two miles from Surat.
* Tavernier's estimate of the distance from Surat to Agra, via
Ahmadabad, is "415 cos," practically the same as Mundy's, but his
stages are different. Tieffenthaler (ni. p. 27) makes the distance
669 miles. Mundy's second calculation is wrong, and for 172^ miles
we should read 162!; but even so, he has, as usual, much underesti-
mated the distance travelled, which was in reality about 680 miles.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 273
+ The worshipfull Thomas Rastall, President^
+ Mr John Skibbowe, President^
+ Mr Gore, the Presidents brother in law*
X Mr Joseph Hopkinson, President*
+ Mr James Bickford^
+ Mr Richard Barber«
+ Mr Arthur Suffeild^
Mr Henry Glascocke^
+ Mr Ralph Rand"
1 See anie^ Relation v., note on p. 23.
^ See ante, Relatioji v., note on p. 22.
^ There is no record of anyone of the name of Gore in the Company's
service at this period. Thomas Rastell had married a daughter of
Alderman William Gore, and the "Mr Gore" mentioned by Mundy
probably came to India with his brother-in-law in 1630. See ante,
Relation v., p. 23; also English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. xv n.
* See a7tte. Relation ix., note on p. 139.
^ James Bickford, elected a factor in 1614, served the Company at
Surat and Ahmadabad till 1623 when he returned to England. In
1630 he came back to India as one of the Council at Surat. He died
about the same time as Thomas Rastell, viz., at the end of 1631. See
Roe, ed. Foster, p. 329 «.; English Factories, 1630 — 1633; Cat. State
Papers, E. I., 1630 — 1634.
^ Richard Barber, apothecary, went to India with Sir Robert
Sherley in 1614. He was employed on an expedition to Persia in
1618 and subsequently served the Company at Broach and Baroda.
In 1630 he was a member of Council at Surat. His return to England
was delayed owing to his inability to complete his accounts in time to
sail with the ships dispatched early in 1631. He fell a victim to the
epidemic that carried off so many of the English and died at the
end of the year. See Letters Received, vol. IIL, English Factories,
1618 — 1633.
"^ Arthur Suffield, purser of the Blessing, 1622 — 1627, was taken
from his ship to supply the needs of Surat factory, and became a
member of Council in 1630. His time of service was then nearly
expired, but he was prevailed on to remain in India three years longer
at an increased salary. He, too, fell a victim to the pestilence at the
end of 1 63 1. See English Factories, 161 8 — 1633.
^ See ante, Relation vi., note on p. 69.
^ Ralph Rand, entertained as purser's mate of the Morris in
1625, was taken from his ship to be a writer at Surat in 1627. In 1630
he was induced to stay in India for an additional three years at an
increased salary, and was sent to Cambay, where he died at the end of
1 63 1. 'S>&& English Factories, 1624 — 1633; Cal. State Papers, E. /.,
1624 — 1629.
M. II. 18
2/4 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
Mr John Bangham^
X Mr Joseph Readinge^
+ Mr Nicholas Wolley ^
Mr Thomas Wilbraham*
+ Mr Thomas Smith, Secret[ary]^
+ Mr John Glanvell«
+ Mr Clement Dunscomb''
^ John Bangham served the Company in Agra, Surat, &c. from
1618 till 1628 when he sailed for Bantam and thence to England. In
1630 he returned to India. He was employed on a mission to Bantam
in 163 1 and in 1633 was sent to Burhanpur, "where he lived like himself,
an idle young fellow, and so lost himself both in body and estate."
He was, in consequence, ordered home in 1634, but died before the
departure of the ships. See E7iglish Factories^ 1618 — 1641 ; Cal. State
Papers, E. /., 1624 — 1634.
^ See atite, note on p. 267.
^ Nicholas WooUey, who had served the Company as purser's mate
since 1620, was taken from his ship, the Falcoji, in 1626, to supply the
needs of Surat factory, and there he remained until his death at the
end of 1632. See Cal. State Papers, E. /., 1622 — 1629; E?7glish
Factories, 161 8 — 1633.
* See ajite, note on p. 267.
^ Thomas Smith seems to have served the Company as assistant to
their general shipmaster in 1626 — 1627 and then to have gone to India in
their service. He was taken from his ship to supply the want of writers
in Surat. In 1628 he was "Register." In 1630 "Thomas Smith, our
Secretary, whose carefull dilligence in the orderly keeping your registries
hath noe parallel," is thus recommended to the Court — "On him Your
Worships may bee pleased to cast your favourable aspects, as the ablest
and fittest for your imployment that ever came or shall come into India.
His small meanes at present, together with his desire to makehimselfe
better knowne unto Your Worships, is the greatest cause moving him
to crave lycense to repaire to his country, which wee have granted."
Smith, however, died before he could avail himself of the above
permission. See Cal. State Papers, E. I., 1624 — 1629; English
Factories, 1624 — 1633.
^ John Glanvill served the Company at Surat, Broach, Ahmadabad,
&c. from 1619 — 1627. He returned to England in 1628. In 1630 he
was re-entertained as factor, and on his arrival at Surat was sent to
Broach where he seems to have died, in 1631. He is last mentioned in
Nov. 1 630. See Cal. State Papers, E.I., 1 624 — 1 629 ; English Factories,
1618— 1633.
'■ Clement Dunscomb, "a towardly young man and writes a fair
hand," was entertained as a writer for Surat in Dec. 1628. He wrote
from that place in April 1630 that his "lodging and diet" were "very
different from at home" and that his wages were "insufficient to keep
him in apparel." In Dec. 1631 he was made "Register" and in Jan.
1633 received an increase of wages. He died in the following April.
See Cal. State Papers, E.I. , 1624 — 1629 ; English Factories, 1630— 1633.
1633] A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT 2/5
+ Robert Davison, Steward^
Thomas Ashwell^
X James Woode^
+ Thomas Whitelocke^
+ Mr Henry Quarles''
Of 21 persons last before named, there are only 4
remaineinge whoe are unmarked ; 14 of those markd +
dyed before my arrivall and 3 with this marke x since,
besides the Inferiour sort according to this proportion.
The like tyme was never seene in India, There being
Scarce one Man in all Suratt-howse [the English factory]
able to write or sett his hand to Paper (sometymes).
Theis were only by Sicknesse, but the Famine it selfe
swept away more then a Million of the Comon or poorer
Sorf^. After which, the mortallitie succeeding-e did as
1 There is no record of Robert Davison's appointment. He is
mentioned as steward at Surat in 1628, and in 1630 his name appears
in a list of Company's servants not recalled to England by the Court.
There is no other refei"ence to him, except his death in 1631. See
English Factories^ 1624 — 1633.
^ Thomas Ashwell seems to have gone to India with President
Rastell, in 1631, and to have been made steward at Surat. In Aug. 1633
he was dismissed from that post on account of "his drunkenness and
quarrelsome disposition." In 1634 he accused Nathaniel Kingsland,
with whom he had voyaged as assistant to Sumatra, of defrauding the
Company, and sailed to England the following year to make his charge
good. The Council at Surat wrote of him as "a youth of person and
ability that promise faire hopes, but since the death of his guardian
[President Rastell] exceedingly debauched," so that there were fears
lest he should "mislead" the newly arrived factors. After this, nothing
is heard of him, and he probably did not live to reach England. See
English Factories^ 1630 — 1636.
^ James Wood, entertained steward's mate of the William in
Jan. 1626, appears to have been transferred to the Samuel in 1629.
In Oct. of that year he was taken prisoner after a skirmish with the
Portuguese. He was released at Daman and returned to Surat in
1630, after which there is no further mention of him. See English
Factories, 1630 — 1633; Cal. State Papers, E.I., 1624 — 1629.
* I have found no other mention of this individual.
^ In Jan. 1629 Sir William Becher petitioned the Court of Com-
mittees for employment for his servant, Henry Quarles, who was sent
to Surat as a writer. Quarles is last mentioned in March 163 1.
'^ Here is a marginal note — "The famine and mortallity in Guzaratt."
276 A JOURNEY FROM AGRA TO SURATT [REL. XVI
much more amongst rich and poore. Weomen were scene
to rost their Children ; Men travelling in the way were laid
hold of to bee eaten, and haveing Cut away much of his
flesh, hee was glad if hee could gett away and save his
life, others killed outright and devoured. A man or
woman noe sooner dead but they were Cutt in peaces to
be eaten. Thus much by Common report (because I was
not present). But att my returne I found the Countrie
in a manner made desolate, scarce i left of 10, as by
instance of the weavers, for whereas formerly they had
brought them [the factors] 30, 40 or 50 Corge [score (of
pieces of cloth)] a day, they could now scarce gett 20 or 30
peeces ; this in Baroach [Broach]. Att Suratt none att
all, and in Brodra [Baroda] noe Factorie att present. In
my opinion it will hardly recover it[s] former estate in 15,
nay, in 20 yeares ; I meane Guzaratt.
Here is an error in the computation of miles, for from
Suratt to Agra, by way of Brampore [Burhanpur] I
conceave is farther then from Agra to Suratt by way of
Ahmudabad, the former beeing butt 551 miles and the
latter 598^ miles, which is more by 4.'/^ miles then the
other. And should bee lesse, thatt beinge the farthest Way
aboutt\
1 This last paragraph is in Mundy's own writing and was probably
a later addition. The author is wrong. The Burhanpur route is the
shorter. For the actual distances, see Relation vi., note on p. 66, and
a?tte^ p. 272, and footnote.
RELATION XVII.
SOME PASSAGES AND TROUBLES MORE PERTICULERLY
CONCERNING THE CAPHILA MENTIONED IN THE
FOREGOEINGE RELATION WHICH OCCURRED
IN THE CONDUCT THEREOF, VIZT.^
The 2^tk February 1632/3. Wee departed^ from Agra
in the morninge and that night came^ to Fettiepore
[Fatehpur Sikrl].
The 26th February 1632/3. Wee came to Connoway
[Khanwa] where I found Mr Fremlen^ who had already
dispeeded the Carts to Neembra [Nlbhera], the Cammells
being to follow that night. About Noone wee had much
thunder with a Terrible gust of wynde and somuch
dust that wee could hardly see one another ; after which
1 This is Relation XV. in the Harl. copy where the headline is,
"Some Passages of a Caphila from Agra to Surat" and the title,
"Notes of certaine passages of a Caphila sent by Mr William Fremlen
from Agra to Surat under Convoy of Peter Mundy consistinge of
109 Carts and 268 Camells with Fardles of Indico, Fardles
Saltpeter and Barrells Muster [samples], Vizt^
2 The Harl. copy has, "I departed," "I came."
^ See ante., Relation v., note on p. 24. William Fremlen remained
at Agra until 1634 when, in obedience to orders from Surat, he dis-
solved that factory. In 1635 and 1637 he was sent on missions to
Sind and to Persia. In Jan. 1639 he succeeded William Methwold as
President of Surat, a post which he held till 1644, when he returned
to England after eighteen years' service in India. He died shortly
after, on the 13th March 1646. See English Factories., 1630 — 1645;
Court Minutes., 1635 — 1649.
2/8 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
followed aboundance of rayne, which lasted all the after-
noone. Wee departed thence about one a Clock afternoone
(the rayne continueinge) and came to Neembera aforesaid,
The Cammells not being able to lade by reason of the
fowle weather, one third part of the Carts being without
Covers and three quarters of the Cammells goods lyeinge
open in the feilds ; but wee hoped it tooke noe hurt.
There wee found Backur Ckhaun [Bakir Khan] with a
small Laskarr \lashkar^ camp] bound for Ahmudavad
[Ahmadabad] appoynted Sehebsooba [Sahib-subah, Su-
bahdar] of Guzaratt [Gujarat].
The 2'jtJi February 1632/3. Heere the Ckhaun made
one dayes Moccame [inakdm, halt] by reason of the raigne,
which about Noone powred downe in such manner that
the like hath seldome ben scene for the tyme. It came
with verie great haile and such a gust of winde that our
Tent or feild Coveringe did litle availe to keepe our
selves drye. This morninge the Cammells arrived, the
goods enduring this terrible shower with the rest in the
open feilds, the rayne still continueinge but not soe
violent.
The 2d)th February 1632/3. Wee came to Byana
[Bayana] in Company of Backur Ckaun [Bakir Khan],
whoe promised to protect and free us from paying Cus-
tomes on the way. Mr Fremlen had formerly agreed with
Adowyaes^ (I would it had held) for rupees 45 per Carte
and rupees 9I per Cammell, to pay the Custome of the
goods from Agra to Ahmudavad, but on Confidence of
this occasion [relying on this opportunity] they were
dismissed. About \\ Course this side Byana one of our
Carts brake in Two and another laye in the river (occa-
sioned by rayne) hard by the Towne, where the goods lay
1 Admn, adaviyd^ a contractor for customary payments e7i route
{ada\ a transport contractor. See English Factories^ 161 8 — 1623, for
further instances of the employment of this word.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 279
under water neere i^ hower without beinge able to remedy
it ; The Cart was soe sunck in a pitt of Sand. Soe wee
were faine [obliged] to take the Fardles [bundles]^ of
Indicoe a Shoare on mens shoulders, and much adoe wee
had to gett somuch helpe amongst 170 hired servants, the
night being darke and fowle weather, every man shifted
himselfe out of the way. Divers other of the Carts came
through very deepe water, but by reason of their litle
staye, there cannot bee somuch dammage thought [through
it] as on the former which was left att Byana, there opened
and put to drie being verie much dampnified ; and had it
not ben the sooner prevented, the whole Carte Loadinge
(being seven Fardles) had bene utterly spoyled. To the
broaken Cart they sent two emptie ones to fetch away the
goods. Thus puzling [embarrassed], it was neere Mid-
night before our Carts came together. By this begining
Mr Fremlen might judge of the future and farther pro-
ceede of this Caphila \kdfila\ for heere himselfe was
present, the howse broker, the howse servants, Cart
Brokers, Cammell Brokers, etts. to assist him, the Oxen
unwrought \i.e., fresh] and the Monsull [inanzil, stage]
but 5 or 6 Course, and yett all the former Trouble befell
with the dammage and hindrance. How could hee
then thincke I could strive all alone with weary oxen,
broken Carts long Monzulls, a tedious journey, and to
keepe Company with a Laskarre besides other incon-
veniencies ?
The first March 1632/3. Wee all sett forward on our
Journie.
The 2d March 1632/3. Wee came to Somf ca Sarae
[Sop]^, whether Mr Fremlen accompanied us, and haveing
ended Accompts with the Cammellers, Carter balloaches
^ See ante^ Relation Vll., note on p. 76.
2 In Relation XVI. {ante^ p. 235), the 3rd March is given as the date
of reaching Sop.
28o TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
[Baluchis], etts. (a very troublesome peece of busines), hee
returned to Agra leaveing mee to my Charge.
The iith March 1632/3. Wee came altogether [to]
Baldersunder [Bandar Sindri]\
The \2th March 1632/3. From hence Backur Ckhaun
and his Laskarre past through to Adgemeere [Ajmer],
beinge 13 course^ but then neither our Cammells nor Carts
Could keepe him Company. The former stayed halfe the
way but the latter proceeded three Course farther. I
stayed with the Cammells, as being hindermost and
neerest daunger, where one of our Cammellers was carried
to Kissinghurre [Kishngarh], a Castle hard by, demaund-
inge 100 rupees for hurt done by the Cammells in their
Corne (being noe such matter).
The iT^th March 1632/3. Wee also arrived att Adge-
meere, where the Ckaun [Khan] made another Moccame
[makdin, halt] for his owne occasions, els had wee bene
already left behinde. By his letter wee got our Cammeller
free with the expence of about 20 rupees to the pla[i]ntiffs
Horsemen etts. the Ckauns Officers. It was 3 a Clock
afternoone next day before our Carts Came, Soe wee made
noe Moccame att all. Heere my servant overtooke mee
with whome I expected Abbdull Careeme ['Abdu'l-Karlm],
an auntient and trustie Servitor of the Companies^, whome,
^ Here again the dale in Relation xvi. is one day later {ante, p. 241).
2 The wording of the three preceding paragraphs and the begin-
ning of that for the 12th March differs in the Harl. copy, where the
passage runs as follows : " 29 [February]. Wee stayed i day in
Byana and the next day (i March) sett forward, Mr Fremlen accom-
paninge (2 [March]), as farr as Somf ca Sarae 2 dayes Journey farther
to end Accompts with Cammellers and Carters (that beinge alsoe very
troublesome) ; soe hee returned and I proceeded — 8 dayes we kept
company with the Laskarre as farr as Bundersunder (12 [March]), from
whence Backur Ckaun departed, and that day past through to Adge-
mee, being 13 Corse."
" This is probably the same man whom Mundy mentions in
Relation XII. (see p. 184). 'Abdu'l-Karim had been in the Company's
service for many years. In 1620 he accompanied Robert Hughes to
Patna, leaving his[wife at Agra. See Hughes' letter of 6 October, 1620
{Factory Records, Patna, i. 9).
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 281
after much importunitie of my selfe, Dongee [Dhanji] and
others, Mr Fremlen promised to send after mee, but
deteyned him. Never had Caphila more need of Assist-
ance then this, consideringe the greatnes of the charge,
length of the way, multitude and diversitie of the worst
sort of people in India to deale withall, baddnesse of the
tyme, but, last and worst, bound to keepe Company with
a laskarre with such a number of base [inferior] Cattle and
Carts that all that sawe them held it impossible they
should long hold out. Yett with all theis hard Conditions
am I thrust out alone, with litle [knowledge of the]
language, haveing noe body that I can trust or cares to
take any paines to ease mee to looke after the Companies
goods, To helpe to compound the unreasonable demaunds
of Carters, Cammellers, etts., To decide their quarrells,
differences etts., to perswade them to reason, They being
most comonlye obstinately bent to doe what they liste,
although to the Companies losse, which I am afraid wilbe
noe small matter through the want of such a one.
The \6th March 1632/3. Cominge from Budderwarra
[Badhwara] to Arreea [Rea], about 50 of our Carts lost
their way, I being then with our Cammells; and Comeinge
att our Monsull \manzU\ I found but 1 1 Carts in all, some
out of the way as aforesaid and others hindred by Sands,
Soe that they were faine to put eight, ten and twelve Oxen
to one Carte to gett them over quarter of a mile of the
said deepe sand, soe that wee wrought about them till 9
a Clock that night. Yett came they not to the rest for
that night, neither the other Fiftie, after whome I sent 8
men severall wayes to bringe newes, which wee had about
three a Clock in the morninge That they were gon towards
Mirta [Merta] another way. That night alsoe another Cart
broke in the Midle.
The lyth March 1632/3. Wee came to Mirta [Merta],
vizt., 50 by the high way, 48 I came along withall, and
282 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
the rest came after, for whose safer passage I desired a
Horseman of Backur Ckauns [Bakir Khan] to goe along
with them. The Carts were sore Tottered and shaken
with the sand that they were scarse repaired and fitted
in 3 dayes Moccames [makdm^ the Amrawe [amir] made
their (sic). And had hee not made the said Moccames, as
well heere as att the places aforementioned (although for
his owne ends), it had bine impossible for us to have kept
Company with him hither. Heere the Carters required
50 rupees per Cart to supply themselves with Oxen etts.
I never thought of this ; but Mr Fremlen knew it, unto
whom they had made the same demaund, whoe bidd them
rest satisfied, for that I carried wherewith to Content them
all, which was but rupees 2000, untill by Dongees
[DhanjI's] perswasion I had looo more, in all rupees 3000.
Of this the Cammellers had 1000 to provide themselves
with other Cammells in leiwe of those that should die or
faile.
In former tymes, as I am informed, they used to carry
spare Cammells for that purpose in the Caphila, but nowe
there are none, or if there bee any, they are laden with
graine for their provision to and in Guzaratt [Gujarat].
Such is the feare they have of the famine, which now,
by report, is much deminishcd (God be praised). To the
Carters I paid all that was lefte, beinge rupees 1650, only
reservinge 50 or 60 for expence of dyett. Cutwall Ckaun
[Kotwal Khan]^ of whom Mr Fremlen tooke upp rupees
21000 by exchange (remitting it on Ahmudavad [Ahma-
dabad]), promised before our Cominge out to lend us 4 or
5000 rupees if wee wanted on the way. Upon which
proffer I addressed mee to him ; but his answere was
that Backur Ckaun, standing in great neede of money
to pay his Souldiers, had taken of him all hee had, and
1 See (m/e Relation XVI., note on p. 232, for this official.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 283
faine besides to pawne his Jewells and plate to procure
more in Mirta [Merta] (all this I beleived). Howso-
ever, hee promised that within 3 or 4 dayes hee would
furnish mee.
I doe thinck the Carters had not somuch neede of
money as they Complained, only to make provision of
meate etts., by which meanes their poore weake Carts
were the more Laden and wee consequently the more
hindred by their slowe proceede, besides breakeing of
them and tireing their oxen etts. As for the most part
of the Carts, they were the unfittest and weakest that
ever were sent out of Agra in one Caphila, and the
greatest part of their Oxen Suteable [to match], see that
every day wee were afraid wee should not hold out the
next ; nor never a day, night, nor scarse an hower but
that one or other tells mee that there is such a Carte
broken and would know what I would enorder about
it. Another comes after him and sayes that such a
Carts wheele is in peeces. Another after him that the
Oxen of such a Cart are tired and can goe noe farther,
and that one Cart is gon another way and that another
Cart is 2 or 3 Course behinde the reste. And thus much
of the Carts. With the Cammells there is not halfe soe
much trouble, although they dye and tire, and many
tymes their goods lye by the high way, but they [the
camel drivers] fetch it againe ; soe that they are somewhat
Tollerable.
A Caphila of the best Cammells in the best tyme with
good assistance is troublesome enough. A Caphila of
Carts of the best, with the former conditions, is worse.
Cammells and Carts together, although of the best sort,
is worse then that. But a Caphila of the worst sort of
Carts and Cammells in a badd tyme, without Assistants,
and to keepe way with a laskarr is as badd as may bee
for trouble and hazard. For with a laskarr those that can
284 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
keepe Company must proceede on and not stay for those
that are behinde which are not fewe nor seldome. How
many tymes have some of our Carts arrived 24 howres
after the Laskarr, others 1 2, and others 7 or 8 ; but the
places that wee have past hetherto have not bine verie
daungerous, which if it should happen hereafter, the Cost
and daunger is most apparent for theeves and Custome,
makeing that one or more to pay for all the rest, soe that
by noe meanes must wee leave any behinde (coste what
it will) for wee have every day newes of Cammells and
goods taken out of Caphilaes, vizt., from under Abboo-
ghurre [Abugarh] out of the Dutch Caphila, and out of
this Laskarr severall tymes and otherwaies. I say if wee
went by ourselves wee might stay one for another, but with
a laskar v/ee cannot, which will stay for none.
The 22th March 1632/3. Wee came to Peeparree
[Pipar], to which place some of our Carts were not arrived
by 3 Course the next day, while the Laskarre, Peshconna
\^pesh-khdna, advance-camp] and all, were by Computation
att Jooguee ca talao [Jogi ka Talao], one Journey before
us. Soe that I rode back and hired 3 Carts out of the
neerest Towne to ease the rest. That if it were possible
wee might attaine the Laskarr by night. On each of
which Carts there was 3 Maunds graine att least. And how
to remedie it I know not, they alleadging it is the sustent
of their lives and the lives of their Cattell. Comeing
within 2 Course of our Monsull I overtooke 18 Carts
goeing on. It being somewhat late, I left them to come
after, and past forward to looke for more. Theis latter
Carts arrived but 2 howres before the Laskarr sett away
for the next Monzull.
The 2T)th March 1632/3. There were fower Carts
stayed behinde all the rest mending their wheeles, as
also wanting Oxen. Theis wee supplyed from the Towne
and sent them away. Passinge onwards wee should finde
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 285
15 Carts att a Stand; in another place 20, and their Oxen
a grazeing as though they had nothinge els to doe, nor
by their goodwills would they stirr, not careing what
became of the goods soe they might refresh their
Oxen. All theis wee hastned forward, whoe arrived
about Sunsett. Then had wee newes of 2 Carts that
were out of their way, whome wee sent presently to looke
after.
The 26th March 1632/3. The Carters importuninge
mee for money, and I not haveing the oppertunitie to
sollicitte Cuttwall [Kotwal Khan] for his promise (because
most commonly I came up late in the night with the latter
Carts) I desired one of the Chowdrees [chmidharl, headman,
overseer] to take Care of the Carts that day, that I would
[might] goe before and procure money for them, being all
other tymes putt off that it was too late. Hee promised
mee hee would. Cuttwall Ckaun, notwithstanding his
faire promises and our urgent necessitie, put us off yet
2 or 3 dayes longer, soe was faine to borrowe 20 rupees
in one place and 30 in another to supplie our want, only
to hire Oxen and Carts to ease the rest untill then. The
Chowdree aforementioned came away that day and left
II Carts behinde, whereof some came 2 howers in the
night and some att 12 a Clock. And by 2 a Clocke in
the morninge, when wee were makeing ready to bee
goeinge, there were 3 Carts wantinge, whom I was faine
to goe seeke my selfe, our people being all wearie, un-
willinge, and fearefull to goe back. With much adoe I
gott fower oxen of the other Carters and carried them
with mee to bring upp the said Carts, whoe were about
2 miles behinde, not able to proceede any farther. Wee
came back with them just as the laskarr was setting out ;
soe that without giveinge meate or drinck to the poore
Cattell (whoe tasted neither in 24 howres before), they were
forced forward. About i\ miles further wee hired 4 oxen
286 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
more. Those 12 that belonged to the 3 Carts became
altogether unserviceable and appertained to Jessa [Jassa]
the Companies Debtor.
This was our continuall life, by reason of the weaknes
of our Cattell, badnesse of the Carts, weight of their
Ladinge and length of the Monzulls [inanzil, stage],
comonly 8, 9, 10 Course a day, whereas good strong
Carts with easie Charge [light loads] goe not above 5, 6
or 7 Course voluntarilye att most. Besides that being a
tyme of scarcitie, they had put into each Cart 2 or 3
Maunds of graine etts. provision, when as they were scarse
able to stirr with what they had before. Oxen died and
failed dayly, the labour and vexation continuall and
extraordinarie ; but nothing troubled mee more then the
feare to leave some Cart or other behinde, of which there
was never hope it would ever overtake us more, but run
hazard to bee robd, [and] great Costs for its bringing
forward. Besides, there is noe question but the rebells
would make those latter Carts to pay for all the rest that
were escaped without Custome as before [is] sayd ; my
selfe all day rideinge forth and back in the Sunne, Scarce
suffered to Eate or rest att any tyme through seekeinge
after lingring Carts, whoe most comonly would arrive about
midnighte and to bee dispeeded againe within 2 or 3
howres after. How many mornings have I found 2 or
3 Carts remaineinge, not able to Stirr (when all the rest
were gon) through some default or other, whome I must
supplye in all hast with Oxen, wheeles, etts., as I Could
bee furnished from the next Towne, and then sett them
forward after the rest. The unsufficiencie of theis Carts
and Oxen was apparent enough in Byana [Bayana] to all
that Sawe them, whoe made it a difficult matter they
should hold out longe (as is before said).
It were not amisse for the avoyding of such Incon-
veniences hereafter that in such a Case as this there were
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 287
a sufficient [efficient] man entertained for MajoralP over
all the Carts in general, One of the same profession that
knowes how to deale with them, to allow them what is
fittinge, to appoynt their tymes of setting out and place
of rest, to compound their differences, to see them fitted
[out, supplied] and that they performe their Taske. In
fine, to commaund over them. Whereas now they [the
carters] doe and demaund what they list, goe, come, sett
out and Remaine when and where they please. The like
I say for the Cammellers, Also a trustie man or Two to
assist him that hath the Charge of the Caphila, to ease
him of his Care and labour, to stand by him on all
occasions, to councell him in Compoundinge of differences
and quarrells, which have not bene a fewe in this Caphila,
consisteing of such diversitie of people and professions,
as Cammellers, Carters, Balloaches [Baluchi], Jutts [Jatt],
oftentymes fightinge among themselves to mortall wounds,
pillageinge one another like deadly enemies, I myselfe
alone not beinge able to reconcile them.
The 2'jth March 1633. Heere att Bowrane [BhanwanI]
the Carters supplyed themselves with above 250 Oxen,
what bought and chaunged. Amonge the rest Jessa
[Jassa] aforementioned, whoe, of 20 hee brought from
Agra, had now but one lefte, the rest dead and chaunged.
Soe by the tyme God shall send us to Suratt, hee wilbe
twice more indebted to the Companie then hee was before
his settinge forth of Agra, although hee sell Oxen and
Carts and all.
The 2'^th March 1633. Whilest wee were att Bowrane
the Laskar was att Jallore [Jalor], but by reason it made a
Moccame, wee overtooke it once againe.
The 2gth March 1633. The next appoynted Monzull
or dayes Journey by report was 12 Course. The tyme of
^ Mayoral, a conductor in charge of a train of beasts of burden.
288 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
Ladinge being come, noebodye would stirr, all strucken
into a feare of impossibillitie of holding out, as alsoe of
their meanes and lives by certaine reports that the Rebells
would meete with us, whoe would not loose their due for
the Laskarr nor for the King himselfe, and that if they
could not have their right by faire meanes, they would
spoyle us as wee past through the woods. And although
wee might escape this tyme, the next shall pay for all.
Neither would the Cammellers stirr for the reasons afore-
said, as also that they should have their Cammells stolne
as they did put them to feede in the woods. Neverthelesse,
with much adoe, wee perswaded them to put [set] out,
but it was noone before any of our Carts were gotten ^ a
Course further, soe that finally wee were lefte in a desperate
case, many of our Carts stopped and some of them lyeing
broken in the Sand, noe hope now lefte to hold out,
haveinge hetherto kept Company with the Laskarre with
extraordinarie labour, hazard and vexation, losse of Cattle,
tiring of men etts. I, for my owne perticuler, will take
my oath that, to my remembrance, I never tooke more
care and paines, nor suffered more disquietnes and dis-
content in all my life (for the tyme) then I have done
in this busines, scarse eatinge my meat in peace, some
dayes without tastinge any thinge att all nor takeinge
any rest, men now groweinge unwillinge to doe what I
bidd them, wearied with extraordinary labour and watch-
inge, and many tymes in daunger of their lives attending
on Carts att all tymes of the night in woods and perrilous
places.
Seinge the busines overthrowne, and that the Carts
Could not proceede with the Laskarr for all our uttermost
endeavour and ernest desire and the Carters contract, I
concluded to send the Cammells with the Laskarr and
my selfe to come after with the Carts, and leaveing them
in Jallore, I went with the Moccadames \inukaddam,
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 289
headman] of the Cammells to Modra [Modra] by way
of Dantewarree [Dantwada]^, with intent to recommend
them to Cuttwall Ckaun untill they came to Ahmudavad
[Ahmadabad]. Wee were noe sooner arrived but they
fell a Consultinge, as is their manner, and after 3 howres
resolved againe not to goe (haveing first given their
consents thereto) alledginge that their Cammells would
neither hold out, that they had tired 6 that day which
left their Lading in the midway, which they sent for
afterward.
The ^oth March 1633. Backur Ckhaun (upon his owne
occasion goeinge now in extraordinarie hast), of whome
haveing taken my leave this morninge as they did sett
out, as also of Cuttwall Ckaun (they being both upon
Eliphants), I returned to the Carts with purpose to bringe
them that way, and soe to goe altogether. By the way
back I mett many of the Ckauns Carts whoe were not
able to attaine to Modra till next day, not only leaveinge
theis behinde him but all the rest of his Carts alsoe, him-
selfe proceedeing with all expedition with some of his
best and biggest Cammells in manner halfe Laden. His
hasty march hath bene the death, tireinge and spoyling
of neere 350 Oxen, besides Cammells, and all to keepe
Company with the Laskarr, Soe that there is none that
heere of this Consortshipp but say it was not the best
Course to joyne such an ill accommodated Caphila with
a Laskarr that went with more then ordinarie hast (but
it was on their then faire now false promises). When
wee came to Jallore wee found more of our Carts, the
rest not arrived, being hindred by much sand and want
of water.
The '^ith March 1633. Theis being also come, wee
made a Moccame for them that they might repaire and
1 In the direction of Dantwada.
M. II. 19
290 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
mend their Tottered and broken Carts, The Cammells in
the meane tyme stayeing att Modra expectinge our
Comeinge (which they might long enough have done) ;
for notvvithstandinge all the reasons wee could alleadge
to perswade them (which were many), they flattly denyed
to goe that way, that they would rather loose their heads,
as they said, for it would break all their Carts and kill all
their Oxen. The occasion of this was one Gunna [Gana],
a Chowdre \chaudhari\ a perverse fellowe, whoe had the
verie worst Carts and Oxen and Conditions that were
in all the Caphila besides. Soe once more concluded to
goe by way of Sheroy [Sirohl] although the more tedeous
and Costly by 5 dayes Journey and 1000 rupees by
Computation Cost\
The first Aprill 1633. Wee stayed one day more to
mend their Carts, or rather to marre them by puttinge
graine into them, bought (as I conceive) with the money
they tooke att Imprest [money advanced], for which
purpose I was faine to take upp in Jallore 7000 rupees
by exchange, remitting it to bee paid in Ahmudavad,
whereof 2000, after many dayes importunitie to Cuttwall
Ckaun [Kotwal Khan], I receaved of Backur Ckhaun
[Bakir Khan], whose Treasurer gave mee a Bill for 160
Mohores \inoJiar\. To him was allowed 2 per Centum. To
a Sharaffe \sarrdf^ money-changer] to pay the gold there,
It being payable in Ahmudavad, I gave 5 per Centum.
The Mohores were sold att \2\ rupees each [28^.], the
money to be repayed in Mohores att Ahmudavad, on which
I feare there will not bee lesse then 6 or 7 per Centum
losse more, besides \\ per Cent to severall officers, in all
about 15 or 16 per Centum losse. This is the effect of
Cuttwalls Ckauns proffer. Of Backur Ckauns you have
already heard in leaveing us behinde. The rest of the
* This last word is added in Mundy's own writing.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 29I
money I tooke att 8 and 10 per Centum. Money I must
have perforce and thus I must give [interest] or goe without
it. I acquainted Mr Fremlen hereof by word of mouth
and letters, desireing to have letters of Creditt on Mirta
[Merta], Jallore [Jalor] etts. on all occasions that might
befaull, but it was not regarded by relyeinge on Cuttwall
Ckauns faire promises. Beeing thus left to trie [our own
resources] att the verie poynt of daunger and Cost, wee
had recourse to the first thought and safest way of pro-
ceedinge, vizt., [by] Adowyaes \addviyd\, whome also theie
are two sorts of Contracts, one to give him soemuch for his
paines to goe alonge with us to Compound the Jaggatt
\_jagdt\ and wee to pay it on our owne heads, Another to
give him soe much per Cart or Cammell, and hee to pay
the said customes to his proffitt or losse. This latter I made
choyce of, In regard that the gaine or losse concerning
themselves, they wilbe the more warye. Sundrey Adowyaes
proffered themselves, some demaundinge 29, others 28 and
others 27 rupees per Cart betwene this and Ahmudavad ;
26^ I offered, which was not accepted by any Straunger,
only our owne Carters undertooke it att that rate for the
Carts. The Cammellers demaunding 6 rupees per Cammell,
1 refused that proffer alsoe, and att last resolved to goe
through as I had begun, vizt., to defray the charge myselfe,
being come soe farr forth alreadie.
The 2d Aprill 1633. The first day after our arrivall att
Jallore wee departed thence, haveing first sent word to the
Cammellers to meete us at Shehana [Siwana], but in 2
dayes wee had noe answere. This day wee came to Bagra
[Bagra], 3 Course short of Shehana. From thence I sent
2 severall men, one to Modra and i to Shehana, Within
a while after came 3 Cammellers and George the Christian.
Theis I dispeeded back againe with order to meete us at
Shehana aforesaid, where wee would make one moccame to
stay for them, haveing againe vehemently urged the poynt
19 — 2
292 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
to the Carters to goe by way of Dantewarry [Dantwada],
but labour in vayne.
The },d Aprill 1633. The Cammells not comeing to
day according to expectation, wee sent againe to know the
occasion of their stay. They sent us word one of their
Cammells was lost.
TJie dfth Aprill 1633. Wee made this day a Moccame
for them. Neither did they come that day but stayed
3 Course short of us.
The $th Aprill 1633, Wee sent them word againe to
meete us at Oonde [Ud], seven Course short of Sheroy
[Sirohi], that they would therefore sett out betime.
The 6th Aprill 1633. Att last our Cammells came to
us after nine dayes being asunder, and not in my power to
bring them together, as you have heard. Att Shehana
[Siwana] there overtooke us 40 Carts, whereof 7 of the
Dutch laden with Salt peter, whoe came with us as farr as
Hendowne [Hindaun], Haveing gotten off them in the way
8 dayes beforehand, besides 5 Moccames \inakdmY, which
wee all lost againe through the Crossnesse [ill-humour,
quarrels] of the Cammellers and Carters.
The yth Aprill 1633. Att Sheroy [Sirohi] there were
three Carts of Gunnaes [Gana] not come with the rest, the
place verie dangerous, for now were wee come amonge the
Hills of Robbers and Rebells. Men exclaymed on him
and the badnesse of his Carts, refuseing to come with them.
Dayly hindrance doe wee suffer through his meanes. Hee
hath the Charge of 36 of those rotten Carts, neither had
hee a good Oxe when hee came forth from Byana [Bayana],
being now furnished with our meanes. This cannot bee
remedied, being forced to give him money and faire words
to goe on with all expedition. Otherwise wee might have
^ Mundy means that after leaving Hindaun he had left the Dutch
carts behind, and on the 29th March had outdistanced them by eight
days' journey.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 293
bene endaungered to be stopped by the raynes before our
arrivall att Surratt. Betwene Oonde [Ud] and Sheroy
[Sirohl] the Carts Came in among the Cammells and cawsed
some hindrance in their way behke, soe that the Camellers
and Carters were allmost by the Eares about it, but were
pacified for that tyme. Heere wee found two Balloaches
[Baluchis] that were left by Signior Salomon to recover
what was taken from them by Theeves under Abbooghurre
(as in the relation aforegoeinge^). Wee made two Moccames
heere, the Raja stayeing for us to receive his Jaggatt.
Heere I also payd the Carters, Cammellers, Peones,
Servants, etts. their Chanderate \chd7idrdt\, a gratification
which they expect every New Moone^ as duely as their
wadges. To the Cammellers I preferred 60 rupees (have-
ing order from Mr Fremlen to give but 20). Those men
were soe farr from acceptinge it that they presently arrose,
and without further advice fell tc weighing the goods, noe
body dareing to come neere to mediate. With such mad-
nesse (or rather drunckennes) were they possessed that
they had not bene long about it but they left off, fell a
daunceing and Clapping their hands after their manner,
which lasted an hower or two. Then they brought divers
leane and sick Cammells and tyed them to my Tent doore,
one sayeing, ' heere are 3 left of 14, doe you make use of
the rest ' ; another that there was i left him of 7, and badd
mee take him ; soe others in like manner that their
Cammells were killed by over weight and themselves
undone ; That they would have all the goods weighed
presently [immediately] and satisfaction for the Overplus.
The next morninge I was faine to quiet them with 120
rupees ename [mam, gratification], promiseing them also
to have the goods weighed att Ahmudavad [Ahmadabad],
1 The //a?i. copy has, "as in my Journall."
2 Chandrat, ht., night of the new moon.
294 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
the overplus to be given them, and if it wanted, to allow
so much to the Company. To which they condiscended
[agreed]. I asked them why they did it not before they
came from Agra. They said they would [have], but
Mr Fremlen told them, in regard the ropes and the
Skinnes were wett, they could not have the true weight.
That therefore they might doe it on the way where and
when they listed ^
The Cammellers pacified and our Custome paid at
Sheroy, as also provided a Cart to Carry 6 Cammells
ladinge that dyed and failed, also bespoken about lOO men
to conduct us through the straights [passes] of the Hills,
wee intended to bee gone by 3 a Clock morninge. By 10
the same night the Carts were a goinge without order, nor
would they stay, doe or say what wee could, but drove on
in a Tumult. The Cammellers they would not stirr till
morninge. Heere were wee devided againe when it con-
cerned us most to keepe together. Neither did our Convoy
come by the tyme appoynted.
The loth Aprill 1633. Wee went away without our
Convoy, leaveinge 3 men to bring them after us, whoe
came next night to Mucrowree [Makrora], there beinge noe
daunger thitherto.
The nth Aprill 1633. Cammells, Carts, Convoy and all
departed together next morninge. Neere unto the verie
place where the Dutch Caphila was robbed were two
wayes. In one were the Cammells ; in the other the Carts.
A litle farther theis 2 waies mett into one, and the Carts
drove in and brake the file of the Cammells that were tyed
one to another, Soe that they fell by the eares to the
endaungeringe the Companies meanes ; one hurt in the
' The object in weighing would be either to annoy and black-
mail, or to find out what they really carried in order to settle correct
payment.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 295
breast^ ; another shott in the Arme ; another died next
day of the blowes hee then received ; divers of the one side
robbed by the other, all sides complayninge. In con-
clusion, the quarrell was taken upp for the present to be
afterwards tryed in Ahmudavad by their Kinges lawes,
although they have made proffers to assaile each other
since and live upon their guarde, pitching [their tents]
severally and never a man to mediate the matter but my
selfe with my litle language.
The i6tk Aprill 1633. Comminge to Sheroutra [Sa-
rotra], the Cammellers demaunded more money to buy
Cammells in liew of those that were dead and tired, for
now their Cammells also began to faile dayly, haveing bene
beholding to the Carters to carrie many of their Fardles.
The Cammellers I say being soe farr indebted to the
Company alreadie, I made a doubt to lend them any more
money, and haveing advised with Boola [Bhola] and
Ismaell Ckaun [Isma'll Khan], Cammell Brokers, it was
thought fittinge by them they should have noe more.
The lyth Aprill 1633. By three a Clocke morninge
the Carts were stirringe and goeing out. My selfe found
the Cammellers all a sleepe. Neither would they stirr
untill they had money, Soe was faine to let them have
somuch as to pay for certaine Cammells they had agreed
for last eveninge. Haveing sett them goeinge, I by chance
went to the place where the Carts had pitched (for most
comonly they kept a sunder) and found they were all gone,
but had throwne downe two fardles belonginge to the
Cammellers, not leaveing any to looke to them ; only
poore people that were gatheringe strawe told us where
they lay. There leaveing people to looke to them, I rodd
two Corse after the Cammellers to gett them to bring the
said Fardles away, for which they sent a Cammell they
^ The Harl. copy adds, " (as in my Journall)." See ante^ Relatiott
XVI., p. 257, for Mundy's previous account of this fray.
296 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
had newly bought and loaded them on her. It was ten
to one they had not bene lost, the people in generall being
such Theeves.
The igth Aprill 1633. Settinge out from Mogurwarra
[Magarwada] to Seedpore [Sidhpur], wee were informed
the way was verie daungerous, soe tooke a Convoy of 3
horsemen and 22 Footemen. And as it happened under
Abbooghurre [Abugarh] betwene the Carters and Cam-
mellers, Soe heere betwene the Jutts [Jatts] and Carters.
In the place of most perrill they fell together by the eares,
to draweing their swords and wounding each other. Some
may aske why I did not cawse the offenders to bee punished
by beating or otherwise. I answere, were the quarrell
betwene two private parties it might bee soe, but it is
betwene 2 Companies in which the Cheifes are included,
each alleadgeing the like reasons. For, if one side say
they are robbed, the other say soe too. If they produce
a man that is hurt, the other doth the like, and you cannot
favour the one but you must discontent the other. Also
in matters of pilfering, thefts, etts. (all of them being litle
better then Theeves), they never produce the parties nor
witnesses, but say such a thing was stolne from them
when hee was a Sleepe or from such a Cart, stealinge one
from another as fast as they can, especially eateable
Comodities.
From Ahmudavad, accordinge to my request, Mr Wych
sent a Couple to assist me, but they were too honest, soft
and quiet to deale with such a Company. Setting out from
Seedpore there is verie deepe sand, soe that two of our
Carts brake and many others stuck fast. After 2 or 3
howres labour wee gott them all away.
The 2-^th Aprill 1633. Betwene Nowa [Unawa] and
Messana [Mehsana], there are two Townes named Daoo
[Mot! Dau] and Bandoo [Bhandu] where they take extra-
ordinarie Jaggatts. Our Cammells passinge betwene theis
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 297
two places a litle before day, some of Bandoo stood by the
high way, whoe being demaunded what they were, replyed
they were of the Towne and stayed there to tell [count]
the Cammells. Our Folke said they were Theeves and
layd hold of one of them, takeinge from him his Armes
and apparrell, with misuseing etts. (as in the Journall afore-
goeinge^). In fine, they killed one of our men and one of
theires was hurt under the Eye by ours. In conclusion
wee compounded our Custome and departed. It was
certainely affirmed, had any of their people bine slaine,
they would have revenged themselves on us and made
what spoyle they listed of the goods.
A certaine Banian came with us from Nowa [Unawa]
whoe was acquainted all this way and had Creditt with
theis people. Upon whose words wee lett our Carts goe on
without reservinge by us somuch money as would satisfie
them, soe were faine to leave 9 men in pleadge (as in the
Journall^).
Also att Messana 15 Theeves fell on our Cammells, as
they weere feedinge, and hurt one of our Balloaches
[Baluchis]. They also tooke one of the Theeves, brought
him to Towne, and left him with the Deputie Governour,
whoe seemeingly excused him, sayeinge hee was a poore
fellowe that went to Cutt grasse.
The 2$th Aprill 1633. Att Jurnucke [Jornang] there
fell some rayne, soe cawsed the Palls \^pdl, tent] to bee sett
upp. The Cammellers, Balloaches, etts., immagininge they
were provided for them, gott under, till I was faine to drive
them out. Then could not I perswade them to gett the
goods out of the wett, shifting out of the way from Pall to
Pall, none to speake to them but myselfe. The Cammellers
alleadgeing that they had sett their perticuler markes on
the Fardles, and that next day noe man should knowe his
^ See Relation xvi., pp. 263 — 264.
298 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
owne burden, and that there would bee great strife about
it. With much adoe I gott them to bring under [cover]
150 Fardles or thereabouts. Had it nott pleased God to
cease the rayne, the goods had layen att the mercie of the
water. This is the manner of theis Countrie people in
tyme of neede, As Mr Fremlen or any man els might well
perceave att Byana [Bayana], when the goods lay soe long
in the Water. And if perchaunce they doe any service
extraordinarie, they expect a perticuler reward, thincking
themselves wronged if they have it not.
Settinge out from thence, very much sand, although
somewhat settled by rayne. Heere the Carters left divers
Oxen behinde them, some dead some tyred. It had bene
a difficult Journey for the Carts, had not the raine hardned
the Sand. All the fresh Oxen wee had att Bowrane
[Bhanwani], etts., now growne leane and fainte, soe that it
wilbe as much as they can doe to reach to Ahmudavad
without supply, haveing had already almost as much as
I thinck their Oxen and Carts bee worth, and the Cam-
mellers more then I can valew their Cammells att, haveing
had rupees 2800 in debts before they came out of Agra.
The 2^th Aprill 1633. Wee came to Chandangaome
[Chandkhera], the Cammellers haveing stayed behinde one
day to drie their Packsadles, as in the Journals.
The 2gth Aprill 1633. This day Carts and Cammells
and all came well, and in good Condition, to the English
howse in Ahmudavad.
The T,oth Aprill 1633. Mr Wyche, Mr Knipe and
myselfe went to Backur Ckaun (now Governour [of Guja-
rat]) with a small present, in gratification of his good will ;
but it was rejected, and ourselves not admitted to speake
to him, soe went to Cuttwall Ckaun, of whome wee under-
stood that hee demaunded and expected noe less then
1 See aiite^ Relatio7t xvi., p. 265.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 299
rupees 20,000, sayeing hee had saved us noe lesse in
Customes, vizt., at Byana rupees 6000, which Mirza Laskar
[Mirza Lashkar] presented unto him, Att Mogul ca Sarae,
Mozeabad, Mirta, etts. Then, moreover, that for our sakes
he had made many moccames, stayeing his souldiers.
Treasure, EHphants, etts., att a great charge. To this
wee answered — First, That he might examine any Adowya
\addviya\ of the Cittie what the Customes of such a Caphila
might bee betwene Agra and Jallore, and it would not
amount to rupees 2000 att most. And moreover, that
in Byana, Mirza Laskarr expected some thinge from
Mr Fremlen for letting our Caphila passe, which hee gave
him to understand by word of mouth.
Secondly, For Moccames, I have sett them downe
perticularly, where and wherefore they were made, vizt.,
3 att Chattsoo [Chaksu] for his Nourose \iimt.roz\ 3 att
Mirta [Merta] to borrow money, i att Adgemeere [Ajmer]
to performe his devotion to Qfuaz Mondeene [Khwaja
Mu'inu'd-din] and to stay for his Carts which were not
arrived, vizt., drummes, gunns, provision, etts., and i att
Jalloare for the same occasion. Thirdly, That it was his
Desire wee should come with him, haveing before agreed
with Adowyaes to bringe us alonge, which att most would
not amount to rupees 7000. And that now, as it hath fallen
out, what with Customes paid since, losse by exchanges,
money freely given to Carters and Cammellers to keepe
way [up] with his Laskarr, Also daunger in recoveringe
what imprested [advanced] them, it being double Aug-
mented for supplyeing themselves with Cattle, their
Cammells and Oxen most of them dead and tired, all to
keepe way with him. All theis considered, it had much
better bine wee had come with Adowyaes ; and what hee
tooke more was so much Cleane lost. Many other reasons
wee alleadged on our sides, but all to noe purpose, soe
returned to our howse.
300 TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA [REL. XVII
The 2d May 1633. There wanted not some to mediate;
and by their advice, it was thought that presenting him
with 2000 rupees for a Mummannee {inihrndni, a banquet,
feast] it would bee accepted.
The ^d May 1633. The money was carried to Cuttwall
Ckhaun whoe stood our seeminge freinde in that businesse.
The \th May 1633. The money was againe returned
unto us, Yett this was more then wee had warrant for,
but wee adventured for theis respects :
Firstlie. That hee had she wen us favour on the way
(Although the event fell not out according to our desire),
Soe wee could not doe lesse then gratefie him with Some-
thinge.
Secondly. Being new come to the Cittie [as Governor],
there is alsoe then somewhat due to him by Custome of
the Countrey.
Thirdly. Wee were loath for a small matter to incurr
his ill will, being that it lyes in his power hereafter to
befreind or hinder the Companies affaires, wee concluded of
2000 rupees, although to noe purpose, as aforesaid.
Att length word was sent to us that for 4000 rupees all
would be remedied, which wee denyed [refused]^ Soe one
Eveninge the Governour sent for Mr Wyche and [the]
Broker, with whome went Mr Knipe, whoe was detayned
with Panya [Panju]^ the Broker ; Mr Wyche being sickly,
was freed. Soe fearing of some hard usage (and in the
meane tyme much wanting the assistance of the Confined),
and [seeing] that there was noe other remedie, Wee sent
him, though to our greifes, the said 4000 rupees, which hee
soe dishonourablie and unjustlye extorted from us, to his
reproach, the knowledge and detestation of the whole Cittie,
whoe much feare his future tirannicall Government,
^ The Harl. copy has, " From 2000 they came at last to 4000 rupees,
which were denied."
2 See aiite^ Relation vill., note on p. 79.
1633] TROUBLES AND PASSAGES OF A CAPHILA 30I
Soe that hereby may bee seene how the meanes which
were tooke^ to benefitt our honourable Imployers, by
saveing the Customes of the Caphila by goeing with Backur
Ckhaun, hath proved to their dammage. But I am afraid
there wilbe much more by howseinge the goods in Ahmuda-
vad, beinge that Cammells, Carts servants, etts. were hired
for Suratt and 40 dayes tymes that wee might bee bold on
[certain of them] before the raynes, whereas 20 dayes would
serve our Turnes'-^. However wee had [the Governors of]
Brodra [Baroda] and Barroache [Broach] to freind us upon
all occasions. It was done by order from the President
and Councell in Suratt in their letter the 15th Aprill 1633^
The i^th May 1633. By the Presidents and Councells
order from Suratt, I sett out from Ahmudavad with 18
English that brought upp treasure. Wee carried with us
8 balles of Musters, more 52 Carts belonging to Gunna
[Gana] and Kesoo [Kesu]-*, they alleadginge that they had
better Creditt in Suratt then Ahmudavad, and doubted not
of a Fraight from thence to Brampore [Burhanpur], thereby
to pay what they owed unto the Honourable Companye.
The 2^th May 1633. The said Gunna and Kesoo were
delivered upp into the Presidents and Councells hands as
Debtors to the Companye. There was some trouble in
bringing them downe, but it concerned not mee altogether.
Thus much I thought good to write of the passages of this
Caphila, because I have had noe small trouble, labour and
vexation about it, as you may well perceave by this
Relation.
^ The Harl. copy has, "wee tooke."
2 Mundy seems to mean that transport for Surat was hired before
the arrival of his caravan and that too much time was allowed for
a halt at Ahmadabad.
2 This letter is not extant.
* Kesu died before December 1634, for in a letter of that date to
the Company is mentioned " Nannaby [Nanabhai], sonne to Kissoo
[Kesu] deceased, which was in his tyme your servant also." Factory
Records^ 1634 — 1636, p. 85.
RELATION XVIII.
OF INDIA IN GENERALL AND OF THE MAREENE
ATT SWALLY^
TJie ^th November 1633. Haveinge remained all the
Raines in Suratt, on the day abovesaid arrived 6 English
Shipps, vizt., 3 immediately from England, the Palsgrave,
Captaine Richard Alnutts^ the Discovery, Mr William
Morris^' and the Reformation, Mr Nalbro [Norbury]*. The
^ This is Relation xvi. in the Hart, copy, where the title is —
"Since my arrivall in Surratt to the tyme I tooke my Passage for
England." The Raivl. copy has no separate title beyond the headline,
which is here given as a title.
2 Richard Allnutt had previously commanded the Company's ships
Speedwell (1626 — 1629) and Lo)idon (1630 — 1632). In Jan. 1633 he
was made commander of the fleet bound to Surat and sailed in the
Palsgrave. He returned to England in Oct. 1636, and was subse-
quently charged with ''the wilful casting away" of the Palsgrave by
leaving Plymouth Harbour with " a great storm raging." See Cat.
State Papers, E. I., 1626 — 1634; Court Mi?iutes, 1635 — 1639.
^ William Morris commanded the Company's ship Reformation,
1629 — 1631. In Jan. 1633 he was made Commander of the Discovery
and Vice-Admiral, "and for his good service in the fight at Surat
on shore against the Portugals [in Oct. 163 1] was bestowed upon
Captain Morris 13/. ds. Zd. in plate with the Company's arms engraven
thereon, for which favour he humbly thanked the Court." In April
1634 William Morris died at sea on his return from Persia to Surat.
Cat. State Papers, E. I., 1630 — 1634; Etiglish Factories, 1624 — 1633.
* Nicholas Norbury served the Company from 1623 till 1634. He
had commanded the Eagle and Falcon before he was chosen master
of the Reformation (in Dec. 1632) being "well acquainted with the
several ports and harbours to the southward and coast of Coromandel."
He died at Swally in Nov. 1634 on his return from a voyage to
Sumatra with the pinnace Intelligence. See Cal. State Papers, E. /.,
1622 — 1634; Etiglish Factories, 1634 — 1636.
1633] OF INDIA IX GENERALL 303
Other 3 went [had gone] from Suratt to Mesulopatan
[Masulipatam] and from thence to the Islandes of Comoro,
vizt.^ the Jonah, Captaine John W'eddell (late Commander
of the Charles that was unfortunately burned in Port Swally,
whoe aided the Persians att the takeinge of Ormuz\ the
Mary, Captain James Slade-, and the Hart, Captaine
Richard Swanley^ Theis 3 latter mett att Johanna with
the 3 former. All these together from thence went to
Persia and soe came to Suratt as aforesaid (the Pinnance
Intelligence arriveinge long before), whoe was sent with
advice to them to the Islandes [of Comoro] and brought
newes from them^.
Our Shipps, b\- reason of the extreame Current, wyndes
and fowle weather (which happen in the raynes) not beinge
able to abide or ride it out in the Port of Swally, doe about
the midle of Aprill, leave the place and goe elswhere to
winter, as to Bantam, Mesulipatam, Isles of Comoro, some-
times to IMocca [Alocha] in the Redd Sea, and sometymes
^ See ante^ Relation vi., note on p. 42, for Capt. John Weddell. He
transferred his flag to the Jojias in Jan. 1633, after the disaster to the
Charles, and voyaged to Persia and Masulipatam.
The taking of Ormuz from the Portuguese, at which Weddell's
fleet rendered material assistance to the Khan of Shiraz, occurred in
Jan. — Feb. 1622. Stt E7iglis/i Factories, 1622 — 1623; 1630 — 1633.
^ James Slade was master of the Discovery, 1621 — 1625, and Vice-
Admiral of the Surat fleet and master of the Blessing, 1626 — 1629.
In 1630 he was made commander of the fleet for Persia and India, and
sailed in the Mary in Feb. 1631. In 1632 and 1633 he made voyages
from Surat to Persia and Masulipatam, returning with the Jonas in
time to sail for England in 1634, as appears in the next Relatioti.
In Dec. 1635 Slade undertook another voyage in the Ma?y. He set
out on the 25th March 1636 and died on the 2nd June of "a strong
burning feavour," after ten days' illness. Mundy fell in \nth the Alary
at Johanna two months later and heard the news {Relation xxi.,
fol. 115). See Cat State Papers, E.I., 1617 — 1634 ; English Factories,
1630 — 1636; Court Mi7iutes, 1635 — 1639.
^ See a7ite. Relation iv., note on p. 2, for Richard Swanley. The
Hart sailed for Persia and Masulipatam in 1633 with x}a.& Jonas, Mary
and Dolphin.
* The pinnace Intelligence and her master, John Burley, voyaged
between Surat and the Comoros to meet outward bound ships from
1630 to 1633.
304 OF INDIA IN GENERALL [REL. XVIII
abroad to intercept Portugall vessells comeinge from
Europe.
The I4t/i November 1633. By the Presidents order (the
Worshipful! William Methwold now come in the Pals-
graveY and his Councell, I was appoynted Factor att the
Marreene [? shipping clerk]-, and Mr Fraunces Day^ my
assistant, Soe departed Surat and came to Swally, and
there received on Shoare all Europe goods now come in
the new Fleete, Also shipped in the Maty such Indico
etts. India goods as were heere ready provided for her
ladeing, shee beinge enordered for England ; moreover
Persian goods and passengers in other 4 shipps bound
for Gombroome* ; And this Countrie Comoditie in the
Reforwiation bound with the Pinnance Intelligence for the
Coast of Sumatra to barter for pepper^ which beinge done,
I was permitted (by the President and Councell aforesaid)
my tyme being expired*^, to take my passage in the Mary
1 William Methwold had previously served the Company at Surat
and Bantam from 161 5 to 1623. His tenure of office as President of
Surat lasted from 1633 till 1639. He died in 1653. For a full account
of his career, see Letters Received, v., 124 ;/.
2 At a Consultation held at Surat on the 12th Nov. 1633, "Peter
Mundy, who is bound home in the Mary, his time being expired,
is meanwhile appointed Factor for the Marine." English Factories,
1630— 1633, p. 323.
3 Francis Day was elected a factor in Dec. 1632 and appears to
have come to India in the fleet that sailed in 1633. Mundy's reference
supplies a gap in Francis Day's history. Hitherto the earliest mention
found of him in India is as chief at Armagon in 1634. In 1639 he
obtained a grant of land at Madras on which the Fort St George
factory was erected. In 1640 Day returned to England, but went back
to India in 1641 and was Agent on the Coast of Coromandel from
1643 till 1645 when he came home. He is last mentioned in Jan. 1652.
See Cat. State Papers, 1630 — 1634; Court Minutes, 1640— 1653;
English Factories, 1634 — 1645.
* The Jonas, Palsgrave, Hart and Discovery.
^ Nicholas Norbury, commanding the Reformation, was instructed
not only to trade in Sumatra but "to make prize of Portuguese vessels
and goods." The pinnace Intelligence, John Jones master, was to be
employed in discovering fresh places for trade, and in carrying letters
to Bantam. See English Factories, 1634 — 1637, p. 5.
•' Mundy's time was over expired. His five years' agreement with
the Company had ended in Feb. 1633.
1633] AND OF THE MAREENE ATT SWALLY 305
aforesaid for my native Countrie. But before I part hence
I will enlearge 2 or 3 wordes more of India. Although in
my severall Journies I have touched att many perticulers
of it, I will now speake a litle thereof in generall, and of
this place, the Marreene in perticuler.
Of India : its Inhabitants.
India hath Decan [Dakhan] on the South, Persia and
Tartaria to the Northwards, the gulfe of Bengala, Aracan,
Pegu on the east, and the Ocean sea on the West, as by
the Mapps [Baffin's] appeared
The Inhabitants are Moores [Muham.madans], Hindooes,
Parsees, Hallallcores \Jialdlkhor, low-caste].
Moores are of severall kindes, as Mogolls [Mughal],
Scieds [Sayyid], Patans [Pathan], Sheczaadas [Shekhzada,
Indian Muhammadan convert].
Hindooes of Innummerable Casts, as formerlie is
touched I Theis two are generally all over [the country].
Parsees are only found about Suratt, whoe neither
burie nor burne their dead, but in certaine round, wide,
lowe towers [Towers of Silence] they are laid on their
backs with some Coveringe over them circularwise, be-
gining att the Circumference untill it come round, and
within them another ranck, they lye to putrifie, or to bee
eaten by fowle. There bones are throwne into a deepe
Concavitie like a well, made in the Centure of it^ As per
this figure^, I haveing bine in one of them myselfe. If anye
^ By India, Mundy evidently means Hindustan proper, i.e.^ the
country controlled from Agra and Delhi, including modern Central
India, Rajputana, Kathiawar, Oudh, Panjab, Kashmir, North-west
Frontier Provinces, Sind, Afghanistan and Baluchistan.
^ See Relation viii. p. 94.
^ See Lord, Reli_s;ion of the Persees^ p. 50, for "the place of their
Buriall." See also Herbert, pp. 53 — 54; Mandelslo, p. 76; Ovington,
PP- 370—381.
* See Illustration No. 22.
M. II. 20
306 OF INDIA IN GENERALL [REL. XVIII
by chaunce touch any part of a dead man, as a bone etts.,
hee presentlye rends all his Clothes in peeces and burnes
them, remaineinge as uncleane for 3 dayes, none comeinge
neere him. It is alsoe held a great misfortune if their Fire
should goe out in their hovvse, and procured againe with
a great deale of Ceremonie. Theis people came first out
of Persia [a.d. 717], leaveinge their Countrie because they
would not leave their religion att the Commeing upp of
Mahometisme\ And theis are also those that manure
[cultivate] the Toddy Trees att Saratt, etts.^
Hallalcores \JialdlkJwr , scavenger, sweeper] are a kinde
of base, abject and contemned people or Cast^ most
comonlie put to emptie howses of Office, which goe not
with vault as ours, only in som place are certen high
stepps one by another, on which they sett their feete and
ease themselves, which is by and by carried away by the
Hallalcores, Soe that there is seldome any ill savor in
their howses of office. They are also put to bring upp,
carry aboute and keepe great mens doggs (as uncleane
beasts). They alsoe keepe Swyne and eate of their flesh.
They are putt to Cutt of Condemned Mens heads. They
eat all manner of Carrion, as horses, Cattell, doggs, Catts
that die of themselves, sayeinge other men are cruell in
takeinge away the lives of the Creatures, when as [whereas]
they eat none but those whome God kills. Any man that
touches any of them thincks himselfe polluted, soe vilely
are they accounted. Yett are they in all great mens
howses for the uses aforesaid.
^ For the "coming of the Persees" and "their worshippe of fier,"
see Lord, op. cit., pp. 3, 42 — 45 ; Herbert, p. 52 ; Mandelslo, pp. 74—76 ;
Manucci, ed. Irvine, J. pp. 63 — 64.
^ See Relation v. p. 32 ; see also Mandelslo, p. 74.
^ For contemporary accounts of this scavenger caste, see Th^venot,
Pt. III. p. 68; Tavernier, ed. Ball, ll. 186; Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 82;
Ovington, p. 382.
1633] AND OF THE MAREENE ATT SWALLY 307
Beasts.
Such beasts as are heere, and that wee have alsoe in
England, bee horses, oxen, deere, Sheepe, Goates, hares,
doggs^, ratts, etts. Of the latter there are a sort called
Goosed that are as bigg as a prettie pigg of 10 or 12 dayes
old. Of other sorts there are Eliphants, Rinoseroses,
Cammells of diver sorts, Buffaloes vvilde and Tame, Lyons,
Tigers, Leopards, Munckies, Musk catts [musk deer], Shaw-
goses^ Nilgaues [ni/g-dl'], Roses [rojViy, Antelopps, Wolves,
Jacalls, Foxes, etts.
Fowle.
Of Fowle there bee Geese, Ducks, henns, Pidgeons,
Hawkes, Kites, Crowes, Swallowes, sparrowes ; only att
Agra amonge the Kings Fowle I sawe one of our kinde of
Turkies or Ginny Henns^, and a Parratt with a home on
his head**. Of other kindes in India, the Saroes'', Pellicans,
Paioro [mayilr, peacock], Flumengo, wilde Peacocks, Cranes,
Turtle Doves of severall sorts, Parratts, and many other
both great and small land and water fowle ; Also great
Batts [flying-fox], such as are att Mohillia^, of three
quarters of a yard betwene the poynts of the winges. A
Saros is the biggest flyeing Fowle that I have yett seene,
1 The Harl copy adds " Catts."
2 Ghus, the bandicoot rat {mus baiidicota).
3 Shdhgaus, properly shdhgawaz, a common name in Bengal for
the sambar.
* See Relations Xil. and xvi. pp. 182, 230, for notes on these animals.
^ See Relation vi. p. 60.
^ Mundy probably means a cockatoo brought from the Indian
Archipelago.
'■ Saras, the red-headed or great grey crane {grus atitigone).
* See Relation iv. p. 14. Compare Finch (in Purchas), ed.
Maclehose, iv. 29: "On the trees [at Surat] are infinite number of
those great bats, which wee saw at Saint Augustines, hanging by the
clawes on the boughes making a shrill noise. This fowle the people
say, ingendreth in the eare ; on each wing it hath a hooke, and giveth
the yong sucke."
20 — 2
308 OF INDIA IN GENERALL [REL. XVIII
of a Blewish Ashey Colour, many tymes kept Tame in
great mens Gardens.
The Pellican resembles a Goose in shape of body and
Feete, but twice as bigg, the bill about a Foote longe.
Att the under part hangs a bagg or skinne that holds a
potle of liquor att least. They are good meate, and of
forme as per this Figured
Fishes.
Fishes, there are Mulletts, Prawnes exceeding greate,
and many other sorts. In great Rivers are Aligators or
Crocodills. On the land are sundrey sorts of Snakes,
whereof some with broad Finns on both sides their head
[cobra] ^ carried about to bee seene by those that she we
feats, standinge halfe upright as per this Figured
Amphisbenae.
There are alsoe carried about for the said purpose
others, as bigg as a mans Arme of 7 or 8 foote longe
[either pythons or hamadryads]. Another sort there is,
called Domoh \doinunhd, water snake], to say 2 mouthes,
vulgarly held to have 2 heads*, att each end one, and that
^ See Illustration No. 23.
2 The Harl. copy adds — "others as bigg as the Calfe of a mans
legg and 7 or 8 foote long."
3 See Illustration No. 24. Mundy adds a footnote: "This snake
was about 2 foote in length."
* Here is a marginal note in Mundy's own writing, probably added
when he revised his MS. — "In the Commentaries on Dubartas in
french in page 267 are these words, 'Amphisbenae is as much as to
say as double marcheur or going both waies, a serpent supposed to
have 2 heads but not soe' ; Lucian in his Pharsalia, lib: 9." The work
to which Mundy alludes seems to be Les Oeuvres de G. de Sahiste Sr.
Du Barias, published in Paris in 161 1, and his extract is a free trans-
lation of a passage on p. 269 (not 267) of that edition. The original runs
as follows — "Amphisbene, Ce mot Grec est traduit en Frangois, Double-
marcheur...pource qu'il se roule autant en arriere qu'en avant...ce qui
a fait penser qu'il eust deux testes, ce qui n'est pas. Lucain en a
laissd ce trait en sa Pharsalie au neufieme livre." In the Com-
msntaires et annotations sur la Sepinaine de la Crdation du Mo7ide by
the same author, published in 1583, there are general remarks on
"Amphisbene" but no passage identical with that quoted above.
1633] AND OF THE MAREENE ATT SWALLY 3O9
one halfe of the yeare hee useth one head, and th' other
halfe yere the other. I once found one of them dead in
my way, which seemed to have 2 heads indeede, both
ends being ahke ; but for all I could deserne, it had but
one realP. Here are also Efts and Lizards of severall
kindes-.
Trees.
Trees here are the Lyme, Pomgranat and Figg tree,
as also the vine. About Agra are Cipresse, orenge and
Apple trees. The rest doe all differ, and amongst them
the strangest are the Cocotree and Arbor de Raiz [banyan
tree]^ which are els where described, as in Linschott
[Linschoten], etts.
Fruites.
Fruites heere of the Trees aforementioned, Alsoe
Ananasses [pineapples], (the daintiest), Mangoes, Plan-
taines, beares [d^r]*, Jamboes [ja^udfi, rose-apple plum],
Jacks^, and sundrie others. Also Cowcumbers.
Graine.
Graine heere is wheate, barley and a number of other
sorts ; with which the Comon sort of people live, especially
Rice®.
^ The Harl. copy has — "but for all the triall I could finde but
one realy."
Compare Mandelslo, p. 35: "Snakes and Serpents. ..among the
rest those which from a Greek word are called Amphisbenes and have
two heads, I must confess I never saw any of them." See also Fryer,
ed. Crooke, I. 98 n.
The domunha is greatly feared and respected and it is said that
anyone bitten by it is not susceptible to snake bite thereafter. See
Panjdb Notes atid Queries, I. No. 458; ill. No. 452.
2 The Harl. copy has — "Here is alsoe an Eft or Lizard called Goo
S^goh, iguana, large lizard] of 2 foote longe."
^ See Relation xvi., note on p. 258.
■* See Relation vi., note on p. 48.
^ For this tree and for the history of the word "jack," derived
through Voxt. jaca from Mai. chakka, see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Jack.
^ The last two words are added in Mundy's own writing.
3IO OF INDIA IN GENERALL [REL. XVIII
Hearbes.
Hearbes are Coleworts, Lettice, Mints, Beets, and
sundrie other differinge from ours.
Roots.
Turnipps, Carrotts, Potatoes and other unknovvne
with us.
Flowers.
Roses, Jasmines, French Marygolds, Poppees, and of
other sorts many, especially 2, the one called Kheera^ and
the other Chambelee [chambeliY (I take it) as bigg as a
prettie Tewlipp, have coullor and smell like a wall Jelly
[gilly] flower. Theis growe on Trees as doe many other.
Gummes and druggs an Infinite number, as Spikenard,
Gumlack \^[dkk, lac], etts.
Merchandize.
The Cheife is Indico, First that of Agra, then that of
Ahmudavad ; then Callicoe from Baroche [and], Brodra,
cheifely, and some from other parts ; Saltpeter from Agra
and Ahmudavad ; Spiknard, Gumlack from ditto places ;
Agatte ware from Cambayett [Cambay] by Suratt, where
there is an Hospitall for sicke folke made and kepte by
Bannianes. I say for sicke Fowle by reportte^.
Coyne.
Coyne is of good gold, silver, Copper, etts., vizt. — Of
gold there is only Mohores [inohar'\ or Gunnees [guineas]
and half ones ditto, the whole one worth about 5 nobles
[of 6s. Sd. each] English, somety mes more or lesse. Of Silver
^ Jveora, the sweet-scented pandanus.
^ See Relation vi., note on p. 63.
^ All the 17th century travellers remark on the pinjrapol or animal
hospitals in Gujarat, supported mainly by the Jains. See Fitch (in
Purchas), ed. Maclehose, x. 170; Lord, Discoverie of the Banian
Religioti^ p. 75; Herbert, p. 46; Tavernier, ed. Ball, I. ^-j — 78;
Thevenot, Pt. ill. pp. 11, 13; Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 138;/.; Ovington,
p. 300; Manucci, ed. Irvine, i. 156.
1633] AND OF THE MAREENE ATT SWALLY 3II
there are rupees and half rupees, worth 2s. ^d. a whole
one, there being of severall stampes and some difference
in their valewe, knowne to the Money Chaungers or
Sharaffees [sarrdf^. The Mohore and rupee aforemen-
tioned are Currant all India over. Then there are
Mahmoodees \jnalwiudl, about \s?\ which goe only att
Suratt and thereabouts, hardly att Ahmudavad. Then
of Copper there are pice, being of one weight and Currant
[currency] in all places, and are valewed not att much
more then they are sold or bought to make potts or
Kettles. Sometimes they are 20 to a Mahmoodee\
sometymes more, sometymes lesse. Theis pice are againe
valewed into Almonds about Suratt, where 40 or 50 goe
Currant for i pice. And att Agra they have little shells
called Cowrees, whereof 50 or 60 to a pice accord inge to the
Bazare [rate]'^.
The Soyle.
The Soyle [country], forasmuch as I have scene, is for
the most part plaine ; only heere and there some Hills.
It hath many great rivers, as Ganges, Indus, etts. In tyme
of drought or out of the raynes watringe their graine by
labour of Oxen, draweing it out of Wells. And soe in
hast I have over runne all this Countrie hitherto. Now
2 or 3 words of the Mareene where I am now att present,
and then bidd it and all India farewell for awhile.
The Mareene.
The Mareene of Swally is a place on the strand or
Sand, close to the waterside where the Shipps ride in the
1 Herbert, p. 38, gives 30 pice to a "Mammoody or shilling."
^ Compare Tavernier's table of currency, ed. Ball, I. 413 —
" 50 — £0 cowrie shells = i paisa
35 — 40 bitter almonds = 1 paisa
46 — 56 paisa = I rupee
14 — I4j rupees =1 gold rupee or gold mohur."
312 OF INDIA IN GENERALL [REL. XVIII
porte (or hole)\ where for the tyme there is great doeings,
as landing and ladeing of goods, There being a Factor
Appoynted with an assistant to discharge the place ; Also
a purser of the Mareene for matter of provision, shippes
stores, etts., whoe have their severall Tents, besides the
presidents great tent sett upp to receive him when he
commeth downe about the Companies affaires", which this
yere was left solely to us (though not so much for our
ease). Before it is erected the English Coullours or Redd
Crosse on a Waste [field], etts.^ Heere are alsoe 50 or 60
Souldiers with a Captaine of the Guarde, livetennant,
Corporalls, etts. to secure the place from Portugalls etts.
enemies. Theis have also Tents, vizt., The Captaine of
the Guard by himselfe and the Court of guarde [coj'ps de
garde] for all the rest. Heere are also the Coopers, Saile-
makers, etts., with severall Tents belonging to each shipp,
where they trimme [put in order] their Caske^ mend
sailes, drye powder etts. shipps busines. Heere is a great
Bazare, made by Banianes, of Bambooes, Reed, etts.,
where all manner of Necessaries and Comodities are to
bee had'^ Alsoe provision, especially Toddy, which findes
^ Compare Mandelslo, p. 23 : "The Haven of Suratta is two Leagues
from the City, at the Village of Suhally... There, ships are unladen of
their commodities, which are brought thence to Suratta by land."
2 Richard Boothby gives an account (in 1629) of President Wylde's
arrival at Swally to superintend the lading of ships for England and
Persia "sittinge in his Tente in a Chaire and many Moores and
Persians bussie about him." Factory Records^ Misc. XI. 9. See also
Fryer, ed. Crooke, I. 211.
^ St George's cross, red on a white field. Compare Fryer, ed.
Crooke, I. 218: "The present Deputy [at Surat] has only Forty Moor-
men, and a Flag-man carrying St George his Colours Swallow-tailed
in Silk, fastned to a Silver Partisan."
'' An obsolete collective form of cask.
° See Herbert, pp. y; — 38 for a description of the "booths" of the
"Bannians" at Swally and the commodities sold in them. When
Mundy revisited Swally in Jan. 1656, he found several alterations, the
President's tent moved to a "rising ground," the "Bazar rebuilt" and
"many other new buildings." Rawl. MS. A. 315, fol. 226.
1633] AND OF THE MAREENE ATT SWALLY 313
Currant and quick dispatch. The said Bazare (as soone
as the shipps make way to be gon) is sett on fire.
When they [the ships] are enordered for Persia, Then
come downe the Moores [Muhammadans] goods and their
owners, whoe have each their several! Tent according to
his qualHtie, where they remaine untill their goods are
shipped off, soe that it resembles a good Campe for
Souldiers, munition [provisions], tents, people, etts., And
great Mart for the aboundance of Rich goods all over the
Mareene. It is a place of great Trouble, care and
vexation for the while, as I my selfe proved by ex-
perience, and could demonstrate, haveinge soe many
shipps to unlade, relade, to receive from one and con-
signe to another, all in hast, one upon the neck of an
other. And soe I end my peregrination in this Countrie.
From the tyme of my landinge here in this place from
England, on the 29th of September 1628, untill the tyme
of my leaveinge this place and goeinge aboard, on the 29th
January 1633 [1634], is 5 yeres, 4 monethes just [exactly]
that I have lived in India. Giveing God most humble
thancks for my preservation soe longe in a strange
Countrie and in soe daungerous a tyme, I end.
The 2gtk January 1633 [1634]. I went aboard the
Mary'', bound by Gods grace for England.
The T)Oth January 1634. This day the Shipps as-
sayed to putt forth, but came to Anchor againe^. Theis
1 The Mary, a "new great ship" in 1626, was employed by the
Company for 22 years. She was named by Queen Henrietta Maria
who "had lately been at Blackwall." From Oct. 1626, when she was
launched, until June 1648, when the Court ordered her to be sold,
she made seven voyages from England, four times to Surat (and
thence to Persia, Bantam and Masulipatam) and three times direct to
Bantam. In her third voyage she was absent from England for nearly
four years. She had four commanders, John Hall, James Slade,
William Bayley and William Minors. She was twice repaired and
was probably sold because unfit for further voyages. See Cal. State
Papers, E. /., 1624 — 1634; Court Minutes, 1635 — 1649; English
Factories, 1624 — 1645.
2 President Methwold came from Surat to Swally to dispatch the
314 OF INDIA AND THE MAREENE ETTS. [REL. XVIII
2 dayes I cleired with all men, vizt., with Factors of Suratt
and the Pursers of all the Shipps, etts.
The iitJi January 1634. The Fleete' went forth and
Anchored without the Barre of Swally.
ships and held consultations aboard the Palsgrave on the 30th and
31st Jan. 1634. On the latter day commissions and instructions for
the voyages to Persia, England and Sumatra were issued to Captains
Weddell, Slade and Norbury. See English Factories, 1634 — 1637,
PP- 3-5-
^ For the constitution of the fleet, see infra. Relation xix.
RELATION XIXi.
A JOURNALL OF A VOYAGE FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND
IN THE SHIPP ROYALL MARY'\ COMMANDER CAPTAIN
JAMES SLADE^ WHEREIN' WENT HOME MR JOHN
NORRIS CAPE MERCHANT^ MR HENRY GLAS-
COCK-^ MR THOMAS WILBRAHAM^ AND
MY SELFE, PETER MUNDY. GOD
PROSPER ITT.
The 1st February 1633/4^ Wee [wayed]*^ from the outer
road of Swally (haveing first sett the Presidents [Meth-
wold] etts. on shoare), in company of \hQ Jonah, Palsgrave,
Hart, Discovery, bound for Gombroone in the Persian Gulfe,
and the Reformation with the Pinnace Intelligence bound
for the west Coast of Sumatra ^
^ This is Relatioji xvii. in the Harl. copy.
^ There is no log extant of the Alary s homeward voyage in 1634.
^ See Relation xvni., note on p. 303.
* See Relatio7i v., note on p. 23.
° See Relation vi., note on p. 69.
^ See Relation xvi., note on p. 267.
'^ Mundy's abstract of the ship's log, similar to that given by him
for the outward voyage in the Expedition, has not been copied. His
remarks for February 1634 follow February's log and are headed,
"More observations on the foregoinge moneth."
8 This word has been taken from the Harl. copy. The Rawl. MS.
has "stayed."
9 Philip Lucas, writing to the Dutch East India Company on
20 June 1634 {Hague Tratisci'ipts, No. cccxviii.), remarks of this
fleet — "At our departure from Surat [28 Jan. 1634] the English vessels
3l6 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
The 2nd Febi'iiary 1633/4. There came to us 3 Malla-
barre Frigotts of 6 that had layen many dayes about the
hole to have spoken with us. The Captaine of that
Fleete came with his vessel 1 aboard the Mary, where
were all the English Commaunders, betwene whome there
was a kinde of Contract made, That our shipps might goe
for Batacala [Bhatkal] to lade Pepper, writeing to their
Kinge or Naigue \iidyak'\ to that purpose. In the meane
tyme they putt aboard of us 3 1 baggs of pepper weighinge
about I cwt. each and wee gave him i small brasse peece
found by our people in a Frigott that was fired and driven
ashoare by old Swally by the Dutch, belonging to the
Portugalls^
This Mallabarre Frigott had 2 teire of Oares, one
above an other of each side-, and might have neere 180
men in all.
in the roads of Suhali were the Palsgrave^ the Jonas, the Mary, the
Hai't, the Reformation, the Discovery and a small yacht. The Mary
was bound for England and the remaining vessels would soon leave
for Persia. They had no cargo worth speaking of and would princi-
pally make the voyage for the conveyance of Moorish merchants and
their goods."
1 Here is a marginal note — " A Mallabar Frigott came aborde of us "
and an addition in Mundy's own writing, "Babaraut, an arche pyratt."
The six Malabar frigates appear to be the same that had attacked
a Surat junk returning from Persia on the 19th Jan. as recorded by
Richard Forder of the Discovery. He also notes, on the 2nd Feb.,
that "pepper was obtained from some Malabar frigates in exchange
for a brass gun." English Factories, 1634 — 1636, p. 9. There is no
other account of the agreement made with the English on behalf of the
Nayak of Bhatkal on the coast of Canara. The skirmish between the
Dutch and Portuguese took place on the 21st Dec. 1633, when the
"Dutch took two ships and burnt a third, while the English captured
a country boat." English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 322.
As regards Babaraut (Baba Rawat), the term "arche pyratt"
seems a little too strong, for he was evidently quite as ready to trade
as to make reprisals. If he is the same individual as "Bardaratt"
who was living near Calicut in 1638 {English Facto?'ies, 1637 — 1641,
p. 85), then the friendly relations begun in 1634 had been maintained,
for an application was made to him to negotiate the ransom of the
crew of the Comfort who had been seized by Malabar pirates.
Mundy again alludes to the contract with the Nayak of Bhatkal when
he visited that place in Feb. 1637 {Relatioft XXII.).
'•^ See Illustration No. 25.
1634] IN THE ROYALL MARY 317
Att their goeing away wee gave them 3 peeces of
ordinance and they answered us with 8 or 9 small peeces
from their Frigotts.
This night wee parted with the 4 shipps bound for Persia.
The ■}^rd February 1633/4. Wee parted from the Refor-
mation and Pinnace \Intelligence\ Longitude from St
Johns ^
Tryeing of the Currant.
From the i6th to the 26th a Currantt that did sitt
W. N. W. 125 leagues, and hindred us in our way about
60 leagues, haveing tryed the Currant sundrie tymes with
our Jolly boate in this manner. They veere out about
150 or 200 fathom of lyne, whereto is a good heavie lead
or two, fastned soe that the boate rydes by it, although
the lead bee not nighe the ground, and the water runns
by the boate side, which they computate by a litle logg.
It may bee demaunded how the boate can ride when the
Tackling comes not to ground. It is answered that the
Currant runns much swifter alofte then it doth belowe, and
the Deeper the lesse, soe they finde the difference by the
Lead; Although there is alwaies supposed to bee more
Currant then they see, by reason of that litle that may bee
beneathl The Longitude accompted from St Johns and
from the 25th South Latitude.
TJie 21 st February 1633/4. Wee sawe 2 saile, which
by all likelyhood were Portugalls Carracks^ bound home.
They att length steered a more westerly Course and soe
wee parted, haveinge noe great minde to speake with one
another.
In this moneth the shipp hath runne Miles 1676.
1 A sailor's name for .Sanjan in Thana District, about 66 miles
south of Surat. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Saint John's.
2 Compare Thevenot's account of "An Invention for Reckoning
the Ships way." Part 11., Book iv. p. 190.
^ A Portuguese vessel, generally of very large tonnage. See
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Carrack.
3l8 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
MarcJi 1633/4^ The 22 Currant wee passed neere the
Island called Mauritius ; And then it was deliberated
whether it were best to put in there or not. But findeinge
most part of the men unwillinge, wee steered away our
course for the Cape of Good Hope, there to water,
which they might have done heere with greater ease and
shorter tyme, with assurance of plentie and varietie of
refreshinge for the takeing, of which att the Cape there
is a doubte.
The Island Mauritius.
The Island of Mauritius was soe called by the Hol-
landers when they first found it [1698], in memoriall of
their Prince [Maurice of Nassau, 1567 — 1625], but it was
longe before discovered by the Portugalls [1505], who
sett Cattle thereon to encrease for their supply and re-
freshinge, as they should come from the East Indies.
Some part of it is high land, the rest Champion [cham-
paign, plain]. Great store of goates, hoggs and some
Bullocks. Dodoes, a strange kinde of a fowle, twice as
bigg as a Goose, that can neither flye nor swymm, beinge
Cloven footed ; a wonder how it should come thither, there
being none such in any part of the world yett to be founds
I saw two of them in Suratt howse that were brought from
thence. Also a Fowle called Mauritius henns, of whome
haveing once taken one, all the rest att the Cry of it will
soe come about you that you may take them alive with
your hands^ ; Great store of verie great Tortoises, which
are excellent meate, as are there Eggs. There are wild
1 These remarks follow the log for March and are headed — "Other
Observations, vist."
2 Mauritius, in common with the other Mascarene Islands, was the
home of the dodo (didus ineptiis). Mundy has a further description
of this extinct bird in Relatioji xxvni.
^ Mundy has a detailed description and an illustration of this now
extinct bird in Relation xxvin.
1634] IN THE ROYALL MARY 319
Ducks, Geese, etts. Fowle; Fish, aboundance; good water;
alsoe Wyne of the [date] Palme tree, by Cutting a hole in
the body of the Tree soe that it may hold something,
which is presently [immediately] filled by the liquor that
issues out of the tree. There are also Lemmon Trees, and
(some say) also Cokotrees [coconut-trees].
In conclusion, it is a daintie Island of good refreshing
for homeward bound shipps, and (in my opinion of an
Island not Inhabited) it is the best provided for mans use
of any other under the Sunne hitherto found out. Thus
much by relation of others, it being now yerely frequented
by us and the Dutch homeward bound. There is also
great store of Ebony that grows there^
The 2?,th March 1633/4. Lay a try [with bows to the
sea] turning to windward.
In all this moneth the shipp hath runne Miles 1900.
The ^th Aprill 1634. Wee buried one of our quarter
Masters in the Sea.
The i6th Aprill 1634. Wee sawe 2 shipps in the
morninge, whoe made after us untill they made our
Coulours, and then Tackt away to the Northward. Wee
conceived them to be Hollanders.
The \Wt — -^oth Aprill 1634. From the i8th to the last
much fowle weather, Calmes and contrary Windes, haveing
sundrie tymes layen a trye, which is only with our Maine
Course [m.ainsail] and Mizzen abroad, the helme made fast
a Lee. This is in case of much Wynde contrarie, for the
ease of the shipp in a great deepe head Sea.
In all this moneth the shipp hath runne Miles 1766.
The p'd May 1634. Wee had ground in 55 Fathome
and untill the 8th contrarie and variable Windes, haveinge
grounde every daie.
1 Mundy visited Mauritius in 1638 and describes the island more
fully in Relation XXVIII.
320 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
The ^tJi May 1634. Wee sawe land but made it not.
The ?>th May 1634. There were store of faire great
Breames taken with Hookas.
The \oth May 1634. Wee had noe ground in 200
Fathome, by which they conceved to have doubled Cape
d'AghuUas [Agulhas].
The iT)th May 1634. This day wee Anchored in
Saldania [Saldanha, really Table] Bay\
The 22nd May 1634. Wee sett saile from Saldania and
passed betwene the Maine and Penguin [now Robben]
Island, where is from 8 to 19 Fathome of water.
The 2ird May 1634. One of our Men fell overboard
and was drowned, and noe possibillitie of saveing him, for
that hee sunck downe right and never rose more, while wee
were all att Eveninge prayer. The Longitude accompted
from the Cape of Good Hope.
In this moneth the Shipp hath runne... Miles 1136I
The Cape of Bona Esperanza or Good Hope.
El Cabo de Bona Esperanza or the Cape of Good
Hope is that most famous and great Promontory of Africa
that stretcheth it selfe soe farr to the South in the Ocean
Sea, by which now is the passage to Persia, East India,
South Sea [Indian Archipelago], Moluccaes, China, Japan,
etts. Itt was soe named by the Portugalls att their first
findeinge of it, after they had Coasted all the west part
of Africa till they came hither, where they found the Land
to trend about, soe had good hope to finde the passage
to East India, which they had soe longe laboured to finde,
to their extreme cost, hazard, and losse of men. The
Land in generall is high, but the Cape it selfe is a small
Rocke or Island, the outermost of two that stand offe of a
round poynte.
1 See Relation iv., note on p. 12.
- According to Mundy's own figures, the number of miles is 1130.
1634] IN THE ROY ALL MARY 32 1
Saldania Bay, rather Table Bay.
The Bay of Saldania is that roade where usuallye
shipps both out and home put in for water etts. refreshing^
to be had in former tyme, vizt., beefe, sheepe, etts., [in
exchange] for Iron hoopes, peeces of Copper etts., but now
not to bee procured by all, except what the land it selfe
afifoards, as very good Water, 3 leav'd grasse (a kinde of
Sorrell as wee have in England), Muscles and fish [lobsters,
limpotts, Perriwinckles]^, (if they have meanes to Catch
them), Also Fowle for the Killinge. Beasts and Cattle
wee sawe none, but likelyhood of some to have bene
there, findeing the Dunge of Eliphants, Kine, deere, etts.
porcupines also, there being one of their holes with store
of their quills about it. There have bine Lyons often
scene heere, but wee mett with none, nor any fish att all
(except Muscles). On the Shoare great bones of Whales
which usually frequents the Bay, and a number of Scales.
Fowles there are of sundry sorts, as Estridges [ostriches]
which have bene scene by some, and their Eggs by many
brought to truck, a good meate.
Heere are also Pellicans, Geese, Ducks, Kites, Crowes
and other small birds, of which there is one that hangeth
his nest on a Sprigg over the water like to those in Indian
Also many severall sorts of sweete herbes, some knowne
to us, as Tansey, Cammomile, etts.
People att the Cape.
The People here are in CouUour swart like those in
India or Mulatoes in Spaine. The Men have verye litle
* For contemporary descriptions of "Saldania," "Saldaigne,"
Saldanha (Table) Bay, see Pyrard, ed. Gray, I. 13; Herbert, p. 13;
Dellon (supplement), p. 16.
2 These additional words are found in the margin.
^ One of the African species of weaver-bird. See Relation v.
p. 37, for Mundy's account of a nest he saw at Surat.
M. II. 21
322 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
or noe beards, being also without any Religion, Lawe,
Arte or Civility that wee could see. It beinge now neere
midwinter heere, each of them had a kinde of Cloake or
Mantle, made comonly of Seales Skinns or other, sowed
together. Some have close Capps of the same, Also
Shooes which have only the Soles, from which come two
stringes, one over their Toes, and the other over their
heeles. This mantle, when they goe abroad, they cast
over their heads and shoulders, which reacheth downe to
their Buttocks^. There Armes are Bowes, arrowes and
Darts, each of them carryeing a Bagg made of a whole
Skinn stripped off, as of a litle Calfe, deere, Scale, etts.
wherein they carry what they have, as their sticks, where-
with they kindle fire, their shooes, peeces of rawe meate,
Gutts or anything els they make accompt of^. They
rubb the end of one of the said Sticks into a hole
made in the other, and soe kindle fire when they list.
This they did before us. Before their privities they
hang a peece of skinn, as broad and as longe as a mans
hand, with the Furr upper most. This hangeth loose over
like a Penthowse. They have but one stone each ; the
other is broken when they are litle Children ; the reason
wee could not learne. Theis that are hereabouts (by
reporte) are of a baser Sort and live in feare of others
called Saldania men, whoe are further in the Land. They
eate the skinns of beasts or fowle, only sindgeing the haire
and feathers a litle, halfe scortched. Also the Intralls,
small gutts and garbage, excrament and all, only quarter
broiled or warmed in the fire. Att our Anchoringe, 4 or 5
came aboard in the first boates, unto whome our Captaine
^ Here is a marginal note — "With this they cover themselves when
they sleepe."
'^ For other seventeenth century descriptions of the inhabitants of
the Cape, see Pyrard, ed. Gray, i. 38; Jourdain, ed. Foster, pp. i3ff.;
Roe, ed. Foster, pp. 11 — 12; Herbeit, pp. 16 — 17; Dcllon (supple-
ment), p. 14; Tavernier, ed. Ball, ll. 392 — 395 ; Ovington, pp. 489 ff.
1634] IN THE ROYALL MARY 323
cawsed to bee given bread, Rice, Racke ]^arak, spirit], etts,
from the great Cabbin. They went to the Cooke roome
and there they fell fowle of the Tallowe Table, wherewith
haveing first filled their bellies, they rubb their bodies and
Skinn Coverings, and some they carried away in Trombes
[tromba marind\ to serve their Turne att other tymes,
Trombes are a great hollow weede, groweinge on the
Seashore \
Neere the Roade are 4 notable places, vizt., the Table,
the Sugar loafe, Charles Mount and James Mounte.
The Table.
The Table is a verie highe mountaine, soe called
because it is levell att the topp ; most part is as a per-
pendicular rockel The height of it was taken by Mr
Thomas Barlowe^ with an instrument and found to bee
660 Geometricall paces or 3,300 foote [actually 3585 ft.]
from the Topp downe right to the superficies, plummett
wise, att 3 mile distance from the Tent sett upp for sick
men close by the waterside, betwene which and the hill
is a pleasant and firtle valley with sundrie prettie Rivers
in it.
^ See Relation iv., note on p. 7.
2 See Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 17 and Herbert, p. 14, for remarks
on Table Mountain.
^ Thomas Barlow sailed to Surat in the Mary, in 163 1, as secretary
to William Fielding, Earl of Denbigh, the first nobleman to make a
pleasure trip to India. The Earl returned to England in the James,
in Jan. 1633, but Barlow, who had been left by his patron at Gom-
broon "upon some difference between them" and had subsequently
found his way back to Surat, was appointed fourth in the Exchange
bound to Sumatra and thence to England. He, however, seems to
have returned to Surat by another ship in time to sail for England in
the Mary (see English Factories, ib^p — 1633). Mundy again alludes
to his fellow passenger in Relation XX. After Barlow's return to
England, the Court decided, in Sept. 1634, that since he was "a proper
gentleman," and "an excellent mathematician, the chief cause of his
travels being for the bettering of his knowledge in that art," he should
have "his passage and diet given him freely, not having used private
trade." Cal. State Papers, E. I., 1630 — 1634, Nos. 606, 608.
324 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
My selfe and two others went upp by a great openinge
and division which the Hill makes [the " Gorge"], betwene
being like a valley, but wondrous steeple, the rocks on
each side upright like monstrous walls, from whome there
is continuall distillinge Water. Wee were faine to pull
and help our selves upp by the rushes and longe grasse,
and had some raine mingled with Snowe att our goeinge
upp. Wee found it aloft like a plaine downe, many
greate flatt stones lyeing levell with the earth. It beinge
somewhat late, wee had not time to take a perticuler view
of iV, only in my opinion the levell alofte may bee about
a mile longe [really about two miles], a quarter broad in
some places where are deere sometymes to bee seene. Soe
haveinge left a Token of our being there (3 stones erected),
wee returned, and halfway found the rest of our Company ^
whoe stayed for us, and because it was dark, or (as some
said) to drive away Lyons etts. wilde beasts, had made
a mightie fire. Soe wee altogether returned towards the
Tent. In one of the Ryoletts [rivulets]^ that wee passed
was a huge smooth declineing [sunken] Rocke, over which
the water glided, waxed*, retorted [turned backward] and
purled, verie pleasant to see too. Wee went out about
I a Clock and returned by 8 att night. This hill is never
uncovered with Clowds but in verie faire weather, Soe
that it is an infallible rule That when the Table is
Covered, their succeedes dirt and raine, and contrary-
wise, when it is uncovered. I have bine the more learger,
because this hill is much nominated [frequently mentioned]
by Seamen.
^ Here is a marginal note — "There came a cloud towards and
enclosed us. Wee being as it were in a great mist ; it passed quickly
away, leaving us a little wett."
2 Here is a note in Mundy's own writing — "Wee sett out in all
about 13 or 14."
3 This spelling is unusual and there is no instance of it in the
O. E. D.
•* The Harl. copy has "glided and waned."
1634] IN THE ROY ALL MARY 325
The Sugar Loafe.
Next is the Sugar loafe, because in forme it resembles
one. Att the Topp I found sundrie Tokens of EngHsh-
men, as Thomas Lukins engraven on a stone, S. W. 1630,
etts.i On the Topp it is not a Coyts [quoits] Cast longe
and a [quarter] soe broad, verie upright, haveing somewhat
to doe to gett upp, my Company staying behinde. This is
alsoe a noted place and about three quarters soe high as
the Table ^.
Charles Mount,
Then there is Charles Mount, another hill to the S.E.
of the Roade, haveing in it huge Rocks, whose veines lye
in such manner That from afarr it resembles a Fortresse,
only it ends in a poynt. Heere wee could not see any
signe of people. It is about three quarters as high as
the Sugar loaffe [3315 ft.]. Of the nature of this Rock
or mount, there are 11 or 12 just under the Table, which
appeare like so many Supporters^ and as though placed
and done by Arte.
James Mount.
Last of all James Mount, consistinge of twoe riseinges,
beinge a round and more leasurely ascendinge hill then
the rest. hXX. the first riseinge is a great heape of stones
put together by the English Comaunders att the nameing
of it^ and others both then and since. This may bee
^ I cannot identify these individuals.
2 Mundy is describing the Lion's Head, one of the two wings of the
front of Table Mountain. Its height is 2160 ft. It resembles a dome
placed on a conical hill. Herbert, p. 14, speaks of "Herberts mount,
a Piramid adjoyning [the Table] like the Sugar loafe, another hill
so named."
3 In the margin Mundy has added " Buttresses."
* "Charles Mount" and "James Mount" represent the Devil's Peak
and the Lion's Rump or Signal Hill. Herbert, p. 16, says that they
were so named, in honour of the English sovereign and his son, by Cap-
tain Humphrey Fitzherbert. In June 1620, Fitzherbert, Captain of the
326 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
three quarters as high as Charles Mount, rather lesse
[about 1700 ft.].
Now because theis places are often spoken of in theis
voyages, I have sett downe the prospect of them from the
Shipp as neere as I can remember in the figure on the
other side^, vizi.,
[Mundy's description of Illustration No. 26.]
A. The Topp of the great hill called the Table.
B. The goeing upp thereto betwene a monstrous Clefte or
openinge.
C. A prettie brooke which cometh from the said openinge
and runneth by the Tent.
D. The Tent where the sicke men ly ashoare.
E. James his Mounte.
F. The Sugar loafe.
G. The Valley or plaine under the Hill.
H. Charles his Mounte, being certaine Rocks on the Topp
of a Hill resemblinge a Castle afarr off.
I. The place where our shipp rode, called Table bay and
by some Saldania Bay.
K. The Buttresses or supporters under the Table beinge
of the Nature of Charles his Mounte, seemeing
artificiall.
The distances and heights not heere to be regarded,
it beinge only a superficiall prospect thereof expressed
as aforesaid.
Royal Exchans^e., and Andrew Shilling, Captain of the Royal Anne
landed at the Cape and left letters there. See Cal. State Papers, E. /.,
1618 — 1621. The two peaks did not long retain their English designa-
tion. Mundy is mistaken with regard to the height of the Devil's
Peak which is higher than the Lion's Head.
' See Illustration No. 26.
facing p. 326
^ ''<dl
&^J
00
6
' ,.>::^>'-^vv.
Hakhiyt Society^
{^Series II, Vol. 35.
1634] IN THE ROYALL MARY 327
Penguin Island.
Att our comeing into the Roade wee saw fire on
Penguin Island \ but untill wee were ready to sett saile,
wee had neither wynde nor weather to goe thither. Upon
our departure the roade, wee left letters of advice on the
Shoare in the Bay, and in the Shallopp were sent the
Coppies of them to the said Island, where went the Master
and my selfe. There wee found Hadda, one of theis
Countrie people, whorae Captaine Pynne^ had carried with
him into Bantam and brought againe hither. Hee spake
a litle English and delivered upp letters that Captaine
Pynn att his departure left with him. Those letters wee
kept and lefte ours with him, adding a Post script of the
Contents of those wee carried away. This Island lyeth
open with the Road and may conteyne miles in
length and in breadth I
Heere the said Hadda Hveth with all his kindred and
Allies, in number about 60 persons, men, weomen and
Children. Of the latter there were some soe welfavoured
as it could not bee expected in such a place. They came
all about us, verie merrilye rejoyceinge att our Comeinge,
better apparelled then those on the Maine, though after
the same manner, Hadda excepted; whoe that day came
in English habitt from head to foote. There were hard by
us 7 litle Cottages in a Ranck. Hee would have had us
to have gon to them to see them, Alsoe Cowes, Piggs,
Henns and Chickins given him by Captaine Pynne, which
hee bringeth upp, they multiplyeinge, but wee had not
leasure, seing our Shipp comeing under sayle. The said
1 For Penguin, i.e. Robben or Seal Island, see Jourdain, ed.
Foster, pp. 15—16; Herbert, p. 13.
2 Captain John Pynn, master of the London^ sailed to Bantam in
March 1629 and returned to England in Sept. 1630. See English
Factories., 1624— 1633; Cal. State Papers., E.I., 1624 — 1634.
3 There are blanks in the MS. The island is six miles in
circumference.
328 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
Hadda is Cheife of all that dwell there and Governour of
the Island, there being none to molest him, for those of the
Maine have not the use of any sort of Boate. They live
on Scales and Penguins of whom .there are aboundance on
th' other side of the Island.
Penguins.
Penguins is a kinde of Fowle that cannot flye att all,
haveing resemblance of Wyngs which hang downe like
sleeves, with which, as with Finns, hee swimmeth exceeding
swifte. They live on Fish. Hee breedeth on the land,
makeing his Neste in holes under low bushes and shrubbs.
They are easily taken, not being able to flye nor runne,
only bite a litle to noe purpose, bodied like a Ducke but
much bigger, head and bill like a Gull, malkinge [? walk-
inge] and goeinge almost upright, blacke on the Back, white
under the belly, which cometh to their head round over
their Eyes with a stroake that Thwarts [crosses] over their
breaste, as per this figured They taste somewhat fishey.
I am also somewhat the learger on this Fowle, because
theis are much spoken of, and seemeing verie strange to
mee-. Of theis wee tooke with our hands as manie as wee
listed and brought them aboard. And see haveinge given
Hadda some bread, Racke \^arak, spirit] and Iron Hoopes,
wee left him to the Government of his Island and came
Awaye.
The loth June 1634. St Helena scene.
The nth Currant \^June 1634] wee anchored in St
Helena, \ mile from the shoare, betwene Chappell Valley
and Lemman Valley, in 20 fathome. Close under the
Hills.
1 See Illustration No. 27.
^ Mundy's careful description of the penguin is as accurate as might
be expected from so acute an observer. Herbert (p. 13) has some
very quaint remarks on this bird and adds that their flesh is ''unsapory
and offensive." See also Roe, ed. Foster, p. 12.
1634] IN THE ROYALL MARY 329
The 27th \_June 1634] wee saw Ascention and put by it.
From hence the Longitude is accompted\
St Helena.
St Helena is an Island in the Ocean, soe called by the
Portugalls, being found on St Hellens dayl I conceive
it to bee the farthest from any other Land then any other
Island or part of the World beside, the nearest being
Ascention, which is about 210 leagues [680 miles] distance.
It is verie rockey, hilly and steeple towards the waterside,
for the most part makeing sundrey partitions or vallies,
which have each or most of them a litle brooke or Rillett
of Fresh water. Amongst the rest is Chappell Vallie and
Lemmon valley, the first soe called by reason of a Chappell
built there by the Portugalls long time [ago] now almost
ruinated^ Besides there are the walls of about 40 or 50
dwellings built also by them, Att such tyme as one of their
Carracks (there being 3 in Company) proved Leakie and
not able to proceed was heere hailed ashoare and her
goods landed, where they remained till other shipps from
Portugall came and brought all away, dwelling heere in
the meane tyme and fortefieing themselves against Eng-
lish, Dutch, or any other that should offer to molest them.
Many of the Ribbs of the Carrick were yett to bee seene
and aboundance of Iron worke all over the Strond^ This
1 In the tabular log this entry is scored through. Previous entries
are — "10 [June]. St Hellena seene. 11 [June]. Anchored there. 16
[June]. Our departure thence. 17 June. Longitude from thence."
2 St Helena was discovered by the Portuguese navigator Joao de
Nova on the 21st May 1502.
3 Mundy paid a second visit to St Helena in Oct. 1638 and then
found the chapel "new repaired." He has a further description of
the island in Relation xxx. See also Pyrard, ed. Gray, li. 296 — 302.
* I have discovered no other record of this enforced temporary
Portuguese settlement on St Helena. The stranding of the vessel
probably occurred after 15 17 when Fernandez Lopez, the first inhabit-
ant, left the island, and before 1588 when Captain Cavendish anchored
off Chapel Valley and found a few good buildings and a Roman
Catholic Church in existence. See Jackson, St Helena, p. 10.
330 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
[Chapel, now James] valley I conceive is the leargest and
best in all the Island, att least wise that wee have seene.
Then there is Lemmon Valley (because it leadeth to the
place where Lemmon trees are) and divers others. Each
of them will bring you upp alofte where is a verie fine
molde [mole] of Earth, although mountainous up Hill and
downe Hill, yett neither steepie nor Craggy, excepting
neere the Sea as aforesaid. It is in length about 8 miles
and in breadth 4 or 5\ abounding in Goates, of whome
you may see many flocks of great numbers every Footed
Also aboundance of Hoggs^, store of litle speckled ginney
Henns, partridges and Pigeons, all theis conceived to bee
left heere by the Portugalls to encrease for their supplye
of refreshing homewards from India, but have nowe
forsaken it, being driven hence by us and the Dutch.
Heere are also doggs and Catts (runne away), of whome
our Companie killed divers. There may bee about 40
Lemmon Trees, vizt. about 20 in Lemmon Valley, planted
on both sides of a litle brooke and in severall places 2,
3 and 4 together. They taste betwene a Lemmon and
a sweete Orenge.
The Island is verie pleasant to see to, alofte in some
places faire woods of small Trees with straight stemms
and broad bushey spreading Topps^ and in other places
of other sorts ; fine round, smooth hills with excellent
grasse ; many thicketts of Feme, etts. runninge water in
the bottomes [hollows] etts. and groves of trees. There
are 2 or 3 places of reasonable plaine ground, as att
1 The actual extent of St Helena is ten and a half miles in length
and six and three quarters in breadth.
2 In May 1656, when Mundy paid his third visit to St Helena, he
found no goats but many more dogs. To the increase of the latter he
ascribed the extermination of the former. Relation XXXVi. fol. 230.
■' In RelytioJi XXX. Mundy remarks of the hogs, "their flesh savour-
ing of fish."
* IVobably the dwarf ebony.
1634] IN THE ROY ALL MARY 33 I
Lemmon vallie\ and another as you come from thence
directly towards the Shipp. In fine, a most excellent
place for increase of Cattle. The w^eather that wee had
heere was sunshine and raine 6 or 7 tymes a daye enter-
changeablie, which is some reason of the Firtilitie of the
Island.
The Sea shore affoards store of sundrie sorts of Fish
as Congers (speckled, and differinge from our[s] somewhat
in forme)-^, Breame, Rockfish [or wrasse], Mackrell, Scadds
[scad or horse mackerel], and another as greene as a
Parratt^, Lobsters or [and] longe Oysters^. Of each of
theis were taken, some more, some lesse. There was also
a Toadfish taken, in forme like a grey Gurnard, only when
they hailed him upp hee became as round as a greate
foote ball, it haveing a great skinn under his belly from
head to Taile which hee filleth with water and emptieth as
hee lists'' as per this figure**.
Myselfe (in a litle Cove hard by Chappell Valley)
found a flyeing fish and brought it aboard. There was
none in the Shipp that ever sawe a bigger. It was be-
twene 18 and 19 inches longe and weighed 26 ounces
good. It hath the forme of a mackrell att first sight, but
it had the head, mouth, back, scales and coulour of a
Mullett, with great Eyes, and the lower part of the Finne
of his tayle much longer then the upper. It had 4 wyngs,
1 On the north-west of the island.
2 Off the coast of St Helena are found white, red, speckled, and
green conger-eels.
3 Two kinds of green fish frequent the coast of St Helena. The
green wrasse {Jabrus viridis) may be meant.
* Mundy's list is here a little confused. He seems to mean lobsters,
z'.i?., the cray-fish known as Longlegs and Stumps (which resembles the
lobster), and rock oysters.
^ The name toadfish is applied to several distinct fishes. The fish
described by Mundy appears to be one of the species of globe-fishes or
puffers {telraodontidae), probably the tetraodon hispidiis.
" See Illustration No. 28.
332 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
2 great and 2 small, the 2 great reached from ^ inch of his
gills to halfe inch of the end of his body. The twoe lesser
were under his bellye towards his tayle, right over whom
on his backe was a small Finne lesseninge towards the
Tailed It was daintie meate, the figure of which is heere
expressed^.
Att our Comeing in hither, wee sawe a Couple of
Whales^ said to bee in heate or Katte, for they went
wallowinge, puffinge and spowtinge, sometymes side by
side, then their Tailes, then their heads aloft ; Then but
one to bee seene with most of his head above water, as it
were standinge upright. In the meane while there were
a number of porposes, leapeing, skipping and playeinge
round about them, soe that the Sea seemed to boyle where
they were.
Our Captaine etts. merchants went one day in the
Shallopp to certaine litle rockie Islands to the westward ^
where, with our sticks and hands, wee struck downe and
Caught neere 100 Sea fowle, russett Coulour, almost as
bigg as a pidgeon but tast very fishey. By reason there
was a great su[r]ffe wee could not land att the principall
place or Island where were Tropicke birds^, Gunnett
[gannet], Seameues [sea-mews, gulls], etts.
The tyme of our stay heere the Captaine enordered the
people to goe ashoare by turnes in Companies, where they
would remaine 3 or 4 dayes refreshing themselves with
what they caught and killed, sending part aboard. In all
wee caught about 130 or 140 Goates, hoggs, kidds and
^ This is an accurate description oixSx^ exocoetus volitans or flying-
fish (not the flying gurnard). The length is not exaggerated. Some
have been picked up at St Helena measuring two feet.
2 See Illustration No. 29.
■* The species of whales which frequents St Helena is known as the
''race-horse" whale.
* Egg island, Sperie island and George island.
^ See Relaiiofi IV., note on p. 7.
facing p. 33^
^ ■
No. 27. A PENGUIN
(see p. 328)
No. 28. A TOAD FISH (pUFFER)
(see p. 331)
No. 29. A FLYING FISH
(see p. 332)
Hakluyt Society^
ISeries II, Vol. 35.
1634] IN THE ROY ALL MARY 333
piggs, most part killed by small shott and some taken
by Hand alive. Those that remained were fishers ashoare
in boates or aboard Shipp. Mee thought for the tyme wee
had very good refreshinge and recreation, all the while
rideing within quarter of a mile of the shoare under the
hills to the North west side, the wynde hereabouts, as also
betwene the Two Tropicks, bloweing perpetually neere the
S.E., Soe that wee lay becalmed and in smooth water
verie secure.
Ascention.
The Island of Ascention is accompted bigger then
St Hellena^, but by report there is not soe much as fresh
water upon it, verie bare and nothinge to bee had there
but Sea Fowle and fish, of which there is aboundance.
Noe shipp would willingly touch there, except [it] put by
St Hellena, which if they overshoote, It is hard or noe
fetching it againe, by reason of wynde and Currant settinge
to the N.W.
In this moneth the Shipp hath runne Miles 1977I.
July 1634. The ^ Currant a man fell overboard,
but gettinge hold of a Joynstoole [joint-stool] throwne over
to him, hee was saved by hoysing out the Jolly boate,
although it were rough Weather.
In this moneth the Shipp hath runne Miles 2359.
August 1634. The first Currant wee saw weedes^
which last[ed] us untill the 2ith, soe that wee came* neere
1400 miles amongst them. They are farr from any land,
as by the Latitude and Longitude [28° N. Lat. 33° 20' W.
^ Mundy's informant was wrong. The circumference of St Helena
is 47 miles and that of Ascension 33 miles. Twenty-two years later, in
June 1656, Mundy anchored off Ascension. He gives a more accurate
description of the island in Relatioii xxx. fol. 231.
^ There is a blank here in the original.
^ Here is a marginal note — "Wcedes in the Ocean; By the
Portugalls called Sargass \sargaqo, gulf-weed]."
* The Harl. copy has "ran."
334 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
Long, from St Hellena], fleeting [floating] on the water,
sometymes in great plotts, but comonly in scatred parcells.
It is a small bushey branch with a litle round, hard berry,
coulour sad [dark] yellow^ supposed to bee beaten of[f] from
the Westerne World, vist., Florida, Virginia, etts., or some
one of them, by the continuall westerly winde bloweing from
thence, and in this Clymate meeting with the contrarie
continuall Easterly Monsoone, they are kept hereabouts
floatinge and driven to and fro.
The 2nd Aicgiist 1634. Robert Gwin died.
TJie 20th August 1634. Henry Crispe deceased.
The 2'i^rd August 1634. Henry Burnett deceased.
The 2^th August 1634. Wee sawe a Shipp att which
\vee rejoyced hopeinge to speake with her, as well to
understand of our freinds in England as also to gett some
refreshing for our sick men, there beinge 40 downe with
a kinde of Swellinge like a dropsie [beri-beri], of which
they die if not refreshed in tyme. But shee would not
come neere us, nor could wee follow her, but used all
possible Sea sines [signs, signals], as putting out our
Coulours, strikeing our Topp gallant sayles, hoyseinge and
lowringe our foretopsaile 5 or 6 severall tymes, shooteing
off 2 peeces of Ordinance", but all in vaine, as aforesaid,
haveing scene never a shipp since the i6th of Aprill past.
The 26th August 1634. Wee sawe 2 other shipps whoe
steered right with our Stemme, with whome wee spake.
They were the Griffin, Admirall, and the Phillipp Com-
manded by Mr Bab^ bound for New England. Our
Master and my selfe went aboard the Admirall for the
purpose aforesaid, in whome were above 200 persons, most
1 See Herbert, p. 20 and Thdvenot, Pt. ll. Book iv. p. 195 for
further remarks on sarga(;o.
2 Here is a marginal note — "Signes used at sea to speak with
shippinge."
•' Thomas Babb "of Wapping, merchant" is the person meant.
See Cat. State Papers, Colojtiat, 1554 — 1660, pp. 173, 261.
1634] IN THE ROY ALL MARY 335
part passengers, Men, weomen and children, goeing to that
plantation. Hee would willingly have spared us some
beere, but the Sea was high and wee could not take it in.
Any thing els could not well bee spared, by reason of the
number of people, longe voyage, and contrarye wynde; soe
tooke our leaves and came away.
Note that to the Northward of 40 degrees wee could
light on noe fish, which formerly wee did now and then,
as Dolphines, Boneetes^ Sharkes, etts. They say it is
the Cold keepes them hence, Neither from the height
[latitude] of Cape de Verde were scarse any sea fowle
to bee seene.
In all this moneth wee have runne Miles 2382-.
I conceave there may be errors in these tables, either
they were soe in the Originall or elce a fault in the tran-
scription ^
The \st September 1634. Wee had sight of 3 shipps,
could not come to speake to any of them, although wee
made the accustomed signes.
The 2nd, -^rd, ^th September 1634. Theis 3 dayes wee
had sight of many other shipps, but could not come to speake
with any, although wee most earnestly desired it. These
4 dayes wee continually sounded from 88 Fathome till wee
came into 59 and 55 Fathome.
The ^th September 1634. Wee speake with 2 barques
of Plimouth^ whoe supplyed us with poore John [dried
hake], some bread, henns, etts. This day wee had sight
of Silly Islands, And this day also wee buried Goodman
Wilson, our Smith.
The 6th September 1634. Wee spake with Sir John
^ For bonitos, see Relation iv., note on p. 15.
2 The total is 2392 according to Mundy's figures.
^ This note is in Mundy's own writing and was probably added
when he revised the MS.
* In the margin is added "came from Ne\vfoundland."
336 FROM SURATT TO ENGLAND [REL. XIX
Pennington, Captaine in the diaries, Admirall, and the
Garland, vice-Admirall, with the Xth whelpe^, whoe sup-
ply ed us with good beere, beefife, peas, etts. And this
day John Oliver was buried in the Sea.
The yth September 1634. Wee spake with the first
Whelpe, of whome wee alsoe gott some refreshinge. And
this night one of our men, John Gee, unfortunately fell
overboard, and could not bee saved, by reason it was darke
and the shipp haveinge verye fresh way.
The ^th September 1634. Wee spake with a shipp that
came from Lisbone, from whome wee had some Lemmons
for our sick men.
The gth September 1634. Wee came before Dover and
were there put on shoare, Mr John Norris, Mr Henry
Glascock, Mr Thomas Wilbraham and my selfe, of whome
the former had remained in India \o\ Yeres, the other 2
each 8^ yeres and my selfe 6|, I meane since our departure
hence untill our safe Arrivall heere againe, for which Gods
name bee blessed and praised. Amen.
\\st to <^th September \6'},^ miles 522.
The \Oth September 1634. About 2 in the afternoone
wee tooke post horses, and by 6 in the morninge wee
arrived in the Cittie of London, It beinge Miles 57.
From Suratt in East India to London is by compu-
tation Miles 13718I-, whereof only Miles 57 by land and
the rest, miles 13661^ by Sea, in all Miles 13718^.
The 2ist September 1634. The Royall Mary arrived att
Eriffe [Erith] in saffetie with her Loadinge, although with
many sick men. It being 7 monethes and 9 dayes since
^ Captain Sir John Pennington was made captain of the Charles
and "Admiral of the Fleet employed in the Narrow Seas" on the
30th May 1634. The "Ten Lions Whelps," also known as the " King's
Pinnaces," were built in 1627. See Cat. State Papers, Dom., 1627 —
1634.
2 In the outward voyage Mundy's figures give a total of I4>4°4 iniles
from England to Surat. See Relation iv., note on p. 17.
1634] IN THE ROYALL MARY 337
her departure from the outer Road of Svvally till her
Anchoringe in the Dowries, and in all, till her arrival!
att Erriffe 7 moneths 21 dayes, from the first of February
Anno 1633 [1634] to the 21th day of September Anno
1634.
Addition to Relation XIX.
Peter Munday his accompt to bee cast upp\
A Coiirte of Comittees honlden the i^th of November
1634. Peter Munday remonstrated [represented] to
the Court his 7 yeares good service, and that hee had
brought home his whole estate in Indico and Callicoes
which are now in the Companys hands, and humbly
desired delivery of the said goods and payment of his
wages due upon accompt his Indico Containing 42
maunds and Callicoes 200 ps. The Court taking
notice that Sir Paul Pinder, a worthy freind to the
Company, had in private to divers perticuler men
seriously recommended this man for the Companys
favor^, and yett well approved of their late order,
thereupon the Court was pleased to order his ac-
compts to bee Cast upp against the next Court and
then the busines to bee taken into further Con-
sideration.
Peter Munday his goods to bee delivered
and gratified with 100 //I
A Coiirte of Comittees honlden the 21th of November
1634. Peeter Munday was suytor againe for his
wages, and for delivery of such goods as hee hath
brought home as private Trade, the perticulers whereof
were now presented to the Court, of which the Court
taking consideration and remembring that hee is
specially recommended to their favors from Sir Paul
Pinder, they were pleased to order the payment of
his wages and delivery of such of his goods as are
1 Court Miftutes, vol. xv. fol. 93.
2 See vol. I. for Mundy's relations with Sir Paul Pindar.
3 Court Minutes^ vol. xv. fol. 97.
M. II. 22
338 ADDITION TO RELATION XIX
not the Companys Comodities^ ; but for the Indico
to reserve the same in their hands according to their
orders which they will not infringe, alloweing him
for the same the Companys price, vizt., 3^'. per lb.
free of fraight, Custome, and other charges^. And
in regard he hath served the Company long and hath
done them good service, they were pleased in that
respect and for Sir Paul Pynders sake, who is a
Gentleman the Court doth much honor, to bestow
upon him as a gratification the summe of 100 li.
Peter Munday his bond to bee delivered-'.
A Coiirte of Coniittees hoiUden the 2%th day of
November 1634. The Court having Cleared with Peter
Munday, one of their Factors returned from Suratt,
did order his bonds to bee delivered upp to bee
Cancelled.
^ In May 1633, one Thomas Fenn purchased clandestinely from one
of the Company's ships i5ops. of calico at %s. per ps. and sold the same
at lo^-. per ps. {Cal. State Papers^ E.I.., 1630 — 1634, p. 413). From
this statement we may assume that Mundy's calicoes were worth in
England about \os. per piece, or ^100 for 200 pieces.
2 At 40 lbs. the Surat maund of the period, this represents a payment
of ^252 for 42 maunds.
3 Couf't Mi?t7ites, vol. XV. fol. iii.
APPENDIX A.
THE FAMINE OF 1630— 1632.
In explanation of Mundy's statements^ it has been thought
worth while to gather together here all that has been recorded of
this terrible disaster of the early English days in India.
One of the most important facts Mundy brings out about
the effects of the famine on the Europeans in Gujarat is the
disastrous death roll amongst the Company's servants in the
following year, the result, no doubt, of the physical weakness
following on any famine which is severe and general in its
extent.
Extracts from seventeenth century writers
regarding the famine.
1. 7 October 1630. Met two small boats [near Bassein]
full of pour pepooll that came from Cambay bound for the
Decans countrye, by reasonn of the exstream famyne in Cambay
and all the MogoUs countrye. We let them pase cleare, seing
ther was no Portingalls in them. Johfi Viands Account of the
Cruise to the Comoro Islands {English Factories, 1630 — 1633,
P- 45)-
2. 2 November 1630. On this coaste [Masulipatam] is a
great and mortall dearth, which begann three yeares since and
still increaseth, which with the unusuall great cargazone invested
this yeere in this place, with the many free traders Dutch and
Danes, etc., hath raised the prise off cloth to an extraordinary
rate, and scarce to be so procured, and hath allso beaten downe
^ See Relation v. p. 38; Relation vi. passim; Relation xvi. pp. 248,
262, 265, 271, 272 — 276.
340 APPENDIX A
the prise of gold, allum, and broadcloth, that in one hundred
yeeres there hath not, neither may be expeckted, the like, to the
great hinderance and losse to our parte of the Second Generall
Voyadge. George IVi/Ioughby &^c. at Masulipatam to the Company
{English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 79).
3. 12 November 1630. Rice being much needed [at Surat],
it is suggested that a quantity should be procured from Macassar
before the ships' arrival, to supply their own wants and serve the
markets here or in Persia, in case that Gods heavye wrath should
not be yet appeased in the further punishing of these people.
President Rastell and Council at Surat to the factors at Masuli-
patam ajid Bantam {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 94).
4. 17 November 1630. You cannot be unprivy to the
universall callamytie of this countrie, by reason of dearth and
famine, nowe growne to such an extreame that wee ourselves
are become behoulding for corne even to supply our househould
provisions. How destitute therefore wee are of all meanes and
hopes to furnish you with either bread or rice from hence let this
just complaint of ours informe you, and make you sensible of the
miserye. It remaynes hereupon that you therefore put your
people to a shorter allowance of bisket, though you inlarge the
more in flesh. Of rack ['rt'/^/^] you may not expect any more
then one [? cask] but to be sent you before your departure hence
for Persia. What we shalbe able to provide in your absence wee
cannot promise, the distillers being all of them (or the most part)
with their famylies departed into the parts of more hoped plenty,
as are many thousands besides, as well weavers, washers, dyers,
etc. ; that puts us allmost into dispaire of a competent lading for
the succeeding yeares home retourns ; and yet these are but the
beginings of greater woe yet to come. President Rastell and
Council at Sural to the Commanders at Sivally {Ettglish Factories,
163c— 1633, p. 97).
5. 31 December 1630. These [attacks from the Portuguese]
were the disturbances which your President, etc., were to struggle
with at their first arrivall. And not these alone, but others also,
though not so daungerous, yet difficult too, by reason of an
universall dearth over all this continent, of whose like in these
parts noe former age hath record ; the country being wholy dis-
manteled by drougth, and to those that were not formerly
THE FAMINE OF 1630 — 1632 34I
provided noe graine for either man or beast to be purchast for
money, though at seavenfould the price of former tymes acus-
tomed ; the poore mechaniques, weavers, washers, dyers, etc.,
abandoning their habitacions in multitudes, and instead of reHefe
elcewhere have perished in the feilds for want of food to sustaine
them. Hence it came to pass that for many dayes after our
arrival! there were noe carts or beasts of burden to be had upon
any condition whatsoever ; by which meanes for a while wee were
greatly hindred in the usuall prosecution of our bussines, till from
the inland countrye (where was some plenty for cattell) wee were
otherwise provided. . . .
[Gold] is now somewhat fallen in price by reason of this
extraordinary dearth before touched, the richer sort falling short
of their wonted incomes and profitts, and are therefore disabled
of the meanes to buy and hourd up gould as in former tymes;
and contrarywise the poorer people constrained to sell their
goulden Jewells to buy them food....
This direfull tyme of dearth and the Kings continued warrs
with the Decans disjoynted all trade out of frame; the former
calamitie haveing fild the waies with desperate multitudes, who,
setting their lives att nought, care not what they enterprize soe
they may but purchase meanes for feeding, and will not dispence
with the nakedest passenger, not soe much as our poore patta-
mars \_pathmdr^ runner] with letters, who, if not murthered on
the way, doe seldome escape unryfled, and thereby our advises
often miscarried on the other side. President Rastell, 6^r., at
Surat to the Company [English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 122,
123, X29).
6. 8 January 1631. Found everything in good order at
Surat; onley a most mizerable mortall[it]y amongst the natives
of this country, who for want of food (with [i.e. like] Jacobs
sonns) with their whole famylyes dayley travell into forrain partes
to seeck bread. And for want of this last yeares rayne is soe
much augemented that, onely for want of sustenance with food,
the poore people lye as a woefull spectacle to behould in our
streetes and highwayes as wee passe along, dying and dead in
great nombers. James Bickford at Sivally to Edward Sher-
borne, Secretary to the Coinpany {English Factories, 1630 — 1633,
pp. 134—135).
342 APPENDIX A
7. 22 March 1631. Sailed to Persia on January 7 and
arrived on February 7. Embarked [thence] 70 passengers, 800
packages of theirs, and 459 bags of grain and 488 baskets of
dates to supply the wants of the ships and factories in India.
Richard Barry aboard the Royal James to the Company {English
Factories, 1630— 1633, p. 143).
8. 18 April 1 63 1. The famine raging here renders it ad-
visable that they should collect any rice or other grain they can
get at the Comoros. For this purpose they may barter some of
their goods, and they may also open one chest of the rials
delivered to Captain Wills, using, however, strict economy in
both directions. President Rastell and Council at Sural to [the
Fleet expected from England^ {English Factories, 1630 — 1633,
P- 145)-
9. 22 April 1631. The want of carts, owing to the mortality
caused by the famine, delayed the dispeed of the fleet for Persia
till January 7... [by April 5] the investments made at Ahmadabad
and Cambay for Bantam, etc., had not fully come down to the
port [of Swally] ; and a great blessing it was that wee procured
its transport, though at five tymes the rates of former yeares,
amounting not to less than 30 or 40 per centum (the verie charge
of cartage) more then prime cost of the goods themselves ; which
we hope you will consider by its countervail in sales... but more
principally the small quantities of like goods to be expected the
yeare insueing, these parts of Guzerat above all other being bereaft
of the greater part of weavers, washers, and dyers, who (such as
are escaped the direfuU stroake of famine) are disperst into
forraigne parts of greater plentie, leaveing few or none of their
facullty to putt either themselves or us into action ; and God
knowes many yeares must pass ere the ordinarie traffick of these
parts be resettled againe into its wonted frame and condition.
President Rastell and Council at Sural to the Agent and Council of
Bantam {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 145 — 146).
10. 8 September 1631. Twas happy it fell out so \_i.e., that
an early investment had been made in the southern factories]
considering the tymes, which are reduc't to that change and
miserie (in these parts of Guzerat especially) as, besides the
excessive rates of Serquez [Sarkhej] indico and all manner of
THE FAMINE OF 163O — 1632 343
Indian cloathing (too deare by much to render it profitable in
England), theres no goods (except Agra indigo), no, not to be
had for mony. ...The raynes hereabout having falne superfluously
which with bad government is cause of the highest extreame of
scarcity, wheate and rice being risson to 2| sere for a mamoodee,
butter at a scare and a quarter, a hen at 4 or 5 ma[moodees]
(and rare it is to see one) ; and to afflict the more, not a family
throughout either here or Baroch that hath not been vissited
with agues, feavors, and pestilentiall diseases. God avert these
judgments from us, and give us strength to suffer His chastise-
ments with patience. President Rastell and Council at Surat to
the Agent and factors at Bantam {English Factories, 1630 — 1633,
pp. 164, 165 — 166).
II. 9 December 1631. Here at our arrivall wee found the
Presidentt in health, but all the merchants in this factory either
dead or sicke, those liveinge hardly able to helpe one another ;
the towne itselfe and all the countrey adjoyneing in a manner
unpeopled. Soe that the tymes here are soe miserable that
never in the memory of man any the like famine and mortaUity
hapened. This that was in a manner the garden of the world
is nowe turned into a wildernes, haveinge fewe or noe men left
to manure [cultivate] theire grownd nor to labour in any pro-
fession; soe that places here that have yealded 15 bayles cloath
made them in a day hardly yealds nowe three in a moneth.
Amadavaz, that Hkewise yealded 3,000 bayles indico yearely or
more, nowe hardly yealds 300 ; yett a plentifuU yeare for yts
grouth, but fewe men liveinge to gather it, but lies rottinge on
the grownd. Agra hath not bin toucht with this famine nor
mortaUity, but continewes in its former estate ; but that place
affords little to satisfie soe maney buyers, espetially the Dutch
and English towards the ladinge of our shipps ; and whatt we
shall doe to gaine our ladinge against the next yeare God
Almightie only knowes, for wee knowe not. And yours and our
unhappines is the more for the losse of Mr Rastell, our late
Presidentt, whoe deceased the 7th November last, and left not
a man behind him in this factory Suratt able to manadge your
affaires in theis miserable and distracted tymes. Mr Hopkinson
is left only that knowes your busines, but is soe sicke and weake
that he is not able to performe whatt he should endeavour.
344 APPENDIX A
Those that live in the subordinate factoris have likewise bin
sicke, but at present wee heare are well recovered, vizt., Mr
[Nathaniel] Mountney at Amadavaz, Mr Rann [Ralph Rand] at
Cambay, Mr [Thomas] Joyce at Broatch, Mr Witch [Nathaniel
Wyche] at Brawdro [Baroda]. Captai?t James Slade, &=c , aboard
the Mary [at Swall}'] to the Company {English Factories^ 1630 — ■
^633, pp. 178—179).
12. 21 December 1631. After our departure from Batavia
wee arrived att Suratt the 23th [13th O.S.] October last. And
goinge ashore to a villadg called Swalley, wee sawe there manie
people that perished of hunger ; and wheras hertofore there were
in that towne 260 famillyes, ther was not remaininge alive above
10 or II famillyes. And as wee travelled from thence to the
cytty of Suratt, manie dead bodyes laye uppon the hye way ;
and where they dyed they must consume of themselves, beinge
nobody that would buirey them. And when wee came into the
cytty of Suratt, wee hardly could see anie livinge persons, where
heretofore was thousands ; and ther is so great a stanch of dead
persons that the sound people that came into the towne were
with the smell infected, and att the corners of the streets the
dead laye 20 togeather, one upon thother, nobody buir[y]ing
them. The mortallyty in this towne is and hath bin so great
that there have dyed above 30,000 people. The Englishe house
and ours is as yf one came into the hospitall of Bata[via]. Ther
is dead of the Englishe factors 10 or 11 persons, and of ours 3.
Those that remaine alive of the Englishe are verey sorrowfull
for the death of Mr Rastall, their President, who dyed about
20 dayes sythence. In these parts ther may not bee anie trade
expected this three yeares. No man can goe in the streets but
must resolve to give great almes or be in danger of being
murthered, for the poore people cry with a loude voice : " Give
us sustenance or kill us." The faire feilds hereabout are all
drowned with great fluds and the fruits of the earth cleane
washed away with these waters. The waters were so highe in
the cytty, by reason of the fludds, that wee could passe from one
house to the other butt by boats ; which was never knowne in
the memorie of anie livinge man. A Dutch Factor at Surat to
a member of the Dutch Council at Batavia {English Factories^
1630 — 1633, pp. 180 — 181).
THE FAMINE OF 163O — 1632 345
13. 18 February 1632. [John Hunter proceeding to Cambay
is] already aware of the distracted state of the Company's affairs
at Cambay, famine and mortality having deprived them of many
of their workmen and also of divers merchants to whom they had
advanced money for goods for Bantam, Sumatra, and Persia.
Many of the latter have fled to places of more plentie, others
are dead with ther whole kindred, and others again are im-
poverished in their estates. To add one misery to another,
Ralph Rand, the factor there, is dead, while the broker, Chowte
[Chhota] has come down to Surat without permission to be
present at the death of his brother Gourdas [Gur Das]....
Directions from the President and Council at Surat to John Hunter
{English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 208).
14. 8 May 1632. The famine increassing in India was
followed with the pestilence, bothe which destroyed infinite
nombers of people. At last it pleased God to send raine, butt
in soe great aboundance that it drowned and carryed awaie all the
corne and other graine, etc., whiche that afflicted people had
made hard shifte to sowe, and made such inundations as hath
nott been knowne or heard off in those partes. Soe that by
theise meanes the townes and countryes of Guzeratt are almost
desolate and depopulated. Amidst these heavy afflictions itt
pleased God to take awaie divers of your worthy and well
deserving servants, amongst whome your President, Mr Thomas
Rastell, with two of his Council, 77s., Mr James Bickford and
Mr Arthur Suffeild — From Persia wee heare bad newes alsoe, as
that you may expect noe more then neere 400 bales of silke from
thence this yeare Divers of your servants likewise there lately
deceassed, and the silke wormes perrished. John Skibbow arid
John Banghani, aboard the Great James at Mauritius, to the
Company {^English Factories., 1630 — -1633, p. 218).
15- 23 January 1633. Mesulapatam and Armagon was
sorely opprest with famine, the liveinge eating up the dead, and
men durst scarsly travell in the countrey for feare they should be
kild and eaten. Mr [Henry] Sill intended to releeve no place
but Armagon. The poore people there, as weavers, painters and
dyers, would have all fleed but for expectacion thereof and of
other junckes which shuld com in company with that of Mr Sills
346 APPENDIX A
and under its proteccion. Christopher Read at Surat to the
Company {English Factories, 1630 — 1633, P- 268).
16. 15 March 1633. Had there not beene a generall drowth
throughout this country [Persia] almost this three yeares, your
order for the provesion of graine might have hkewise beene ob-
served; but (espetially this last yeare) such want of foode hath
been amongst these poore people that it hath come verie little
short of the dearth there with you. William Gibson, 6-r., aboard
the Mary at Gombroon, to the President and Council at Stiraf
{English Factories, 1630 — 1633, p. 290).
17. In Suratte was extraordinarie groote dierte soodat
menichte van menschen en vee van honger sturven, si jnde de
miserie aldaer soo groot, dat de moeders tegens natuer haere
kinderkens wt hongersnoot op gegeten hebben. Dagh Register,
August 1 63 1, p. 33.
18. The death of the Sultana [Taj Mahal, in July 1631J was
followed by public calamities of various kinds. The war in the
Decan produced nothing but the desolation of that country. An
extraordinary drought, which burnt up all vegetables, dried up
the rivers, and rent the very ground, occasioned a dreadful
famine. The Imperial camp could not be supplied with pro-
visions : distress prevailed over the whole face of the empire.
Shaw Jehan remitted the taxes in many of the provinces, to the
amount of three millions sterling; he even opened the treasury
for the relief of the poor ; but money could not purchase bread :
a prodigious mortality ensued ; disease followed close on the
heels of famine, and death ravaged every corner of India. The
scarcity of provisions prevailed in Persia : the famine raged with
still greater violence in the Western Tartary. No rain had fallen
for seven years in that country. Populous and flourishing pro-
vinces were converted into solitudes and deserts ; and a few, who
escaped the general calamity, wandered through depopulated cities
alone. (Translated from the Shah Jahdn Ndma.) Dow, History
of Hindosta?i, in. 141 — 142.
19. Famine in the Dakhan and Gujarat.
During the past year [1629 — 1630] no rain had fallen in
the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought had been
especially severe about Daulatabad. In the present year also
THE FAMINE OF 163O — 1632 347
there had been a deficiency in the bordering countries, and a
total want in the Dakhan and Gujarat. The inhabitants of these
two countries were reduced to the direst extremity. Life was
offered for a loaf, but none would buy ; rank was to be sold for
a cake, but none cared for it ; the everbounteous hand was now
stretched out to beg for food ; and the feet which had always
trodden the way of contentment walked about only in search of
sustenance. For a long time dog's flesh was sold for goat's flesh,
and the pounded bones of the dead were mixed with flour and
sold. When this was discovered, the sellers were brought to
justice. Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men
began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was preferred
to his love. The numbers of the dying caused obstructions in
the roads, and every man whose dire sufferings did not terminate
in death and who retained the power to move wandered off to
the towns and villages of other countries. Those lands which
had been famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no
trace of productiveness. ...The Emperor in his gracious kindness
and bounty directed the officials of Burhanpur, Ahmadabad, and
the country of Surat, to estabHsh soup kitchens, or almshouses,
such as are called langar in the language of Hindustan, for the
benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day sufficient soup and
bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was
further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at Burhan-
pur 5000 rupees should be distributed among the deserving poor
every Monday, that day being distinguished above all others as
the day of the Emperor's accession to the throne. Thus, on
twenty Mondays one lac of rupees was given away in charity.
Ahmadabad had suffered more severely than any other place, and
so His Majesty ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 rupees
among the famine-stricken people. Want of grain and dearness
of grain had caused great distress in many other countries. So
under the direction of the wise and generous Emperor taxes
amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees were remitted by the
revenue officers — a sum amounting to nearly eighty kj-ojs of
dams, and amounting to one eleventh part of the whole revenue.
When such remissions were made from the exchequer, it may be
conceived how great were the reductions made by the nobles who
held Jdgirs and mafisabs. (Translated from the Bddshah-ATdma,
I. 362.) Elliott, Hist, of India, vii. 24 — 25.
348 APPENDIX A
Results of the Famine of 1630 — 1632.
20. 31 January 1634. At present the Portuguese forces are
not much to be feared, by reason of their poverty and a great
mortality which has befallen them in Goa and other parts since
the beginning of the famine. Capt. Richai-d Allnutt, aboard
the Palsgrave to the Company [Efiglish Factories, 1634 — 1636, p. 8).
21. 29 December 1634. As regards a fresh supply [of
calicoes] we can send you none, not onely because wee have
no meanes (although that cause is impulsive enough) but because
none of any sort can be had in any proportion for any reason....
They [Thomas Thimbleby and Joseph Keeling] write from
thence [Broach] their feares that they shall not finish it, because
that more then two corge [score] of baftaes in a day are not
brought unto the bazar, although that they are at this tyme the
onely buyers ; if 20 corge a weeke, they conceive it a great
weekes worke ; but at no better rates then the last yeare afforded.
The reasons of this are as follows. First, the scarcity and con-
sequently the deareness of cotton wooU, which we conceive doth
cheifely arise from the great price which all sorts of graine hath
yeilded for some forepast yeares, which hath undoubtedly dis-
posed of the country people to those courses which hath bene
most profitable for them, and so discontinued the planting of
cotton, which could not have bene vented in proporcion of former
tymes, because the artificiers and mechaniques of all sorts were
so miserably dead or fledd from all parts of the kingdome of
Guzeratt; which is the second cause that hath occasioned this great
stand in the callico trade, and cannot be so restored in its pristine
estate as that we may hope to see it in it's former lustre for many
yeares to come (we conceive for five yeares at least). Yet the
plenty of this present yeare diffused generally through all the vast
parts of this kingdome, occasioned by the seasonable raines which
have falne universally, in a more fruitfull proporcion upwards into
the countrey then hereabouts Suratt, which is somewhat a hotter
clymate and requires therefore more abundantly the latter rayne,
doth summon downe againe those fugitives which famine forced
from their ovvne habitations ; and we are eyewitnesses of a much
greater concourse of people frequenting the cities. The villages
fill but slowly, yet it betters with them also ; and if the excessive
tiranny and covetuousness of the governors of all sorts would
THE FAMINE OF 163O — 1632 349
give the poore people leave but to lift up their heads in one
yeares vacancye from oppression, they would be enabled to keepe
cattle about them, and so to advance the plenty which the earth
produceth that all things would be much more abundant, and
there would be no want but of tyme to make the children capable
to exercise the functions of their fathers, whereunto the custome
of this countrey doth necessarily oblige them. Presidetit Meth-
zvold, CT'C, at Swally to the Company {English Factories, 1634 —
1636, pp. 64—65).
22. 29 April 1636. I find not any moneyes paid in other
species then the same they were borrowed, without allowance
of vatteau [battd, exchange], which in tyme of fam.ine and
scarcity in this place was growne to excessive rates, not less then
13I m\_ahniudis\ per 100 rup[ee]s. The reason is that mahmndls
are none of the Kings coyne, but coyned by the Rajah of
Mallore [Mulher], a place distant from hence 70 course or
myles, and are onely currant in these adjacent countries not
further then Bodera [Baroda] ; so that, according to mens
occasions for rup[ee]s to send for Agra, Amadavad, or any other
parts, the vatteau doth rise and fall. But that which raised
it to the prementioned rate in tyme of f[amine] was the Benjares
[BanjarasJ or carriers, whicl) brought corne and provisions [in]
abundance from other parts, which they sould here for ma-
mood[ies and] changed them for rup[ee]s at any rate. The
merchants also of Suratt sent what money they could possible
get to Brampore to procure graine ; so that scarcely a rupe could
bee found. Since that time the vatteau has daily declined and is
now only one mamoodie per 100 rupees. Francis Breton at Siirat
to the Company {E?iglish Factories, 1634 — 1636, pp. 224 — 225).
23. There is no Province in all the Indies more Fertile than
Gusuratta, nor any that affords more Fruits and provisions, which
grow in such abundance there, that all the neighbouring Provinces
are thence suppli'd. 'Tis true indeed, that in the year 1630, the
great drought, and the year following, the continual rains reduced
it to so deplorable a condition, that the particular accompt might
be given thereof would deprive the Reader of the diversion,
which it is our design to find him in this Relation. But the
Province hath since that time well recover'd it self of that
desolation, yet not so as but the marks of it may be seen every
where. Mandelslo, p. 22.
APPENDIX B.
SKIRMISH WITH THE PORTUGUESE,
17 OCTOBER 1630.
President Rastell's Account.
The fleet returned on October 14 and, the Portuguese frigates
being absent, got into Swally Hole without opposition. On the
following day ten of the frigates and two small vessels made their
appearance ; and on the morrow, while the English were unlading
their treasure, a number of soldiers were landed as if to intercept
it, but desisted on seeing the preparations made to encounter
them. On the succeeding day, being Sunday [October 17], the
Viceroy's son and "Capt. Moore" [Capitao Mor, i.e., the Captain-
Major, Don Francisco Coutinho] landed with 150 soldiers, with
colours flying, and came nearer to the English tents ; whereupon
Capt. Morton and the other commanders, with their men in very
good order and with their colours flying, marched to meet them.
The English divided themselves into three squadrons, one re-
maining in sight of the Portuguese, while the other two wheeled
behind the sandhills to take them in the flanks. The Portuguese,
however, spread themselves along the shore in the expectation
of being covered by the fire of their frigates. " But such was the
undantednes of our English, being stirred up to a high measure
of furie by the howerly vexations and braveing of the enemye as,
being now come within shot, with a generall resolucion rejoycing
att the occasion, after a shot or two received first from the
Portingalls, [they] put on in the verye face and mouth of all their
friggatts ; and, perceaveing that but three of them could use the
advantage of their prowes against them, and that some [seaven
in extrnct'\ of the rest were brought aground and had only their
SKIRMISH WITH THE PORTUGUESE, OCTOBER 1630 35 1
harquibusses acrocke to gaule them, advanced forwards, still
plying their small shot with very good discipline, and the Portin-
galls noe lesse valliantly replying with their double forces, as well
from their friggatts at sea as the squadrone on shoare ; but not
able (it seems) to endure the obstinate rage of our people, they
began to give grounde ; and ours, most feircely followinge, entred
pell mell amongst them, even into the water within lesse then
pistoll shot of their friggats, in which intrim the Vice- Kings sonn
was convayed aboard, but soe narrowly escaped that the party who
provided for his safety was himselfe taken prisoner in the accion ;
many of the English not feareing to runn up to the chin in water,
even to the very sides of their friggats, pursueing the victory with
great slaughter, both at shoare and at sea ; and at length returned
with 27 Portingalls prisoners taken alive, without the losse of
anye more then one ancient man {a corporall), not wounded but
suffocated only with heate, and the wounding of seaven more
of our people. This they happily performed in the sight of
Meirza Baker [Mirza Bakir] and divers of these country people,
to their great admiracion and our nations greater honour." Pre-
sident Rastell and Council at Surat to Nathaiiiel Mountney at
Ahmaddbad {English Factories^ 1630— 1633, pp. 65 — 66).
John Vian's account.
1630, October 14. The fleet anchored in Swally Hole.
About sunset the Portuguese came in sight. October 15. The
enemy's squadron of 15 frigates anchored a mile to the north-
wards. October 16. "In the afternoon he landed by judgment
near a hundred men. We that fornoon having landed som
treasure, Capt. Morton and others of the commaunders, with
som 40 or 50 men armed, marched towards them to se ther
intent ; but the enymie, seing them comming, reatreted back to
ther frygats and got aboard them as fast as they could. They
never cam without commaund of ther frigats. Our comaunder[s?],
seing that, returned backe agayne to ther tents and caused the
treasur to be caried away as sonn as possibell for Swalie or
Surrat, as carts and men could be gotten, which was all done
that night." October 17 (Sunday). "In the afternoon the
enymie landed near 150 men, most of them in arms, and cam
marching towards our tents. Our comaunders landed, and with
352 APPENDIX B
them som small shoot and pikes, and with the court of gaurd
near upon 200 men. They marched towards the enymie in two
or three companys. The enymie making a stand a prety while,
our comaunders with our men went and (blessed be God) had
the day, for the enymie was forced to flye to ther frigats for
refuge, and happie was he that could get first aboard, our men
comming on them so fircelie that they tok hould of ther frigates
ors and kyld a many of ther enimmis in the sea ; and in ther
frigats we tok 26 Portingalls alive, som hurt and som not hurt,
and by the report of the peopell next day we had slayn 150 or
200 of ther men, both black and whit peopell. They did shot
of ther frygats gownes [guns] towards our men many tyms, but...
our men cam all well of without the lose of any man. We had
eight men hurt in all, but all recovered of ther hurts, althought
som whear a long tyme." Extract from the Log of the Discovery
{English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. 67 — 68).
George Harriot's Account.
October 17. The Portingalles landed great storre of thear
men, and the Viseroyes sonne with them, and the frigates prowes
lyinge closse upon the shower. Wee not knowinge thear pre-
tentes, haveinge monyes and goodes of the Companyes upon the
strande, som 40 thousand powndes, wee marched downe upon
them despratly in the face of theare great ornance in thear
frigates and skirmaged with thear menn ashower ; but we plyinge
them so fasst and falling upon them that we forsed them to take
the walker. Thear we made a great slater amongest them, and
broffte off som 24 alive prisners with us clouse from their frigates
sides. Thankes bee to God, wee came off and losste not a manne,
but only three hurt, our trompeter beinge one ; hee was shot in
the risste, and another in the thighe, and the other one the topp
of the forrhed: the which was to the admiration of the pepell that
wee came off so farly. Extract from the Log of the William
{English Factories, 1630 — 1633, P- ^9)-
Andrew Warden's Account.
October 17. The fleet put ashore a quantity of money and
quicksilver. In the afternoon the Portuguese landed about a
hundred of their men, whereupon a similar number of the
SKIRMISH WITH THE PORTUGUESE, OCTOBER 163O 353
English went ashore. The enemy were chased to their frigates,
a great many killed, and 26 or 27 taken prisoner. About six
Englishmen hurt, but only one, named Baker, " being a fate man,
ovearheatein of his bodey and drinkein of colde watear, died,
bein not shot at all." Extract from the Log of the Blessing
{English Factories^ 1630 — 1633, p. 70).
Jan van Hasel's Account.
The English vessels... entered the harbour on Oct. 22 [1630,
Dutch style]. The enemy [the Portuguese] had made several
faint attempts to harass them, but had received such a welcome
that they had soon left them in peace. But as soon as the
English had begun unloading their cargo, the Portuguese sent
about 80 men on shore to capture the goods, but they were
beaten off so successfully that but a few returned to the frigates.
The English made 27 prisoners whilst the greater part were
killed. On Nov. 3d the enemy sent four fire-ships among the
English vessels, but a guard-boat caught them with a grapnel
(they were fastened together by chains) and led them to the
shore, where they were burnt without having done any other
harm. Extract of a letter from Jan van Hasel at Sural to the
Directors of the Dutch E. I. Co. at Amsterdam., dated 30 Aug.
1 63 1 {Dutch Style) [Hague Transcripts, No. ccc).
M. II. 23
APPENDIX C.
JOHN LEACHLAND, HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER.
John Leachland, purser's mate of the Company's ship Expe-
ditio7i, arrived at Surat in 1615 and remained there as a factor.
In 161 7 Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador to the court of the Mogul,
directed that Leachland should be entertained as a factor for
Persia "to bee imployed in veiwing and buying the silkes, in
which hee pretends hee hath had breeding and experience."
But there is no record of Leachland's service in Persia, nor any
mention of his having gone there. In 162 1 he was ordered
home, but in November of that year was sent to Burhanpur
with a consignment of goods for the " Prince's court." During
the next two years he was constantly employed in the Company's
business at Burhanpur, Baroda, Ahmadabad and Cambay, and
there are numerous letters extant from him at this period^.
In 1624 Leachland's wages were increased. After this there
is no mention of him till 1626 when " Att a Consultation held
in Surratt the 20th February 1625 [1626] whereat were present
Mr Thomas Kerridge, President Richard Wilde, William Hoare
and George Page, it was determined, vlzt^'
"John Letchland haveing for some passed yeares privatly
kept a Woman of this Country and by her had a Childe (lately
deceased) whereby it was discovered to the rest of the English,
with whom alsoe he still Continueth. And not withstanding the
many perswasions both of the President and Councell to divert
him from farther persisting in that Course of life, standeth yet
see firmely resolute not to leave her, as that he desireth rather
1 .See Roe, ed. Foster; Letters Received, vo\%. IV. v.; English Factories
161 7 — 1629 for further details of Leachland's early career in India.
^ Factory Records, Surat, i. 117.
JOHN LEACHLAND, HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER 355
to be Suspended the Companys Service and Wages then to be
Constrayned to Abandon her Conversation^ though with Con-
tinuance of his wonted meanes and former repute, which desire of
his being by this Councell had to consideration, it was Concluded
to condiscend to his request untill the Companys Farther pleasure
be manyfested. The rather for that any strickt course would
(as his passions declare) have hastened his marrying to her and
soe Consequentlye have forsaken his Country and freinds ; or in
case of faile thereof to some other desperate undertaking to his
aparente Ruine, both which all were Willing to prevent, hoping
that time will reclaime him and that himselfe will at last be
sencible of his owne Errors, being otherwise a man of fayre
demeanor, Sufficient Abillities, and cleare of Accounts with the
Honorable Company in India."
After this Leachland's name disappears from the Company's
Records until February 1632 when, owing to the shortage of
factors consequent on the many deaths at Surat, he was re-
admitted as a factor and placed in charge of a caravan bound
to Agra^ He seems to have returned to Surat some time in
1632, and died there two years later.
At a Consultation held in Surat on the 30th June 1634^ there
is the following entry : " Since the decease of John Leachland
a small writeing was produced under his hand directed to the
President and Counsell Contayneing as followeth.
"Worshipfull Etc. the Honorable Company areindepted to me
for my wages, the which I pray may bee devided between [the
woman] Manna [Manya] and my daughter Mary. Untill the
Companys order shall come. Allow them such allowance as you
shall thinke fitt ; and my humble desire unto you is that you
would see my daughter Christianly brought up, which is the Last
request of your dicing freind
John Leachland.
Suratt le 22th Jtine A?ino 1634.
" Which this Counsaile have thought good to graunt in some
measure, purposeing to allowe his wife and daughter somewhat
to sustaine them till they heare what probabilitie there is of wages
due to his Account from the Honorable Company. And con-
1 See Relation viii. pp. 80 — 83.
- Factory Records, Surat, i. 302 — 303.
23—2
356 APPENDIX C
cerning his daughter, they Hke well of his Christian request, and
at present houlde it fitt to send her for England to some freinds
that may entertaine her, but deferre the finall resolution thereof
till hereafter."
The Company's orders received from England induced the
Council to alter their decision regarding Leachland's widow and
daughter. At a Consultation held on the 22nd October 1634^
we find: "A former Consultation gave (deceased) Mr Leach-
land's wife and daughter some Monethly allowance to feed them,
upon his Earnest request on his deathbed (extant in writeing
under his hands) wherein he affirmed to have wages due to him
from the Honorable Company, who have now bene pleased to
write out concerning him, but with great dislike of himself, family
and service, not mentioning any Sallary to be due to him on
Account. Whereof this Councell being uncertaine and fearing
the Contrary, have thought good to suspend the forementioned
allowance, least the Company should be destitute of meanes for
satisfaction. And to send home his daughter for England, they
have a great desyre, in regard she is a Christian, and may un-
doubtedly find entertaynment in divers places, without prejudice
to the Company. But, upon a little motion thereof the other day
to her mother, they find her utterly unwilling to part with her,
threatninge her appeale to this Governor. Whereupon tis sup-
posed some trouble wilbe produced, besides peradventure the
Companys displeasure hereafter ; and therefore till they shalbe
pleased out of England to enorder her disposure otherwise, these
impediments are of force to detayne her still in India."
The Court of Committees had evidently commented in strong
terms on Leachland's irregular union. Their letter is not
extant, but in reply the President and Council of Surat wrote,
on the 29th November, 1634^, "John Leechland was discharged
your service long since and so should have continued, if God had
bene pleased to have given him longer life. You will find in a
Journall when hee dyed and how, as also his disposure of what he
doth pretend to be due unto him for ^ of sallary whilest hee
continued in your service betwixt his woman and his daughter.
He deceased miserably poore, for which cause we then resolved
1 Factory Records, Surat, i. 313 — 314.
- O. C. No. 1543 A, p. 5.
JOHN LEACHLAND, HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER 357
to allow them somewhat Monethly out of the meanes which they
pretend ; but your dislike of them and their disorders being come
to our perusall, we suspended the allowance as we shall doe the
payment of his Sallary untill your pleasure shall warrant the Act.
In the meane tyme it is great pitty that the poore girle should
perish in the mothers education who is undoubtedly a most
wicked woman, for which cause we sometymes thought to have
forced her from her mother and have sent her home to some of
Leechlands kindred, but not knoweing whether it might displease,
we attend further order. She is now about 9 yeares of age and
it would be an act of Charity to add to her Baptisme Christian
education. Bee Confident, we beseech you, that her house
shalbe proscribed. Whilest hee Hved there might be couler for
a visitt. Now, according to the Custome of the Countrey, there
can be nothing but suspition."
This report caused Leachland's relatives to take action. At a
Court of Committees held on the 25th November, 1635, it was
ordered, " on petition of Henry Bonner, who married a sister of
John Leachland, deceased in India," that a clause be inserted in
the next letter to Surat desiring the President " to do his best to
get possession of the said Leachland's daughter (whose mother is
an Indian) and send her to England by the next ships \"
No further correspondence on the subject is extant until 1639,
when, in their letter of the 15th January, the President and
Council of Surat wrote to the Court ^: "Your former President
Mr Methwould and some of us then of Councell that subscribe
to this have in some of our letters mooved you in behalfe of a
woman called John Leachland's wife, to whom and his Daughter
hee having in equall proportions to bee divided betwixt them
bequeathed whatever hee dyed possessed of, added to that his guift
also the import of his sallary due to him for his Service. The
said woman (some daies before Mr Methwoulds departure) was
very urgent with him therefore, which hee then, as wee now
(uppon the Hke demands made by her) denied, and declared that
without your order wee could not soe dispose of your monies.
Whereuppon shee procured some in our house to frame this
Petition shee sends your Worship, The which you may please
^ Coui-t Minutes, 1635 — 1639, P- ^2°'
2 O. C. No. T658, pp. 4—5.
358 APPENDIX C
to heare, and returne by Us what answere you thinke fitting.
Shee is become miserably poore, Soe that your Charity would
bee both seasonable and wellcome. Wee remember you have
in a former of yours in part inclined to gratify her request, which
notwithstanding by discontinuance of further mentioning it, hath
bine againe forgotten. And therefore now wee are the rather
imboldened thus to represent it."
" Manna Lichland's " petition does not exist and there is no
record of the Court's reply to the representation of the Surat
Council on her behalf. The end of the story came five years
later, and is related in a letter from Surat to the Court, dated
27th January, 1644. The President and Council wrote ^ : "Your
Worshipps in former missives from this Presidency have bin
advised that it was noe lesse necessary in respect of her selfe
as becomeing the honor of our religion and Nacion that the
Daughter of John Leechland should bee sent to her Kindred
in England ; for which alsoe wee remember that her uncle,
Mr William Leechland, petitioned and obtained your Consents ;
which though you were then pleased to grant, yett upon arriveall
of your pleasures therein, her Mother being with the Daughter
retired to Barroach and Brodera, and soe missing that yeares
passage, nor one nor the other were after that time thought on,
untill May or June last passed, when from the mother was
presented a petition to your President and Councell for leave
to Marry her daughter unto one William Appleton, taylor and
attendance {sic) at Surratt ; whereof wee had duely considered,
though wee found it a new thing never before desired or granted,
yett withall it was apprehended a necessary meanes to preserve
her honor and honesty unteinted, which till then, though shee
wanted not provocations enough from her mother to tempt her
to prostitution, was almost miraculously preserved ; besides which
the remembrance of your former grant for her comeing to England
in your shipps, and her Uncles Charitable inclination towards her,
invited us to gratifie her desires. Soe that they were by our
Minister, Mr Andrew Baines, solemn[l]y married, and have since
(susteined by the Charitie of your servants) poorely yett honestly
and decently subsisted. Yett there maine Comforts depending
on your favors and the hopes they have to bee relieved by
1 0. C. No. 1858, p. 18.
JOHN LEACHLAND, HIS WIFE AND DAUGHTER 359
Mr William Leechland, and the hopes they have in a peticion
directed to your Worshipps emplored your Consent that what-
soever shalbee found due to John Leechland upon his accompt
of wagis, if not already otherwaies disposed off, may (as upon
his death bedd hee desired) bee sent them, that soe, whether you
please to license there returnes from, or continuance in, India,
soe much may at least bee added towards sustenance and future
subsistance."
APPENDIX D.
THE FIRST ENGLISH COMMERCIAL MISSION
TO PATNA, 1620-1621.
There are references in Peter Mundy's Journal^ to the work of
Robert Hughes and John Parker at Patna in 1620 and 162 1.
Mr WilHam Foster gives a short, concise notice of their com-
mercial mission, together with abstracts of their correspondence,
in his English Factories 16 18 — 1621, and a full account (as
contained in the original documents) is to be found in the
Indian Antiquary, vol. XLiii. (1914). Some further comments on
this early venture of the East India Company are, however, of
interest here, as showing that the spirit in which the two earlier
factors entered on their duties was very different from that ex-
hibited by Mundy. Theirs was the first attempt to start a factory
at Patna on behalf of the Company, and it failed of its purpose,
not because of local difficulties, but owing to orders of withdrawal
issued by the controlling authorities in India. They were deputed
from Agra by the Council at Surat, were able to show the
practicability of starting a remunerative factory, and were with-
drawn by orders from Surat without effecting anything beyond
providing an indication of the trade to be done. Twelve years
later, in 1632, Peter Mundy was, like them, sent to Patna by the
chief at Agra, in obedience to orders from Surat. Unlike them,
however, he objected to the experiment, disbelieved in its useful-
ness, and was delighted when he was recalled, being convinced
that his mission was the result of a mistake, an opinion which
ultimately proved to be correct". So the second mission to Patna
^ See Relation viii. pp. 135-136, and Relation x. p. 144.
^ See Relation x. p. 156.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 162O — 1621 361
failed also, and it was not till after 1650 that any business of
a permanent nature was established there ^ by the Company.
The first attempt to found a settlement at Patna originated in
this wise. It came to the knowledge of the Company's servants
in India that the cloths they generally called ambertees or
ambertrees (corruptions of the native terms ambatl and anibatri
for stout, close calicoes of narrow width) were to be procured
cheaply, and in large quantities, at Patna, to them a far place to
the East, though approachable in a commercial sense. So in
16 1 9 they determined to send Robert Hughes, a factor of four
years' experience and at that time second at Agra, to see what
could be done ; and they gave him as assistants John Bangham
and John Young, then on his way up from Surat. Young was,
however, much delayed, and both he and Bangham were diverted
to Lahore. Thus, in the end, Robert Hughes started off by
himself on the 5th June 1620, with a credit of Rs. 4000, for the
unknown, after a fashion common in those plucky times, and
29 days later, on the 3rd July, duly arrived at Patna with his
convoy of goods. He remained there alone until the middle of
September, when he was joined by John Parker, who had replaced
Bangham ^
The first thing that Hughes did on arrival was to convert his
bills of exchange for Rs. 4000 into cash, and then he visited the
Governor, Nawab Mukarrab Khan", who was then Subahdar of
Bihar. The Nawab was pleased to see him, but proved to be
^ The actual date of the establishment of the Patna Factory is uncertain. A
settlement was probably made there after the foundation of the Hugli Factory
in 1651. At any rate, Patna was a centre of trade before February 1659,
when Richard Chamberlain was appointed by the Court to be agent at that
place.
^ The letters from Hughes and Parker to the authorities at Agra and Surat
are preserved among the records at the India Office [Factory Records, Patna,
vol. I.), and it is from these that the following narrative is taken. Un-
fortunately, the correspondence from Agra and Surat is not now in existence.
* Nawab Mukarrab Khan, usually surnamed Jahangiri to distinguish him
from other notables of the same name, was one of Jahanglr's most trusted
nobles and well accustomed to deal with Europeans. In 1608 he sent the
Emperor from Cambay the finest European tapestry seen in India to that
date. In 1609 he sent a picture of Timur procured in Goa. In i6t2 he
visited Jahangir, bringing, among other things from Goa and the West Coast,
a turkey cock, a bird which much puzzled the Emperor. In 161 3 he was
back in Goa with orders to check Portuguese depredations on the native
shipping from Surat. See Elliot, Hist, of India, vi. 317, 320, 330, 337, 362,
423 and VII. 12.
362 APPENDIX D. THE FIRST ENGLISH
greedy of presents and merchandise, for which he was reputed to
pay well, a reputation he maintained. His desires ran in the
direction of European articles, such as cloths and hides, and he
also wanted tapestries, gold tissues, velvets, embroideries, feathers
and other things then not readily procurable in India. Hughes
next searched for a convenient dwelling, but even with the help
of an order from the Governor, he did not find it an easy matter.
Finally he settled in a house in the Great Bazar near the Kotwali,
which was a wise proceeding.
Hughes soon discovered that the ambati cloths he was seeking
came from Lakhawar, about 20 miles distant, where there was
a market in those things for the surrounding villages in which
they were woven. But he found, too, that these cloths were sold
unbleached, and that the bleaching was a troublesome business,
occupying some three months before the goods could be made fit
for the European market \ Other kinds of calico, both fine and
coarse, were also obtainable in large quantities at Lakhawar, but
it required time to procure them, as the weavers had to be given
advances before manufacture. He further discovered that he had
to face a severe competition in the shape of Portuguese merchants
from Hugli and Pipli in the delta of the Ganges (then places
known to the English only by distorted names and reports), and of
native agents from the country round about Patna and from Upper
India and Persia, who came for ambatls and also for fine cotton
goods made in Malda and Bihar for sale in Lahore and North-
western India generally. The most important discovery, however,
that Hughes made, the value of which unfortunately the authorities
at Surat did not at all appreciate, was that Patna and the
neighbourhood, besides being a considerable source for the supply
of cotton goods, was a great market for Bengal silk, both in skeins
and cloths. Into this point he went deeply and learnt all he
could.
In the first year of work, 1620, Hughes was unable to supply
anything of consequence for shipping home, because he started
too late in the season to get cotton goods bleached in time, and
all he dared to do in the matter of silk goods was to procure
samples. He was sharp enough to see the value of tasar (tussore)
silk goods from Lower Bengal, and invested Rs. 400 in them as
1 Letter of 12 July 1620. Factory Records, Patna, vol. I.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 162O— '1621 363
a trial, but in vain ; and it was left to Streynsham Master to start
the trade in that valuable commodity in 1679^ Hughes seems
to have been quite competent for the task entrusted to him, and
after four months' observations, in a part of the world then entirely
new to English traders, he was able to report that the "two mayne
propes which must uphould this [Patna] a factory and theye not
to be provided in any quantityes without a continual! residence^"
were anibatl calicoes and skein silk. In the end it proved to be
as well that the first consignment from Patna happened to be
small, as though it reached Agra safely, it never arrived in Surat,
having been robbed on the way, together with the whole caravan
with which it was sent^ by the Deccan [Dakhan] Army in the war
then going on between Jahangir and the allied Deccan kings
whose forces were commanded by Malik 'Ambar.
Hughes and his assistant Parker lost no time in setting about
creating a good supply of merchandise for shipping home in 162 1,
and as soon as they had dispatched the limited supplies of 1620,
on the 4th October, they commenced collecting unbleached
ambafis at Lakhawar, though they dropped investments in silk,
pending the orders of the authorities. They were much hampered
in their fresh ventures by the late arrival of funds from head-
quarters. This threw them back in procuring supplies in good
time, but they managed nevertheless to comply with practically
all the demands made on them. The merchants at Surat, after
a manner not uncommon in authorities at a distance, had in fact
expected their requirements in ambati calicoes and Bengal silk to
be at once satisfied, without reference to the timely dispatch of
funds and means for the purpose.
Apart from the trouble due to the action of their employers,
the two isolated factors were not without local difficulties to
disturb them. By March, 162 1, Nawab Mukarrab Khan, their
friend and honestly paying client, was recalled and his place
taken by Sultan Parviz, a son of the Emperor Jahangir, whose
actual arrival was, however, delayed till the end of May in that
year. The change did not promise well for the Company, for
one of the first things that happened was the forcible occupation
of all available accommodation at Patna by the huge retinue of
^ See Stiej'nshain Master, ed. Temple, i. 112, 136.
^ Letter of 11 Nov. 1620. Factory Records, Patna, vol. I.
364 APPENDIX D. THE FIRST ENGLISH
the Imperial Prince, without reference to the needs of those
displaced, among whom were included the English factors. The
prince's mere presence also in Lakhawar caused a temporary
suspension of trade, as no one wanted to appear to have any
money as long as his people were on the scene. The early
withdrawal of Hughes and Parker soon afterwards, however,
prevented the effects of any policy the new Governor may have
contemplated from becoming apparent.
Then, on Saturday 24th March, 162 1, the incipient factory
was subjected to a great misfortune. One of those enormous
fires, so common and disastrous in towns which, like Patna, are
largely made up of wattle-and-thatch houses and huts, started
about noon in the western suburb known as Alamganj, about
a mile and a half outside the walls. There was a violent wind at
the time, and the fire destroyed the suburb and got over the walls
into the very heart of the city in about an hour. Then ensued
the usual frantic efforts on the part of the whole population to
save what was possible on very little warning. Fortunately
Hughes, who was alone, Parker being at Lakhawar, had the
assistance of nearly a hundred workmen by chance on the
premises at the time, and he managed with their help to get most
of the Company's goods, evidently stored in ordinary thatched
warehouses, into an adjoining stone building before the fire
reached him. It caught a thatched hut immediately in front of
his own dwelling, and all he could save out of this last were his
account-books and his money. His own belongings were lost, as
well as a small amount of the Company's property. From the
English warehouses the fire sped on through the town, and only
burnt itself out when it had reached the extreme eastern suburbs.
Hughes heard that 300 people had lost their lives. The story is
temperately told, and is no doubt true, as the present writer
more than once saw the same thing happen between 1886 and
1889 in what was then the great wattle-and-thatch city of Manda-
lay, after it was taken over by the English from the native king.
Hughes' matter-of-fact account^ shows him in the very favourable
light of a brave, imperturbable man, who thought of the Company's
interests first and of his own afterwards.
By the middle of August, 1621, the factors at Patna knew that
the Surat authorities had determined not to go on with their
1 Letter of 31 March 162 1. Factory Records, Patna, vol i.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 1620— 162I 365
experiment there, and this obliged them to drop all further
attempts at establishing a trade in Bengal silk, and to confine
their attention to completing their commitments in the calico
business. By the 12th September everything was ready for
closing the factory, and next day Hughes set out for Agra, leaving
Parker to bring up the goods. The unusually heavy rains of
1 62 1, however, prevented Parker from starting till the middle of
October, and he did not reach Agra till the 14th November,
arriving in some fear of censure from his masters, as the last letter
from Surat^ indicated that John Young might be sent on from
Samana to continue the new factory.
Thus ended the first attempt of the Company to establish
a trading centre at Patna. Parker, who had been ill for some
time with dysentery at both Lakhawar and Patna, continued to
suffer therefrom till he died on the road from Agra to Surat in
1623. Hughes, too, died early in the same year at Agra. Their
deaths may have been hastened by their imprisonment under
Jahangir's orders, in 1622, in consequence of the seizure by the
English of some goods belonging to merchants in Surat.
Though nothing out of the way for the times, this trading
commission to Patna was a notable feat of endurance, pluck and
self-reliance in difficult conditions, and it is interesting to note
some of the details connected with its performance. The trade
carried on, the financing of it, the means of transport and the
methods of dealing with cotton and silk goods at the very
commencement of English commerce in the interior of India are
all matters of sufficient importance to make the proceedings of
the first factors at Patna worthy of consideration.
They imported two classes of goods : firstly, those which they
expected to sell to the Governor and his entourage, and secondly,
those for the general market. Nawab Mukarrab Khan, the
particular Governor with whom they had to deal, was, most
fortunately for them, well acquainted with Europeans, and knew
the value of what they could procure from Europe as presents for
the Emperor. So he paid well, and cash settlements with him
were prompt and most satisfactory to the English adventurers.
The articles he wanted make an interesting list. They included
empty bottles, looking-glasses, "toys,"/.^. objets d'art; tapestries
^ Letter from Parker of 17 September 1621. Factory Recoi'ds, Patna, vol. i.
366 APPENDIX D. THE FIRST ENGLISH
for curtains [parda), paying as much as Rs. 300 for one piece,
gold tissue, velvet, embroidered cloth, broadcloth (kersey), red,
green and yellow brocade ; swords, enamels and fine iron-ware ;
feathers (? ostrich), bobbin-lace, amber beads ; European hides
and even damaged cloths. On one bill alone he paid Rs. 2400
for his desires.
The English trial imports for the local market included cloths,
ivory, hides, quicksilver, vermilion, lead, tin, saffron, swords,
knives and fine iron-ware. Also amber beads which were not
worth much, however, and coral beads which sold badly in Patna
but well in Bengal, where coral was wanted in connection with
burning the dead: a most interesting statement. The information
procured about coral beads was curious. Small beads 5 grs. in
weight sold at 72 the rupee; beads of 10 grs. at 12 ; of 15 grs. at
7 ; of 20 grs. at ^\ : which shows that beads of more than 5 grs.
were not common. The British exports were Lakhawar cotton
goods and Bengal silk in skeins and woven, both procurable in any
quantity desired, lignum aloe (eagle-wood), spikenard and gumlack,
which last was not valuable. The best time for export was in
October after the rains.
In reference to the trade competition already mentioned, the
rivals were Portuguese, trading entirely via Bengal, who imported
Chinese silks, spices, tin and jewellery, and exported anibatl
calicoes, khdssa or fine muslin, silk, and Jaunpur carpets.
There were also native merchants who imported nothing but
specie and bought everything they wanted with that or by means
of bills of exchange. Their requirements were chiefly ambatl
calicoes, but they also wanted, firstly cotton goods in the form of
sheets {dopatta) from Malda, and secondly muslins {kaii?ikMnl,
a coarse variety of khdssa) from Bihar, which were about 15 yds.
long and 27 inches wide' and valued at Rs. 2 to Rs. 3 apiece.
These muslins were not fit for the English market, though they
were readily saleable in Persia, Turkey and Northern Africa.
The native merchants came, too, for turbans [mandil), of which
Benares was the best source of supply, and for the short silk
cloths known as aldcha/r.
Goods passing to and fro in this trade were transported under
^ That is, 14 coveds by f coved: taking the coved at 33 inches.
- Huglies' letter of 12 July 1620. Faclory /Records, Patna, vol. I.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 1620 — 1621 367
escorts in carts carrying usually about half a ton, or in boats.
Hughes was told by the Portuguese that the journey by boat
from Patna down to the sea, probably Pipli, was six days, but the
journey up eighteen days. This was most likely a large under-
estimate, as when he dealt in Bengal silks at Murshidabad, very
much nearer by river to Patna than the sea, he found that he had
to allow two months for the journey there and back\ Land
transport from Patna to Agra was supposed to occupy 30 to 35
days, but recorded times are 29, 30 and 40 days, and the rule
seems to have been to allow full stipulated rates for a ;^o days'
journey with a deduction of 25 per cent, for any time occupied
over that period. Whether the merchants were able to enforce
such a rule, however, seems doubtful, as one of Hughes' bargains
is stated in these terms: for the carriage of 81 maunds in carts
he was to pay down Rs. 153, with a promise of Rs. 8 more if the
carts arrived in Agra to time^ And he and Parker, for the
carriage of 52 maunds, paid Rs. 74I down with a similar promise
of Rs. 8 more". So it would seem that the worst that could
happen in practice to the carters was the loss of the additional
Rs. 8. The carters were also quite equal to striking if they did
not like a job, just as they do nowadays in India, for Parker
discovered, when he was leaving Patna, that on the first day out
his carters had dropped his goods on the roadside and bolted,
because they found the bales to be too heavy, though they had
previously agreed to the size. Parker was then left, as has been
many a man since his day, to do the best he could as to collecting
his property and proceeding on his journey. One is perhaps not
surprised at the carters' behaviour in this case, as Parker had
laden nearly a ton on each of his carts, whereas Hughes only put
about half a ton on those carrying his consignment.
The normal cost of land transport from Patna to Agra, as
bargained for by Hughes and Parker, was Rs. ij to Rs. 2^ per
maund of 62^ lbs., including the pay of the native supervisor,
which was Rs. 10 to Rs. 15 for the journey. But this seems
to have been about one-third less than the sum usually paid.
Additional sources of cost in transport were robbery and damage
1 Letter of 11 April 1621. Factory Records, Patna, vol. I.
^ Letter of 6 October 1620. Factory Records, Patna, vol. I.
^ Letter of 19 May 162 1. Factory Records, Patna, vol. i.
368 APPENDIX D. THE FIRST ENGLISH
by rain, both of which had to be taken philosophically as ordinary
trade risks.
Correspondence was all sent by private messengers, who were
obtainable in the Chief Bazar of Patna, and were known as bazar
kasids and apparently belonged to a recognised class carrying on
this particular business. The time required for the journey to
Agra was considered to be 1 1 days, but was extended to 1 5 and
even 25 days, though this last was looked on as an unconscionably
long time to spend on \\}.
The English trade in Patna was financed from Agra by means
of money bills drawn by native merchants there on their corres-
pondents in the former city, the aggregate value of which seems
to have been Rs. 37,000, or ^\(i2^ at the rate of exchange at the
time. The credits were sent out in driblets, generally too late for
their purpose, causing the two factors in Patna much anxiety, and
sometimes bringing them into difficulties. In this way they had
Rs. 4000 to start with, to which Rs. 1000 were afterwards added,
and then they received in succession Rs. 5000J 5000; 3000;
8000; 8000 and 3000. There was not much trouble in getting
the bills cashed, provided care was exercised in selecting firms for
the purpose of drawing them, as the bills of any one in Agra who
had previously behaved in a manner which the Patna merchants
did not like were practically tabooed, and the drafts of such
a man gave the English factors in Patna much the same trouble
as a doubtful cheque would nowadays cause in London. In one
case Hughes had to warn the authorities in Agra that Prag Das
"his Sonne," a bill discounter in Patna, had become "cracked,"
that is, bankrupt, by a run on him made by means of bills for Rs.
100,000, owing to the proceedings of his father in Agra^. On
another occasion a small bill was not negotiable even at 4 per
cent, discount. Bills were usually drawn at 40 and 41 days
sight, but Hughes showed that it was better for the Company's
credit to make them payable at 14 ("twice seven") days sight,
which he pointed out was safe, as the messengers only took
eleven days on the road ; and this advice his correspondents
followed towards the end.
Sometimes Hughes had to draw on Agra to keep himself
^ Letters of 29 December 1620, 31 March and 17 September 1621. Factory
Records, Patna, vol. I.
^ Letter of 3 September 1620. Factory Records, Patna, vol. I.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 162O — 162I 369
going, but he does not seem to have found much difficulty in
procuring cash in this way. The exchange was i| per cent, to
2 per cent, in favour of Agra, and Hughes was quite pleased with
himself on securing a draft for Rs. 2000 at if per cent, at a time
when the Governor, Mukarrab Khan, was being transferred from
Patna and had sent Rs. 300,000 to Agra for his own account.
The difference between cash (newly coined rupees) and paper
money {/itmdls, cheques or bills of exchange) was small ; only
1 1 per cent.
The two classes of merchandise to which Hughes and Parker
paid continuous and close attention were cotton and silk goods,
and as to these there is a good deal to be learnt from their
correspondence. The commodity they were chiefly in search of
was ambatl calico, a stout, close, narrow cloth measured by the
jahdngirl coved, or cubit of 40 inches or a little more. Of this
there were three sorts known to the makers, who resided round
and about I-akhawar, some 20 miles from Patna. The three
varieties, unbleached and just as they came from the loom, were
all 13 coveds, say 14-2- yds. long, but they were of varying breadths.
Thus, the razdi was 20 inches wide and fetched Rs. 2 net the
piece; the zafarkhdni was 25 to 30 inches wide and fetched
Rs. 1 1 to Rs. 6 net ; the jahdngirl was 40 inches wide and fetched
Rs. 3 to Rs. 12 net. From these facts one supposes that quality
as well as quantity had to do with the price. The orders from
Surat were to buy 20,000 ambatis for the 162 1 shipping, at an
average of Rs. 2 each for zafarkhdnls and Rs. 8 each for jahdn-
glrls ; and in the end this order was practically completed at
Rs. 2 for the former and Rs. 6 for the latter^ Hughes and Parker
evidently did well as bargainers.
The trade in cotton goods was, however, not so simple as it
would at first appear. Firstly, the bleaching was a serious matter,
involving a delay of some three months, and with it were connected
various charges. The actual cost of bleaching is stated to have
been Rs. 2^^ to Rs. 3^ per score of pieces, besides the cost of
cleaning materials, which means that it was 2 annas to 3 annas
the piece. Then there was an allowance of 25 per cent, to the
vendor; that is, the score meant 16 not 20 or, to put it in another
way, Rs. 20 counted as Rs. 25. Thirdly, there was the raza\ or
1 Letters of 6 August, 6 October and 11 November 1620. Factory Records,
Patna, vol. I,
M. II. 24
370 APPENDIX D. THE FIRST ENGLISH
a fragment of lo per cent, of the total length of a piece cut off by
the owner before putting it out to bleach, which, however, was
saleable on its own account as unbleached stuff; and of course
where purchases were on a large scale, the razd formed a valuable
asset. But one result of this custom was to reduce the bleached
pieces from 14^^ yds. in length to about 13 yds. Next, there was
a fluctuating, unsettled brokerage on the unbleached goods, while
on the bleached f per cent, to i per cent, was chargeable as
brokerage, together with a duty of f per cent, to i per cent,
more, reckoned at 5 pice the piece. Of this duty 2 pice went to
the Governor, 2 to the broker, and i to the merchant. So it
would seem that the maker paid it. Altogether there must have
been a great deal of calculation over each transaction, during
which each party had to keep his eyes open and his head cool,
these unpleasant necessities being brought about by the anxiety
of every individual concerned to make what he could for himself
out of the rest.
Trading was not rendered easier by customary variations in
measurements, as to which, complicated letters from Patna seem
to bring out the following facts. Hughes took the. Jahdnglri coved
of 40 inches as the standard for commercial purposes and was
much upset by the factors at Surat first mixing this up (and no
blame to them) with the ilahi gaz or Agra coved of 33^ inches,
and then thinking that to be 32 1 inches : the result of course
being a disconcerting discrepancy in accounts. Then there was
a Patna coved of 41 inches and yet another at Lakhawar of
43|- inches, by means of which last it would appear that the
weavers were done out of ^^ or say 6\ per cent, on sales, not
(one suspects) without their knowledge, but because they could
not help it.
Despite these drawbacks, the trade in ambatis at Lakhawar
was large, lasting from three to four months in the year, at the
rate of 1000 pieces a day, or from 90,000 to 120,000 pieces per
annum, valued at Rs. 2 the piece all round, or from Rs. 200,000
to Rs. 250,000 annually. So Hughes was fully justified in advising
that Rs. 50,000, or ^6250 at the current rate of exchange, could
be safely allocated yearly to this class of investment alone ^, and
that it was therefore worth while to start a factory at Patna. This
' Letter of \^ July 1620. Facloiy Records, Patna, vol. i.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 162O — 162I 371
advice was supported by the fact that in addition to the ambati
calicoes, Hughes found the following cotton cloths easily procurable
in the neighbourhood. Sahan, fine sheeting, and hammdm,
toweUing, both brought from Lower Bengal by Pathan dealers :
chautdhd, a coarse, double-length, double-width cloth, and rdivat,
a variety of cliautdha used as canvas for tenting : and kamsTikhd,
a rough unfinished product, which, if transported unbleached, had
to be cleaned of grease and dirt from the loom, or it would not
last out a journey.
Hughes' acquaintance with Bengal silk was the result of
a discovery. He went to Patna for cotton, and found this variety
of silk in any quantity he might desire, together with unlimited
labour for converting it to English uses. He also found, and at
first he thought it would be very useful to the Agra factors, that
there was a difference of 36 per cent, in the price of skein silk
between the two places in favour of Patna, but the price at Agra
fell for various reasons from 25 per cent, to 30 per cent, within
a year. The best silk came apparently in cocoons (unwound)
from Maksudabad and Saidabad, i.e., Murshidabad in Bengal.
The sale of skein silk seems to have been a monopoly of the
Governor, and it had to be bought through his agent, the Town
Magistrate {Jzotwdl) in Patna. Hughes therefore considered that
it would probably be cheaper to wind off the silk from the cocoons
himself than to buy it in skeins from the kotwdl. His ideas were
to send skeins of his own winding direct to Agra, and there to
make a profit of 20 per cent, to 36 per cent, on his operations at
Patna ; to convert some of the skeins into floss silk as a profitable
investment for England, despite a loss of 25 per cent, in weight
by the process ; and to start a factory of 200 to 300 silkwinders,
though, on the receipt of discouraging letters from his principals,
he did not employ more than a hundred. Finally, of course, the
whole scheme came to an end on his recall to Agra.
Nevertheless Hughes took a great deal of trouble with his
winding experiments and reported his results with much minute-
ness and with that complication of statement that distinguishes
men without mathematical training when dealing with figures.
Thus, he produced what he called seven qualities of silk threads
from a ser of cocoon silk, calling the ser\\\Q. weight of 342^ "pices":
a pice being a copper coin valued at 64 to the rupee and con-
ventionally weighing then say half an ounce, which would make
24 — 2
26
i8i
Mi,
16
i6
Hi
24
II
7i
73
51
37i
fjS
34
26
—
372 APPENDIX D. THE FIRST ENGLISH
the weight of the ser to be 17I oz. or a little over a pound'. He
then proceeded to state the proportion of each sort wound off in
terms of " pices " at 34I to the ser. Three of these sorts had
native names, and the other four were clearly of his own creation,
but these he subsequently found it convenient to treat as one.
So that practically his winding produced the three ordinary sorts,
one of his own, and a certain amount of valueless waste. Stating
his complicated computations in modern terms, it will be found
that his Bengal silk per ser weight was wound off the cocoon in
the following proportions :
proportion value
^ •■- . per ser
parts percentage in annas^
1. j/^'/C'ai-M; broken, irregular: "7th sort"
2. katwai; imperfect, discoloured : "6th sort"
3. gird; round, even quality: "istsort"
4. "2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th sorts": good quality
5. waste : valueless
This is to say in general terms that one may expect to wind off
from Bengal cocoons 50 per cent, good silk, 25 per cent, poor,
and 25 per cent, waste. The customary length of native skeins
was a coved of 33^^ to 40 inches, but for the purposes of the
English market Hughes made it a yard. Floss silk was made out
of shikasta and katiaai skeins dyed in several colours, but all that
Hughes sent to Surat on trial came out of katwai, except one
skein of a pale blue colour which was produced from shikasta.
As in the case of the cotton trade, the silk business was
complicated by the system of dealing. Thus, there was a discount
of 25 per cent, on settling accounts, a legal brokerage of \ per
cent, from the seller and i per cent, from the buyer, or i| per
cent, altogether; a commission for the Governor of 17 per cent.;
and sers that varied from 30 to 33^- and 34I pice. This sort of
variation of weight ran through all trade, and one finds that in
Hughes' time the ser for quicksilver was 37^ pice, for lignum
aloes 33 pice, and for amber beads 14 pice.
Made up silk in the form of quilts came from Satgaon near
' See Thomas, Useful Tables, pp. 115, 116, where he gives a ser of 64 pice
at Aurangabaiidar and a commercial ser sX Bombay of 30 pice. The first works
out the pice at 1% drs. and the second at 6 drs.
- Taking the anna of the period as i\d., then these prices per lb. may
be stated thus: No. i, 25. id. to is. ^d.; No. 2, y. 6d.; No. 3, 8s. ; No, 4^
6s. Td.
COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 162O— 162I 373
Hugli, and these Hughes Hned with taffeta (silk) or tasar (silk
and cotton mixed), and gave them silk fringes and tassels for the
English market. He also advised investment in Baikunthpur
alachah, silk goods 5^ yards long by 27 inches wide, as being
appropriate for the petticoats of both English and Persian ladies.
The first consignment sent by Hughes in 1620 never reached
Surat, and perhaps, owing to local opposition, none of his silks
were sent home, but on the assumption that some did reach
England, the most interesting fact of all in regard to his work is
that the first tasar (tussore) goods, then meaning cloths half silk
and half cotton in texture, ever exported from India arrived in
England in 1(622 or thereabouts, anticipating the trade initiated
by Streynsham Master by about 60 years. Hughes' expressions
tusser, tessur, tussre, are in fact the earUest forms of the Indian
term tasar, now represented by tussore, in the English language \
The quaintest things that Hughes tried to send home in 1620,
and one cannot but regret that they never reached even as far as
Surat, were " a cupall of prattUnge birds called mynnas \inaina\
which wee have bought to bee sent to the Company and intreate
you carre may bee taken for theire convayence to Surratt^."
Mr William Foster points out to me that in his ed. of The
Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hak. Soc), pp. 210—213, there is
an interesting reference to Hughes as a draughtsman. " So soon
as I came in, hee [Jahanglr] sent Asaph Chan [Asaf Khan] to
mee : that hee heard I had in my house an excellent Paynter and
desired hee might see some of his worke. I replyd, according to
truth, that ther was none but a young man, a Merchant, that for
his exercise did with a pen draw some figures, but very meanly,
far from the Arte of painting... When the King rose, I went to
Asaph chans house (having sent for Master Hewes, the supposed
Paynter)... and after some speech with Master Hewes, wherin hee
was Satisfied, Asaph chan asked mee for my little Picture [by
Isaac Oliver, the miniaturist] and presented it to the King." A
specimen of Hughes' work does not seem to have reached
Jahangir, for Roe proceeds with a quaint story about Oliver's
miniature.
1 The word occurs in the Aln Akbai'l, i. 94, but I have found no other
instance of it before 1621 in any English writer. Investment in 'Bengal silk'
was ordered in 1648.
^ Letter of 6 October 1620. Factory Records, Patna, vol. i.
APPENDIX E.
NOTE ON MIRZA ZU'LKARNAINI.
A CHRISTIAN IN THE MOGUL COURT.
Prefatory.
Mirza Zu'lkarnain (the Lord Alexander) was the Muhammadan
title of an Armenian, whose Christian name was Belchior (Melchior,
Gonsalvo). He was the son of a merchant of Aleppo settled in
India, who became attached to Akbar's Court at Lahore under the
title of Mirza Sikandar (the Lord Alexander). Mirza Sikandar's
wife was Bibi (Lady) Juliana, daughter of Khwaja (or Mir) 'Abdu'l-
HaT, an Armenian convert to Islam, and one of Akbar's judges
{kdzi) for at least 8 years, from 1581 to 1589. Juliana died before
1598, as in that year, at the request of Akbar on the persuasion of
his Christian wife, Mariam Zamani, who may possibly have been
a relation, Mirza Sikandar married his deceased wife's sister at
Lahore. By her he had two sons who afterwards became
Muhammadans in 1633^. All this was to the great scandal of
the Jesuit Fathers at the Court, as the family were strict Roman
Catholics. Mir 'Abdu'1-Hai had a brother, Mir 'Abdu'llah, who
was a Court player on the dulcimer {kdnun), and this may have
been the origin of the family connection with the Court.
Mirza Sikandar had two sons by Bibi Juliana, both with names
representing Alexander: Mirza Iskandarus, b. 1592, and Mirza
Zu'lkarnain, b. 1595, who were adopted by Akbar's Queens after
a well-known Oriental fashion, and brought up in the Royal
Apartments. He died in 16 13, being at his death in possession
of a jdgir (landed estate with military obligations attached) and
^ See Relation xvi. pp. 240, 241.
- The name of this wife and her sons have not come down to us.
A CHRISTIAN IN THE MOGUL COURT 375
the farm of the Government salt monopoly at the Sambhar Lake
in Rajputana, worth annually five to six lakh of rupees, ;^62,5oo
to ;^65,ooo at the exchange value of the rupee at that time. He
was succeeded in his office by Mirza Zu'lkarnain, then i8, who
proved to be a skilful administrator, and also an able musician
and a good vernacular poet. In 1620 Jahangir praised his
administration and made him Faujdar (civil and military adminis-
trator) of Sambhar. Between 1627 and 1632 he was Faujdar of
Bharaich in Oudh.
Mirza Zu'lkarnain was all his life a staunch Roman CathoHc,
and although the brothers had been forcibly circumcised, in 1606,
as Muhammadans, by Jahangir's orders, when the elder was 14
and the younger ii^ they always resisted all efforts to convert
them to Islam. So when Shah Jahan, who had been Zu'lkarnain's
playmate in the Palace, began to be intolerant of non-Muham-
madans, he recalled Zu'lkarnain from Bharaich, and in 1633
mulcted him of so much money (estimated at four to eight lakh
of rupees or p/^50,000 to ;^ioo,ooo), that he was practically
ruined. About 1640 Zu'lkarnain was again in favour. In 1645
he served in Bengal with Sultan Shuja', one of Shah Jahan's sons,
leaving \\\?, jdgir of Sambhar to be administered by an uncle, JanI
Beg (? brother of 'Abdu'1-Hai) on a salary of Rs. 50,000 (;^625o).
In 1649 he was back on Yii?, jdgir ; in 165 1 he was in Kashmir
and in 1652 at Lahore, on both occasions with the Emperor Shah
Jahan. Meanwhile, a nephew, George, had arrived from Aleppo
and he stayed with Zu'lkarnain for over two years, and in 1652
was sent to Rome to salute the Pope in his uncle's name. In
1654 Zu'lkarnain gave up his jdgir and retired to Delhi on a
pension of Rs. 100 per diem (^4700 per annum) and there it is
to be presumed he died, but neither the date of his death, nor
the place of his burial is now known.
His wife's name was Helena. She died in 1638 and was
buried in a fine garden he had at Lahore. She left three sons
and a daughter, Clara, who married well. The sons all had the
title of Mirza, and were respectively Observa (John Baptist)
d. 1619, Eres (Irij, Irich, Gaspar) b. 161 9, and Daniel (Danyal,
Michael), and they all predeceased their father.
1 Guerreiro, Relafam, 1605 — 1606: fol. 1^2 b — i^^a. Reference given
by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J.
3/6 APPENDIX E
The interest in Zu'lkarnain lies in the fact that he was all his
life a "pillar of Christianity," and a very generous supporter of
the native converts of the Jesuit missionaries of his day. So
much so that they spoke of him as "brother" and procured for
him the title of Founder of Agra College. An epitaph on a tomb
at Delhi shows that a great-granddaughter, Bibi Anna Dessa, died
there on March 2, 1736^ The claim of the Bourbon family of
Bhopal to be descended from Bibi Juliana, as the sister of Mariam
Zamani and wife of their founder, John Philip de Bourbon, does
not appear to have any foundation in fact.
I.
Extracts of Jesuit Annual Letters from Goa and
Cochin. Translated by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J.^
1 6 19. Mission of Mogo?- \J\Iogul Emperor'' s Domiiiions \
Hi7idustdn\ Our harvest of [new] Christians was largest in
a certain Province [Sambhar] over which the King has appointed
as Governor an Armenian Christian, a man of singular virtue,
whom all the Christians worship as their Father. His name is
Mrize' Zulcarnen [Mirza Zu'lkarnain]. He has taken at his Court
some two hundred poor people, whom he maintains without
regard to expense. His largesses — a bait wherewith he conceals
his hook — attract the Gentoos [Hindus] and Maomettans so
strongly that he fishes up many into the Church of Jesus Christ.
...Having been installed Governor of that Province, he secured
at once the services of one of our Fathers, and when he had
taken possession of his Province he called still another. ...Like
a bright glowing torch, he leads the way in the observance of the
rules, hears Mass daily, takes the discipline on Fridays, and
distributes himself the disciplines to the brethren....
He had a son [Observa, John Baptist], the heir to all his
riches, temporal and spiritual, a boy richly gifted in body and
soul, the court's delight. He fell dangerously ill, and only those
who know how much he and his father were loved by all, can say
^ For a full account of Mirza Zu'lkarnain, vide a paper read by the Rev. H.
Hosten, S.J., on July 2, 1913: Procgs. f. A. S. B.
- Printed in The Exaiiiiuer (Bombay) 17 February, 9 March, 6 April 1912.
A CHRISTIAN IN THE MOGUL COURT 377
how deeply all were concerned. All felt aggrieved ; the mother
was inconsolable, while the father's heart was rent asunder, on
the one hand by his love for so sweet a boy, one so well deserving
of his love, on the other by his supernatural desire to please God,
desire not a whit inferior to his natural affection for his child.
Understanding that the disease was making progress, he made to
God — like another Abraham — a heartfelt sacrifice, and bathed in
tears burst forth into the following prayer : " Lord, Thou gavest
me this son ; to Thee I return him, to Thee I offer him and
consecrate him. Receive him, I beseech Thee, clothed in the
white garment of innocence with which he was vested in baptism,
I know well how much more happy he will be in Heaven than in
the Mogor's Royal palace." And to show that he spoke from
the heart, he forbade to all his people calling in the aid of
sorcerers, and letting the child be contaminated by their pagan
superstitions : any one acting to the contrary must lose his head
in the attempt. God accepted the Mrize's prayer. The child
died, and the father gave thanks to God from his inmost heart,
because He had been pleased to accept the dearest pledge of love
which he could offer after himself. . .
This faithful servant of God is so greatly favoured by the
Divine Majesty that all the affairs of his government are daily
crowned with increased success. Plenty has chosen his house as
her abode, as a treasure-house wherein she pours and empties out
her cornucopia. He is the eye of the King ; for him to ask is to
obtain ; his name is famous everywhere ; in fine, he is so full of
heavenly grace that it redounds marvellously on those of his
household.
His wife was in the throes of a dangerous parturition, Mrize,
taking from his neck the cross studded with relics which he used
to wear, had it hung from the neck of his consort, and behold !
presently she gave birth to a most pretty boy [Eres (Gaspar)].
The good Mrize recognized in this a special favour of God,
a reward for the generous oblation he had made of his other son
to the Divine Majesty. To celebrate so happy an event, not
merely the birthday of an heir, but a great miracle obtained
through the Holy Cross, he began the festivities by releasing all
the prisoners and paying off their debts
1620. Mission of Mogor. Five of our Fathers are cultivating
this vast Kingdom. One of them is always following the King
378 APPENDIX E
[Jahangir] and his army; another resides at Agra, the capital,
with a great part of the Christians. The other three are [at
Sambhar] near Prince Mirza Zulcarne, the father, pillar and
mainstay of this Christianity. All have had ample occasion to
labour for Christ, one excepted, who for reason of illness was sent
back to India. . . .
The Christians who live under Prince Mirza [Zu'lkarnain]
make daily marvellous progress in holiness and virtue. The
Sodality of the Blessed Virgin, instituted last year at his request,
goes on better and better. The members of it are already every
month approaching the Sacraments of Confession and Holy
Communion, whereas formerly they did so only once a year.
Their example provokes among the rest of the Christians a greater
frequentation of the Holy Sacraments. Foremost in all works of
piety is the good Prince Mirza. Not only does he by his edifying
example incite all his people to every kind of good work, but he
assists them liberally and lavishly with frequent and copious
alms
But our Fathers are not the only recipients of the liberality of
this Christian Prince. He extends it to the rest of the Christians,
and even to the poor Gentoos [Hindus]....
At this time a great scarcity and penury of food was harassing
the Gentoos \ For the last five years the rains had failed. The
sky had seemed of brass. A great number of people flocked to
the city of our Mirza, and the good Prince, moved with pity,
ordered a rich Gentoo to distribute daily to his people a sufficient
quantity of food, with which he would regularly supply him.... In
a word. Prince Mirza is among these Mogorese [people of
Hindustan] another apostle, a second St Paul, who becomes
o?nnibus 07?inia, ut omnes Christo hicrifaciat (all things to all men,
that he may win all to Christ). Kind to all, the pillar of this
Christianity, the only refuge of all the afflicted, he not only
procures to all the bodily assistance they may want, but ministers
with even greater success to their souls....
Last June, one of our priests was sent to Goa in order to
negotiate with the Superiors the foundation of a College of the
1 This apparently refers to some local scarcity of food in the Sambhar
district in 1620. There is no other mention of it, so far as I know. The
great famine in the West of India occurred in 1630. See Appendix A.
[R. C. T.]
A CHRISTIAN IN THE MOGUL COURT 379
[Jesuit] Society 1 at i\gra, the capital of Mogor, which Prince
Mirza wishes to found on a yearly revenue of fifteen hundred
saidi[£Ts\....
1624. Mission of Mogor. Mirza Zulcarnen continues to give
much edification, and to show much zeal for the cause of
Christianity. We hope of him that he will promote much the new
Christianity of this country, and that of [Portuguese] India.
II.
Extract from Travels i7i the Mogul Empire
BY Francois Bernier^.
He [Jahangir] permitted two of his nephews to embrace the
Christian faith and extended the same indulgence to Mirza-
Zu'lkarnain, who had undergone the rite of circumcision and been
brought up in the Seraglio. The pretext was that Mirza was
born of Christian parents, his mother having been wife of a rich
Armenian, and having been brought to the Seraglio by Jehan-
Guyre's desire.
III.
Notes from the Amal Sdlih
SUPPLIED BY Mr H. Beveridge.
1632. Mirza Zu'lkarnain, who had grown up from childhood
at Court and had become great in age and rank, was faujddr of
Bharaich in Oudh. He was famous for his skill in Indian music,
for which he was much esteemed by Shah Jahan. In the fifth
year [1632] he came to Court and presented five elephants. He
was the son of an Armenig-n and in the Amal Sdlih is called
Farangi [foreigner] and not Mirza.
^ It may have been the Fathers' intention to have some sort of school or
orphanage at Agra ; but the idea, as appears in other letters of the period, was
rather to secure fixed revenues for a number of Missionaries in Hindustan,
dependent on the "Rector" of Agra. Some 15 years later, Mirza Zu'lkarnain
wished to found a " College " in Western Tibet, when evidently there was no
question of a big school, but of a Mission in the event of regular subsidies to
carry on its work. All this money of the Mirza and other monies too, gifts
and legacies of wealthy Catholics in Hindustan, were invested in buying up
land at Parel (Bombay), which one of the early Protestant Governors of
Bombay confiscated. It was used later on for Government House, into
the buildings of which the old chapel was embodied. [H. H.]
2 Ed. Constable, p. 287.
38o APPENDIX E
IV.
Notes supplied by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J.
1632. Father Jos. de Castro, S.J., Mirza Zu'lkarnain's
chaplain, wrote "from Mogol " on Aug. 8, 1632, that he had
been with the Mirza the last three years. The Mirza had all that
time been Governor of some Province of Bengala. The town
[Bharaich] is nowhere mentioned, but it was stated to be 200 miles
from Agra and 300 from Hugli'.
On Nov. 24, 1632, Fr. de Castro writes from Agra that the
King [Shah Jahan] had recalled the Mirza. The Mirza was
received with much honour by the King, and the Fathers hoped
. he would get some other good commission.
1633. Fr. J. de Castro wrote on Feb. 6 from Agra that the
bell of their Church had been removed on the day of the Epiphany
[1633], 4 pyades \^piydda^ peons, police] had been posted in the
house to watch over them day and night, and they (the Fathers) had
been forbidden to make any converts. The Mirza had shown him-
self very firm in certain demands of the King touching his faith.
Fr. F. Corsi, S.J., wrote from Agra, Oct. 5, 1633, that they
had been a whole year subject to persecution. In Sept. 1632,
the Mirza's step-mother and his two half-brothers had been seized,
their property taken, and the two half-brothers had of their own
accord become Muhammadans, hoping this would save them.
Then the Mirza was recalled from Bengal, and Shah Jahan
wanted to make a Muhammadan of him too, or seize his treasures.
He began, however, by vexing the Fathers. On the Epiphany
1633, their house was invaded by armed soldiery, and the three
bells were removed from the steeple. On March [?Feb.] 6,
a Sunday, they said Mass again ; but the Judge came that day,
sat down, called the Mirza, and began tormenting several persons
to know where his treasures were. That night the Mirza was
taken to the palace ; the 4 fathers were the next day taken to
prison where they remained till Feb. 13, and were released with
the Mirza, when the lattfer promised he would pay the sum they
wanted: 400,000 saidi [about ;^2o,ooo]. By and by, they wanted
more, and both the Mirza's and the Fathers' houses were searched,
1 .See note No. III. The government was that of Bharaich in Oudh, but
the distance given from Hugli is twice as great as stated.
A CHRISTIAN IN THE MOGUL COURT 381
the floor being dug up. Nothing was found and the police left
the Fathers alone that night. The Mirza had paid already 3 lakh
of scudi^ but had to pay still one lakh. From a rich man he was
now reduced to poverty ; but the Fathers hoped the King would
reinstate him.
Fr. Jos. de Castro wrote from Agra, Oct. 8, 1633, that the
Mirza had had to pay 8 lakh of rupees or about 400,000 criizados
[;^ioo,ooo]. To help him as much as they could they had given
back to him the golden chalice which he had presented to the
Church.
V.
Extracts from the Marsden MSS. in the British
Museum. By W. R. Phillips and H. Beveridge.
Edited by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J.^
Translation of the Latin version of Father Botelhd's account
of Mirza ZuUkarnain.
But, as all the success we have had in Mogor, the flourishing
condition of the Christian religion, all the revenues possessed by
the Agra College, are (after God) due entirely and solely to Mirza
Zu'lkarnain, whom the Society adopted as one of its brethren, it
behoves us to dwell awhile in just praise of him. This man, I
mean Mirza Zu'lkarnain, was as noble in birth as he was illustrious
by his deeds and renowned for his Christian piety. An Amir in
dignity, he was a Numa in peace, an Alexander in war, a Caesar
in both, brave in warfare, meek in peace, an Alexander in his
conduct, a model of valour, a pattern of gentleness, a champion
of religion; the Moguls honoured him for his greatness, the world
for his renown, and religion for his virtues. The Mogul Kings
owe him a thousand victories, a thousand nobles thank him for
his benefits, while the Society of Jesus owes him great affection.
For the Mogul he was a strenuous leader, for the faith a powerful
champion, for the Society a faithful friend and brother. Through
him warlike courage flourished, the Christian religion increased,
and the Society had cause to rejoice. This is the man who,
although sprinkled with holy water in his cradle, became the
dehght of King Jahanglr for his foreign beauty, so that the king
!/■ ^- -S". B. VI. 437—461 (19x0).
382 APPENDIX E
himself, a thing that is rare among the Moguls, had the boy at
his own table. He, at the age of twelve, saw the king's affection
turned into wrath and endured many and severe stripes because
he obstinately refused to abjure the Roman faith, so much so
that Father Francisco Miranda called him the glorious martyr of
Christ. As a young man he possessed a very subtle wit and
wrote verses in his mother tongue with such elegance that the
King was greatly delighted thereby. In rewarding singers he was
so liberal that he frequently gave them as recompense a horse or
an elephant. He was wholly of a noble nature, ready to forgive
injuries and yielding to the wishes of others. He was offered by
the king the highest honours and a million a year^ if he would
abjure the true religion. But he preferred to be afflicted with the
people of God and to lead a life of poverty so that he might win
the wealth of heaven and become a partaker and heir of ever-
lasting hfe. He it is who turned back upon their author the
poisoned darts aimed against the Society by an ecclesiastic high
in honour, and delivered the Mogul missionaries from grievous
punishment. It is he, lastly, who freed Father Henry Busi from
undeserved bonds, and in Christian freedom addressing the king,
offered his head to the sword if the sentence on the Father were
to be carried into effect.
He married Helena, a distinguished lady, and had 3 sons
by her, Mirsa [Mirza] Observa [John Baptist], Mirsa Eres [Irij,
Irich, Caspar], Mirsa Daniel [Danyal, Michael], and he saw them
all advanced to high honour during his lifetime. The King
promised to keep faith with the mansabddrs and iimard [i.e. the
noble officers, sons of Zu'lkarnain] if they embraced the law of
Muhammad.
^ The Latin has ad viillioneni anmii redditits, which may be read to mean
a koti (crore) a year (really 10,000,000) which at that time, as a monetary
expression, meant Rs. 2500 in cash. See Stein, Kalhands Rdjatarangim (tr.),
II. 323, and elsewhere in Note H thereto. [R. C. T.]
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ERRATA
pp. 84, 84 n. 4 and 205 n. 5. For 'Itimad, 'Itimadpur, rtimadu'ddaula, read
'Itmad, 'Itmadpur, 'Itmadu'ddaula.
p. 90 n. For Amil Sdleh read Avial Sdlih.
p. 107 n. For Shariyar read Shahriyar.
pp. 122 n. 2 and 157 w. 2. For Fytche, Fytch read Y'\\.Q!i\.
p. 136 w. 3. /^(?r Gokul rmci' Gokal.
p. 160. /^i?;' Chaudhari Pratap r^a:^ Chaudhar! Pratap.
p. 280. For Kishngarh read Kishangarh.
pp. 287 and 298. For Bhanwani read BharwanT.
INDEX
Abbooghurre See Abugarh
'Abdu'1-HaT, Khwaja, a convert
to Muhainmadanism, 374; his
daughter, 374; a kazi, 374; his
brother, 374, 375
Abdu'l-Hasan ka Sara. See
Hasanpur
'Abdu'l-Kanm, a servant of the
Company, xU, 184, 280; with R.
Hughes at Patna, 280 n. ; his wife,
280 n.
Abdull Hassen, Coja. See Abul
Hasan Turbati, Khwaja
Abdulla Careeme. See 'Abdu'I-
Karim
'Abdu'llah, Mir. See Mir 'Ab-
du'llah
'Abdu'llah Khan Firiiz-Jang, early
services of, go n.; supports Prince
Khurram, 108 «., 160; flees from
Ahmadabad, 144, 160 n. ; disguises
himself as a /a/;/;-, 177; assisted by
the English, 144; his expedition
against Erich, 90 w., iii; his
slaughter of Hindus, xxviii, xxxviii,
90, 185 ; fear inspired by, xxix, Iviii,
III, 117/;., 159, 161 «.; his prepara-
tions against Sasaram, 129; gover-
nor of Patna, 124, 126, 143, 144,
151 ; cruelty and tyranny of, xxxiii,
xxxiv, 144-145, 148, 149, 151-152,
159-161 ; Kalyanpur revolts against,
161, 163-164; his daughter dies
from burns, Iviii, 161-162 ; governor
of Allahabad, 161 n.
Abigail, the, 4, 5 ; her owners, 4 11.
Abraham, his sacrifice commemo-
rated, Iv, 197
Abrak, talc, 242 n.
Abugarh, dangers in the neighbour-
hood of, xliv, 261 ; the Dutch
kafila robbed near, 246, 256, 284,
293; Mundy's description of, 257-
258 ; towns and temples on, 257 n. ;
a quarrel near, 296
Abu'l Fazl, his description of Agra
fort, 209 11.
Abu'l Hasan, Mirza. See Asaf
Khan
Abu'l Hasan Turbati, Khwaja,
surname of, 164 n. ; death of, 164 «.
Abu'l-Kasim, captures Khusru,
104 11.
Acacia nrabica. See Babfil
Achdr, pickle, 28
Achhdbani, a fine fabric, 155 n.
Achin, fighting of elephants at, \i"i a.
Ackhteare ca Sarae, identification
of, 163 n.
Acrobats, feats of, 254-255
Adalaj, 265
Adavad, deserted, Ixv, 48
Adavi, Addviya, transport-contractor,
xliii, 278 n. ; Mundy's attempt to
treat with, 291; charges made by,
299
Aden, 22 n.
Adgemere. See Ajmer
Adil Khan, 100 n.
Adil Khan Faruki, tomb of, 51 n.
" Admirall," commander, 4, 11,
23 n.
Adowyae. See AddvT
Adulla. See Adalaj
Afghans. See Pathans
Afim. See Opium
Afidha, ewer, 105
Agabannee. See Achhdbani
Agallochiim, aloe-wood, 162 n.
Aganur, 134, 165
Agate-ware, from Cambay, 310
Agra, mentioned, passim; English
house and factory at, Ivii, 28, 78,
218, 277 n. ; English chiefs at, xxi,
24, 81, 135 «.; Mundy's journeys
to and from, xxi, xxxvii, Ixiii, 24,
39-66, 77,90, 186, 225, 277; dis-
tance between Surat, Koil, Ajmer,
and, 66, 67, 77, 186, 187, 272,
276; Europeans in, xxiv, Ivi, 6^,,
208, 225; price of goods at, 8i ;
weight of the scr of, 81 ; length of
the coved at, 156; cowries used as
currency at, 311; indigo and other
exports from, 221, 222, 310; rate
of customs between Ahmadabad,
Jalor, and, 278, 299; Mundy's de-
scription of, liv, Ivi, 206-208 ;
394
INDEX
avenues of trees from, xxvii, 83,
84; gardens at, Ivii, 65, 79, 212 u.,
214-2 15 ; barges and royal boats at,
Iv'ii, 87, 223-224; bazars in, 215-
216; Jesuit priests and buildings at,
208 n., 376, 378-379' 38°, 381;
a royal city, xxvi, Ivi, 65, 107, 188,
205 M.; Khusru's body brought to,
105 ; castle and palace of, Ivii, 108,
i68ji., 194, 200, 20 r, 207, 208-210,
231 ; worship of INIahadev in, 116 ;
the Taj Mahal at, Ivi, Ivii, 212-
214; elephant fights at, [27; burn-
ing of devotees at, 220; governor
of, 189; Dutch chief at, 268; Mirza
Zu'lkarnain imprisoned at, 241 ;
escapes the famine, 343
Agulhas, Cape, 320
Ahadi, gentleman-trooper, 90 n.
Ahir Nadi, river, 59
Ahirbans ka Sara. See Sarai
Ahiran
Ahirs, the, 86 ;^., no;;.
Ahiya. See Mirza Yahya
Ahmad Beg Kabull, governor of
Kashmir, 104 ;/.
Ahmad Khan, nephew of SherShah
Siir, 130;;.; dethrones IbrahTm
Khan Sur, 130 ;/. ; his reigning
title, 130;/.; defeat of, 130;;.
Ahmad Shah, pillages the Rudra
Mala temple, 262 n. ; founds Ah-
madabad, 266 //.
Ahmadabad, mentioned, passim ;
English factory at, 28, 267, 273 ;/. ;
English chiefs of, xlv, xlvi, 265,
266 /;., 267, 268; merchandize
from, 155 n., 310; customs payable
between Agra and, 278, 291; de-
scription of, xlvi, 266-267 ; tomb
of John Browne at, xlvi, 267 ;
Kankria Tank at, xlvi, 266-267,
268 ; dangers on the road to, xlv,
264; effect of the famine at, xlvi,
Ixvii, 266, 343, 344, 347 ; founder
of, 266 n.\ capital of Gujarat, xlv,
Ixvii, 266; governors of, xxxviii,
xl, xlv, 108, 177 «., 231 n., 235,
268, 278, 300; 'Abdu'llah Khan's
flight from, 144; Dutch chief of,
268
Ahmadnagar, Diyanat Khan dies
at, 42 n.
Ahmudpore. See Mahmudpur
AhQ Mahal ki SaraT, a skirmish at,
1 09, II 5
A-hull, definition of the term, 8 it.
Ahumohol ca Sara, identification
of, I 15 II.
AjTt Mai, sarai of, 88 n.
Ajmer, 248, 249; a royal city, 107,
242 ; Akbar's pilgrimage to, xxxviii,
226, 243; castle at, xli, 242, 243;
tomb of Khvvaja Mu'Tnu'd-din
Chishti at, xli, 226, 239, 243-244,
299 ; distance between Agra and,
226 ; Bakir Khan precedes Mundy
to, xl, 241, 280, 299; Mundy's de-
scription of, 242 ; capture of, by
Muhammad Ghori, 243 n. ; gover-
nors of, 243 n.
Akbar, Emperor of India, 64?;., 90;;.;
his father, 130; conquests of, 52,
62 n., 106, 131, 245 ?/., 266 11. ;
builds Allahabad fortress, 108 «.;
his finance minister, 86 n ; religious
toleration of, 93 11. \ discourages
sati, 180 «.; his fortress at Agra,
Ivii, 200 «., 201 «., 209;;.; trees
and flowers imported l)y, 214;?.;
his patron saint, 244 n. ; his pilgri-
mage to Ajmer, xxxviii, 226, 243 ;
his three sons, loi, 165, 226 ; his
capital at Fatehpur SikrI, xxxviii,
227, 228-230; builds SallmChishtl's
tomb, 229 n. ; his Antelope Tower,
why built, 230 ii. ; his profitless
experiment, xxxviii, 227; institutes
a fancy bazar, 238 n. ; leaves Fateh-
pur SikrI, 228 II. ; his wives, 374 ;
Jahanglr rebels against, 102, 106 ;
names Khusru his successor, 103,
106; poisons himself inadvertently,
103; his tomb at Sikandra, Ivii,
100 II., 209, 210-212, 214; Ar-
menians at the court of, 374
Akbarabad. See Akrabad
Akbarpur, near Patna, 137 ii.
Akbarpur, at the foot of Rohtasgarh,
xxxv, 167
Akhai Raj, ruler of Sirohi, 255 n.
Akrabad, 72
Alachah, a silk striped stuff, 155,
366, 373
\4lain, Mogul standards, 193;;., 199//.
Alam Chand, 99, 181
Alamganj, a suburb of Patna, 364
Alau'd-din Khiljl, mosque of, at
Jalor, 251 n. ; sacks the Rudra
Mala temple, 262 n.
Albacore, a tunny, 15, 158
Alcaron. See Koran
Alexander. Sec Zu'lkarnain
AH Khan FarukT, 51 n.
Aligarh, 72 «., 73 n.
Allahabad, governors of, xxix, 46 ;/.,
108, 109 11., 122, 143, 159, 166 «.,
181; fo tress of, xxix, 99 n., 107-
108; Jahangir's flight to, 102;
Khusrii buried at, xxix, xxxvi, 99,
INDEX
395
105 II., 106, 181; a royal city, 107,
X08 n. ; junction of rivers at, 115 ;/.,
224; Patalpuri temple at, 116 w.;
dangers between Benares and, 118;
distance of, from Agra, 143 ; a
place of pilgrimage, 182; cere-
monial bathing at, 182
AUnutt, Captain Richard, commands
the Palsgrave, 302 ; notice of,
302 11. ; letter from, 348
Almonds, as a medium of exchange,
311
Almora, capital of Kumaon, 75 n.
Ai-AIns-haf, the Koran, 100 n.,
f05
Aloes, wood of, used for chawwa,
162 n.
Alum, price of, at Patna, 154
'A//iarI. See Ambdri
Ambar, clothes, 155 ti.
''Ambari, a term applied to piece-
goods, 155 n.; a turban, 155 n.;
an elephant howdah with canopy,
190, 191, 193, 196, 197 ; Mundy's
description of, 190; Mundy's draw-
ing of a. 192
AmbatT, stout, close calico; where
procured, xxxii, xxxiii, 140, r4r,
145. 150; i5i> 154. 36r, 362, 370,
371 ; derivation of the term, i4t n.,
361; time required for bleaching,
xxxii, xxxiii, 146, 362; price of,
151, 369, 370; a staple commodity
of Patna, 15 [ 11., 363, 370; Portu-
guese trade in, 366 ; varieties of,
369 ; how measured, 369
Amber beads, tiade in, 366
Ambergris, used in making chawwa,
162 n.
Ambertrees. See AmbatT
Amcasse. See 'Am-khds
Ametola. See Amtharo
Aimr, u??iard, noble, nobles, 52, 102,
103, 104, III, 121, 128, 190, 195,
199, 200, 238, 382; horses kept by,
52-53, i8g, 240; their state ele-
phants, 194, 196; houses of, at
Agra, 207 ; a legend regarding an,
229; travelling paraphernalia of,
239; buildings of, at Ajmer, 242
'Am-k/ids, audience-chamber, the, of
Shah Jahan, 200, 201, 204, 210;
description of, 200 11. ; restriccions
of entry into, 200 n.
Amphisbenae, Mundy's remarks on,
308-309 ; Du Bartas' remarks on,
308 n.
Amrawe. See Aiinr, Umard
Amtharo, 258
Amulets. See Charms
Amusements, xl, lix, 50, 53, 57,
[02, 126, 127, 128, 238
Amwakantha, 115 «., 118, 179
Ana Sagar, lake. Shah Jahan's
pavilions on the, 242 n.
Ananas, pineapple, 215, 309
Anatomy, a skeleton, 44
Angazia. See Great Comoro
Angelo, Signior. See Gradenigo,
Angelo
Anhilpur, Anhilvada. See Patau
Anhoomohol ca Sarae. See Am-
wakantha
AnI Ral Singh-dalan. See Anfip
Rai
Ankleswar, xlvi, 272
Anna, a coin, value of, in 1620,
372 n.
Anna Dessa, BIbT, great-grand-
daughter of Mlrza Zu'ikarnain, 376
Anne, the, her captain, 326 n.
Anoore, Coja. See Anwar, Khwaja
Antelope Tower. See Hiran Minar
Antelopes, xxviii, 89, 245, 307 ;
dressed for food, 27 ; fighting of,
lix, 50, 126, 128; how taken, 112-
ri3; see also s.v. Nilgai, Rojh
Anup RaT,y(7^2> of, 74, 75; rev/arded
by Jahanglr, 74 n.
Anwalkhera, 71
Anwar, Khwaja, goes to the assist-
ance of Baba Beg, 163-164; his
war horses, 164
Apphoy ca Sarae. See Rampur
Aphoi
Apple trees, imported by Akbar,
214 n., 309
Appleton, William, marries Mary
Leachland, Ixx, Ixxi, 358
Arajan, 33 n.
^Arak, xxx, 28, 83, 119, 323, 328; of
mafnvd, xxix, 97 ; cause of scarcity
of, 340
Arakan, king of, captures Chitta-
gong, 152 «.
Arakan, a boundary of Hindustan,
3_05
Aravad, 59 71.
Aravalli mountains, Mundy's jour-
ney among the, xl, 241, 249, 251
Arbor tristis, use of the, in making
chawwa, 162 n.
Arbore de Raiz. See Banyan-tree
Ardast. See Hardas
Areca-nut, used for pan, 96
Arhat, a Persian wheel, 228 n.
Arjumand Banu Begam. See Taj
Mahal
Armagon, 267 n. ; chief of, 304 71. ;
affected by famine, 345
596
INDEX
Armenians, their trade with Patna,
159; murder of an, 16},; hold high
office in the Mogul court, 374, 376,
379
Arms, of Rajputs, 119; of Mogul
soldiers, 196; carried by English-
men in India, 218; of Mundy"s
followers, 253; of BhTls, 260; of
kolis, 269 ; of natives of the Cape
of Good Hope, 322
Arnold, Signior, Dutch chief at
Baroda, 270
Arrea. See Rea
Arrows. See Bows and arrows
Arundell, Sir John, Ixxiv
Arwal, site of, 165 ii.
Asa, river, 57
Asaf Khan, 25, 199, 225 «., 373;
his family, 46 n., 108 11., 191, 203,
204 It., 2t2 71.; has the custody of
Khusru, 104 n. ; supports Prince
Khurram, 107, 204, 213; defeats
Shahriyar's forces, 107 n., 165 n. ;
Mundy's account of, Ivi, 203-204 ;
his title, 204 II. ; ineffective opera-
tions of, in the Dakhan, 205 ; his
death, 204 it. ; his house at Agra,
207
Asan, a Hindu month, 146 ii.
Ascension, Island, 329; barrenness
of, xlix, 333
Ashmen. See Fakirs
Ashwell, Thomas, steward at Surat,
267 11., 275 n.\ notice of, 275 n.
AsTr, Asirgarh, 66 ;/. ; castle of, xxiii,
51-52, 168 ;^.; taken by Akbar,
52 ; royal treasure kept at, 52
Asthdn, a Madarl, at Ajmer, 242 n.
Astrologers. See Wizards
Atmee Ckaun. See 'Ilmad Khan
Attock, Asaf Khan's flight to,
204 11.
Atumba. See Tumba
Aubrey, John, his reference to Peter
Mundy, Ixxvi-lxxvii
Aurangzeb, persecution of Hindus
by, 94 It., 123 n.\ prohibits volun-
tary executions, 116;/.
Ausana, river, 169
'Azam Khan. See Muza Muham-
mad Bakir
A'zam Khan Koka, Khusru's father-
in-law, 105 n.
Azores, the, 4 n.
Baadoore. See Bhadwar
Baba Beg, revenue officer at Patna,
161; his advice to Mundy, 161;
sent against Kalyanpur, 161, 163;
defeat of, 164
Baba Rawat, makes a contract with
the English, 316; probable identity
of, 316 It.
Babar, Emperor of India, 61 n.;
gardens laid out by, 214 «., 215 ;/.
Babb, Thomas, commands ships
bound to New Zealand, 334
Baboo ca Sarae. See Sarai Babu
Bahrd, a shrub, 248
Bach, orris-root, price of, at Patna, 154
Backur Ckaun. See Bakir Khan
Baderpore. See Bahadurpur
Badhwara, 245, 281
Badrabad, 134
Bdfta, a cotton cloth, 155 n., 348
Bagra, 251, 291
Bagworms, described by Mundy,
liv, 36, 37
Bahadurpur, described, 49; Crispin
Blagden at, 58 n.
Bahadurpur, near Benares, 124
Bahlol LodI, Sultan of Delhi, 153 n.
Baikunthpur, silk goods from, 155,
373; situation of, 155 n.
Baines, Andrew, chaplain at Surat,
Ixxi, ^58
Bajid, description of a, Iviii, 15S,
158;/.
Bakara, cattle, 197 ti.
Bakar'id, celebration of, xxvi, Iv,
197-199; event commemorated by,
Iv, 197
Baker, Corporal Thomas, cause of
death of, 5^53
Bakewar Khanpur, 88, 90; vimars
of heads at, xxxvii, 185
Bakhshish, 47 n.
Bakir Khan Najm Sanl, notice of,
166 n.; Nawab of Orissa, xxxviii,
85 n., 166 It., 231 ; recalled to
Agra, 166; Nawab of Gujarat,
xxxviii, xl, 166 n., 231 n., 278;
visits Saif Khan, 179; iiiindrs of
heads erected by, xxxvii, 185;
Mundy travels towards Ahmadabad
with, xxxviii, xxxix, 231, 232, 278;
sends his son to Ahmadabad, xxxix,
235; celebrates natiroz, xl, 236-
237; his advance-camp, 239; out-
distances Mundy's caravan, xl, xli,
xlii, xlv, Ixi, 241, 247, 249, 280,
284, 287, 288; parts company with
Mundy, xlii, 249 n.; his "silvet
cotte" stolen, ix, 232 ; punishments
inflicted by, 232, 263, 265; his
demands in return for protection,
xlv, 298-300 ; imprisons English
factors, 300 ; injustice and tyrannical
exactions of, 300; amount paid to,
xlv, 300
INDEX
397
Bakrl, goat, 197 n.
Baldband, turban band, 155
Balaghat, a drought in, 346
Baldersunder. See Bandar Sindri
Balkh, the false Bayasanghar accepted
at, 165 n.
Balsunder. See Bayasanghar
Baluchls, Balochis, 184 «.; camel-
drivers, xliv, Ixvii, III, 145, 236,
246, 250, 280; death of a, 256;
quarrel with Jats, 257, 287, 294-
295,296; Musalmans, 257 ; injured
by Kolls, 264, 297 ; in the Dutch
service, 293
Bamanwas, xxxviii, 235
Bamboos, for carrying brittle goods,
XXX, 114-115; tireworks fixed on,
127; for building purposes, 169;
for carrying palanquins, 196, 199;
how bent, 196; gold plated, 199;
ignite by friction, 258; bows made
of, 260
Ban a, silk thread, 155 n.
Bananas. See Plantains
Banas, river, 259
Band, an embankment, loS n.
Bandar, wharf, at Surat, 30
Bandar 'Abbas. See Gombroon
Bandar Sindri, xl, 241, 280
Bandits. See Robbers
Bandoo. See Bhandu
Bandukee ca Sara. See Bindki
Khas
Bang. See Bhang
Banganga, river, 230 n.
Bangham, John, appointed assistant
to R. Hughes, 361 ; goes to Lahore,
361; letter from, 345; escapes the
epidemic at Surat, 274; notice of,
274 n.
BangrT, rings for state elephants, 198
BdnT, fabric, 155 n.
Banian. See Banyd
Banjara caste, the, carriers, xxiii,
xxix, 54, 240, 349 ; Mundy's error
regarding, Ix, 55, 56, 57, 95, 262;
Mundy's description of, 95-96 ;
modern description of, 95 «. ; how
armed, 262
Bantam, \n.,ii n., 23 n. , 70, 304 tt. ;
reduced to an agency under Surat,
23 «. ; ships bound to, xlvii, 327;
John Bangham sent to, 274 n.;
English ships winter at, 303 ; letters
to, 340, 342, 343
Banyas, traders, a Hindu caste,
Ixvii, 41, Si, 119, 122, 125, 271;
at Surat, 33, 34; Mundy's mistaken
confidence in a, 297 ; bazar erected
by, at Swalley, 312
Banyan trees, xliv, 84 «., 269; at
Surat, 34; described, 258, 309
Bdoli, a step-well, 60; at Dholpur,
64; why ruined, 84; description of
a, lix, loi ; at Bayana, 234; at
Sikandarabad, 234 n.; at Jalor,
250; at Sirohi, 255
Bar, banyan-tree, 84 n., 58, 269
Bara Mahal ki Sarai, 179 11.;
situation of, 109 n.
Bardt, order for payment, 25
Bardt, bridal procession, 180 n.
Baraut, no «., 1 12
Barber, Richard, notice of, 273 n.
Barbers, Indian, their skill in
"champing," xxviii, 86
Bardaratt. See Baba Rawat
Bardes, 100 n.
Bardoli, 40 n.
Barh, banyan-tree, 84 n.
Barb ki Saral, 60
Barh ki Sarai or Borgaon, 52
Barlow, Thomas, a passenger in the
Mary, xlvii, 323 n.; ascends Table
Mountain, xlviii, 323; notice of,
323 n-
Barnolee. See Bardoli
Baroche. See Broach
Baroda, English factory at, xlvi,
Ixviii, 24, 28, 270, 271 n., 273 n.;
English chiefs of, 265 «.; governors
of, xlvi, idi^n., 271, 301; Dutch
chief at, 270; description of, 270;
piece-goods from, 310; effects of
the famine at, 270 n., 276, 344
Barrai, provisions plentiful at, 55
Barramal ca Sarae. See Bara
Mahal ki Sarai
Barrica, a water-cask, 217
Barry, Richard, letter from, 342
Bartholomew Fair, 117
Barun, 133 n.
Bashavor. See Bisaur
Bassein, 339
Bassia longifoUa. See Mahivd
Batacala. See Bhatkal
Batavia, i n., 22 n.; Dutch Council
at, 268 n.
Bathing, ceremonial, 176, 182
Bats, 307; at Mohilla, 14-15
Battd, exchange, 349
Battee. See Bhatha
Bawarchi khdna, 91 n.
Bayana, 292; a bdoli zX, xxxix, loi,
234; men staked near, xxxix, 234;
Bakir Khan entertained at, xxxix,
234; noted for indigo, xxxix, 222,
234; governor of, 234, 299;
Mundy's carts delayed near, 278-
279, 280 n., 286, 299
398
INDEX
Bayasanghar, Prince, son of Danj'al,
i6-; )i. ; defeat and death of, 165 n. ;
his sister, 165; impersonated by an
adventurer, xxxv, 165; arrest and
death of the false, 165 n.
Bayley, William, commands the
Ma;ji, 313 ??.
Bazar, in the Seraglio, 238; a tem-
porary, at Swally, 312
Bazar kasid, 368
BazTgar, acrobats, exhibition by,
254-255
Beara. See Viara
Beares. See Ber
Beasts, found in India, lix, 170, 171,
252,258, 307 ; deatli of, from famine,
Ixvi, 52; fighting of, 50, 53, 114,
126, 127, 170; of chase, 89, 245,
252; at Mauritius, 318; at the Cape
of Good Hope, 321, 324; at St
Helena, 330, 332-333
Beating, of criminals, 46 ; of Pratap,
Chaudharl, 160; of Robert Griffin,
186 n.
Beaulee. See Baoll
Beawly. See Yaval
Becher, Sir William, his servant,
275 n.
Bechoula. See Bichola
Becutporees, a silk cloth from
P)aikunthpur, 155
Beer, supplied to the Mary, xlix,
335' 336
Begam Sahib. 6'£^Jahanara Begam
Belchior. See Mirza Zu'lkarnain
Bellfield, Richard, notice of, 267 ;/.;
accompanies Mundy to Surat, 269
Bells, for adorning carriage oxen,
1Q2; for state elephants, 198
Belone vulgaris, cancila, garfish,
1 58 n.
Benares, 120, 178; voluntary execu-
tions at, 116 «.; dangers between
Allahabad and, 118; compared to
a European city, xxx, 122 ; a sacred
place, xxxvi, 122, 175-176, 182;
temples in, xxx, xxxvi, 122, 123 «.,
175, 178 «.; badness of the road
between Patna and, xxxi, 125-126;
decimated by an epidemic, xxxvi,
173-174; burning of the dead at,
xxxvi, 174-175; Mundy's enforced
detention at, 174; fakirs at, 176;
turban-cloths from, 366
Bendrabon. See Brindaban
Bengal, i 71.; governors of, 46 n.,
109 «., 166 n.', fertility of, 99;
con(|uest of, by Akbar, 106, 131;
ports in, xxxiv, 152-153: harna-
bhdins from, 170; wild beasts in,
171; English factors in, 267 ;/. ,
271 n.; silk from, 362, 371; Sultan
Shuja' in, 375
Benkerree. See Bhanpur
Her, fruit tree, xxii, 48, 309
Bereawe. See Variao
Beriberi, attacks the crew of the
Mary, xlix, 334
Bernabi, Signor, Ixii
Betel, 48, 96, 133 n.
Betrothal Customs. See Marriage
Customs
Bettearees. See Bhathiyari
Betun. See Bitan
Bhadohi, 90 «.; disturbances at,
xxix, 110, 115, 181; situation of,
110 n.; zammddrs of, 118 n.;
rebels imprisoned at, iiS; fortress
of, besieged, 119; outlaws from,
121, 122, 148, 181
Bhadwar, 42
Bhagwan Das Kachhwaha, father
of Man Singh, 103 n.
Bhagwanti Das, merchant at Agra,
J40
Bhakar, a refuge for outlaws, 256 n.
BhandQ, inhabited by outlaws, 263,
264, 296, 297
Bhang, an intoxicant, 217 n., 247
Bhangi, drug-taker, 247
Bhanpur, koli robbers from, 269
Bharaich, governor of, 375, 379,
380
Bharuch. See Broach
BharwanT, fresh oxen oljtained at,
xlii, 249, 287, 298
Bhatha, famous for toddy, 33 n.
Bhathiyari, innkeeper's wife, Ix,
121, 179
Bhatkal, agreement with the Nayak
of, xlvii, 316
Bhils, houses of the, 258 n.; arms
of the, 260 ; dress of the, 260 n.
Bhog Chand Kayath, 88 ;/.
Bhognipur, 88, 89, 89 n.; founder
of, 88 n.
Bhola, a camel-broker, 295
Bhutan, ponies from, 136 n.
Biana. See Bayana
Bichola, 54
Bickford, James, notice of, 273 n.;
letter from, 341 ; death of, 345
Bihar, Subahdars of, 109 n., 144 «.,
i6t n., 361; cotton goods made in,
362, 366
Bijagarh, fortress of, 235 n.
Bijapur, Dutch mission to the King
of, 268 ;/.
Bilanda, alternative name for, 183 w.
Bindkl Khas, xxviii, 92, 184
INDEX
399
Bindraban. See Brindaban
Bindukee ca Sarae. See Bindk!
Khas
Birds, xxiv, 54, ^^, 57, 60, 89, 241,
269; of India, lix, 63, 133, 239,
252, 307; nests of, 37-38; how
caught, lix, 113; a hospital for,
lix, 310; seen near the Cape, xix,
7; at Madagascar, 12; at Mohilla,
14; at Mauritius, 318-319; at the
Cape of Good Hope, 321; at St
Helena, 332; at Ascension Island,
Bisaur, indigo grown at, 222
Bisheshwar, temple, at Benares,
XXX, 122 n.; destruction of, 123 ;;.
Bitan, 246
Blackwall, 2, 4, 11, 75, 313 «.
Blackwall Hospital, a collection
for, XX, 17—20; foundation of, 18;
levy of seamen's wfiges for, 18
Blagden, Crispin, factor at Agra,
xxiii, xxiv, 58, 65 ; notice of, 58 11. ;
Mundy's letters to, xxv, 68-69;
his jewel, 68, 69
Blessing, the, arrives at Sural, 22;
purchased by the Fourth Joint
Stock, 22 11.; her purser, 273 n.;
her master, 303 ;/. ; her log, 353
Blessing, the, private ship, 4, 5;
her owners, 4 n.
Boars, wild, dressed for food, 27;
how hunted, 112; for sport, 128
Boats, used on the Chambal, 63;
on the Jamna, xxviii, Ivii, 87-88,
223-224; for crossing the Ganges,
xxix, 109; for pleasure, at Patna,
Iviii, 157-158, 223 n.
Bodmin Priory, Ixxiii; dissolution
of, Ixxiv
Bognee ca Sara. See Bhognlpur
Bolitho, John, his connection with
Anne Mundy, Ixxvii
Bolitho, Thomas, his connection
with Anne Mundy, Ixxvii
Bonesperansa, Cape of. See Good
Hope, Cape of
Bonito, a striped tunny, r5, 158, 335
Bonner, Henry, brother-in-law of
lohn Leachland, Ixx, 357
Booby, a gannet, 16
Boola. See Bhola
Boothby, Richard, 312; quarrels
with President Wylde, xx; organ-
ises a collection for Blackwall
Hospital, XX ; his relations with
Mundy, xx; a protest against, xx-
xxi
Borabee. See Boriavi
Borgaon, 52
BoriavT, wild peacocks at, 269
Boudaen, Caspar. 6Ve Caspar, Sigr.
Bowfrane. See BharwanI
Bows and arrows, no, iir; of
Rajputs, 119, 178; of Bhils, 260;
of buffalo horn, 171
Bowyer, Philippa, daughter of
Anthony Mundy, Ixxv
Brahm JonT, a cleft rock, near
Gaya, legend regarding the, 183 n.
Brahmans, 35, 119; caste of, 94,
95 n., 122; officiate at Hindu
temples, 175 ; their part in marriage
ceremonies, 180; bribed by pil-
grims, 183; act as astrologers, 194-
195
Bramany, fees due to Brahmans,
175
Brampore. See Burhanpur
Brazil, ship from, taken by the
Dutch, 3 ; Portuguese settlements
in, attacked, 3 n.
Breton, Francis, letter from, 349
Bride, a Hindu, how brought home,
180; age of a Hindu and Muham-
madan, 180
Bridegroom, a Hindu, protective
charm carried by, 180
Brindaban, at Mathura, sanctity of,
93
Brindaban, near Patna, 136, 137
Broach, Ixvii, 29, 54; English factory
at, 23, 28, 272, 273 «.; governor
of, 85, 301; customs paid at, xlvi,
272; effects of the famine at, Ixviii,
276, 343, 344, 348; description of,
271-272; piece-goods from, 310
Broadcloth. See Cloth, European
Brocades, English, saleable in India,
366
Brodera. See Baroda
Brokers, the Company's, xxiii, xl, 50,
79, 279, 345 ; native, xxxii, xl, 279,
295 ; at Patna, Mundy's dealings
with, 145, 146,161; at Ahmadabad,
imprisoned, 300
Browne, John, chief of Ahmadabad
factory, xlvi, 58 n., 267; his tomb,
xlvi, 267
Browne, William, father of Juliana
Mundy, Ixxiii
Buckever. See Bakewar Khanpur
Bucklers, for protection of labourers,
90; of Rajputs, 119; of buffalo
hide, 170-171 ; of rhinoceros hide,
171; nail-studded, 196
Buckree Eede. See Bakar'id
Budderpore. See Badrabad
Budderwarra. See Badhwara
Buddoy, Buddy. See Bhadohl
400
IMDEX
Budgerow. See Bajrd
Buffaloes, 307 ; fighting of, xxxv,
lix, 50, 127, 128, 170; skins and
horns of, how used, 170-171;
droves of, taken from villagers, 172
Bugdanees. See Camels, Baghdad!
Bugwonti Das. See Bhagwanti Das
Biilak, a nose-ring, 105 n.
BulakI (Dawar Bakhsh), son of
Khusru, 105 ; appointed Jahanglr's
heir, 107, 206; destroyed by Prince
Khurram, J07, 206; reported escape
of, 107 ;/.
Biilbul, the Indian nightingale,
128 n.\ used for sport, 128
Bull, the sacred, 124
Bullocks, at Madagascar, 13; at
Mohilla, 14; used for fighting, 128;
see also s.v. Oxen
Bundi, Raja of, his debt to the
Company, xxi, xxii, 24
Bunnaroz. See Benares
Burhanpur, xxi, xxii, Ixvi, 24, 25,
29, 46; Mundy's journey to, 39-
50; description of, xxiii, 50-5r;
a royal residence, 50, 55, 107, 188,
195 ; unaffected by the famine, Ixv,
50-51; how provisioned, 50, 53,
54, 56; distances between Surat,
Agra, and, ()6, 276; Leachland
provided with a guard to, 81, 82;
Khusru's death at, 104-105; Taj
Mahal's death at, 212 n.; John
Bangham's reprehensible conduct
at, 274 11.
Burial-places, of the English at
Surat, 29; of the Parsees, Iviii-lix,
305-306 ; of Muhammadans, Ixi,
229 ■
Burials, at sea, 319, 335, 336
Burley, John, master of the In-
lelligence, 303 n.
Burnett, Henry, death of, 334
Burning, of dead bodies, Ivii, 33,
174-175; shrouds used for the,
Ix, 174; atPatna, 158; of devotees,
220; of widows, 221
Burre. See Bar
Busi, Father Henry, 382
Butche. See Bach
Btitea frondosa. See Dhdk
Butter {ghl), 96, 99, 123
Byaval. See Yaval
CabuU Ckaun. See Qabil Khan
Cabull. See Kabul
Cacanee. See Kakoni
C ah are. See Kahar
Cajoora ca Sarae. See Khajura
Caia/iaca, calabash, 113
Calico. See Piece Goods
Callapahare. See Kalapahar
Calliangee. See KalyanjI
Callianpore. See Kalyanpur
Cambay, 269, 273 «.; no permanent
factory at, 28 ; an animal hospital
at, lix, 310; Dutch chief at, 268;
agate-ware from, 310; effect of the
famine at, 339, 344, 345
Camel-drivers, 11 1 11.; Mundy's
difticulties with, xlii-xlv, 250, 254,
265, 287-298; quarrel with carters,
257, 26r, 287, 293-296; imprison-
ment and release of a, 280; payment
of, 282, 290
Camels, xl, 257, 307, Baghdadl, xxii,
40, 237 ; perish from famine, Ixvi,
52 ; for riding, xli, Iv, 190, 245,
255; a market for, at Agra, 189;
for state and war, 190, 195, 240;
baggage, 50, .54, 59, 225, 246, 256,
262, 278; in Mundy's kdfila, un-
soundness of, 281, 282, 283, 298;
worn out by over-driving, xUi, Ixi,
241, 250, 255, 280, 289, 293
Canary Islands, 5
Candesse. See Khandesh
Cankei Carre. See Kankra Khari
Cannatt, See Kandt
Caphila. See Kafila
Capons. See Eunuchs
Carack. See Chiragh
Caravan. See Kafila
Caravan Sarae. See Karvan
Cardamum, price of, at Patna, 154
C aril a papaya. See Papaw
Carmanasca. See Karamnasa, river
Carouzee. See Karorl
Carpets, from Jaunpur, 366
Carrack, a Portuguese vessel, 317,
329
Carriages, in use in India, liv, Iv,
188, 189, 191-192; compared with
an English coach, 189; depicted
by Mundy, 192 ; royal, 193
Carriers. See Banjara; Kahar
Carters, xl, iii, 145; Mundy's diffi-
culties with, xli-xlv, 249, 265, 282-
292 ; quarrel with camel-drivers,
257, 261, 287, 294-296; payment
of, 282, 283, 285, 290, 293; be-
tween Agra and Patna, rate of pay
for, 367
Carts, in Mundy's kafila, unsound-
ness of, 225, 250, 278, 280-284,
286, 290, 292, 301
Cartwright, Ralph, factor in Bengal,
271 n.
Cassee. See Kasi
Cassibesuua. See Bisheshwar
INDEX
401
Cassidas. See Kasi Das
Castes of the Hindus, 94
Cats, 307 n.; wild, 252; at St
Helena, xlix, 330
Cavaletto, il, at Verona, additional
note regarding, Ixxviii-lxxix
Cavendish, Captain, visits St
Helena, 329 n.
Cavullpore, unidentified, 133
Cazmeere. See Kashmir
Ceremonies, religious, 93, 174-5,
1837/., 220-22 [, 306
Chdbuk, a whip, 49 11., 160
Chabutrd, chautri, a platform, 235,
244, 251; in Surat garden, 26;
description of a, Iviii, 44-45, 10 r,
158; a. fakir's dwelling, 176; in
Akbar's palace at Fatehpur SikrI,
228 ; on the Hiran Minar, 230 ;
erected by Bakir Khan, 236
Chahbachd, a cistern, 222 n., 228
Chaksu, Ixvi; Bakir Khan celebrates
naiiroz at, xl, 236-237, 299 ; ruins
at, 236; tank at, 236 ; situation of,
236 71.
Chamani Begam. See Jahanara
Begam
Chamani (Chimni) Begam,
daughter of Shah Jahan, 203 n. ;
death of, 203 n.
Chambal, river, boats used on the,
63 ; ravines in the neighbourhood
of the, xxiv, 63-64
Chambeli, where obtained, 63 ; de-
scription of, 6372., 310; oil distilled
from, 63, 87
Chamberlain, Richard, chief at
Patna, 361 n.
Champaign, flat open country, 54,
55, 60, 134, 185, 260, 264, 318
Champing, description of, xxviii,
86-87 ; early instance of the use of,
86 n.
Chand Rajas, at Kumaon, 75 11.
Chanda, an outlaw, xliv, 258-259;
avenges his father's death, 259 n.
Chandan Shah. See Hazrat Chan-
dan Shahid
Chandangaome. See Chandkhera
Chandkhera, 265, 298
Chandol, chajtdoli. See Chaundoli
Chdndrdt, a gratification, when paid,
293
Chandungame. See Chandkhera
Chang Sawar. See Sayyid Husain
Chang
Chank. See Sankh
Chaiiwd. See Chawwd
Chaparghata, 184; sardl at, de-
scribed, xxviii, 89; bridge at, 89 n.
M. II.
Chapel Valley. See James Valley
Chappan-ka-pahar, hill, ascended
by Mundy, xliii, 252 ; a tower on
the summit of, xliii, 252
Charack. See Chirdgh
Chdr-bakhra, a sherbet of four ingre-
dients, liv, 28
Chareconnaes. See Chdrkhdiia
Charity., the, 4, 5 ; owners of, 4 n.
Chdrkhdna, chequered muslin, where
made, 155
Charkkt, Catherine wheels, used to
separate fighting elephants, 53 n.,
127 n.
Charles, the, king's ship, commanded
by Sir John Pennington, 336
Charles, the, sails for England, 21 ;
other voyages of, 21 n.; burnt at ••
Swally, 21 71., 303
Charles Mount. See Devil's Peak
Charms, protective, xxviii, xl, Ix,
93, 180, 238, 244
Charsoo. See Karchia
Charwa, situation of, 53 «.
Chategame. See Satgaon
Chatsoo. See Chaksu
Chaturbhuj, 123
Chaiidha7-i, a headman, 147 «., 160,
285, 290; imprisoned for refusal to
pay taxes, 183
Chauhri, chamirl, a fly-whisk, Iviii,
158 71., 164 71., 176, 198, 217, 240;
Thevenot's description of a, 198 71.
Chatikd, gi 7t.
Chaukt, 271 n.
Chaundoli, a litter, a sedan, descrip-
tion of a, 190-191; how cooled,
liv, 191; depicted by Mundy, 192
Chaunsa, 125;/. ; Humayun defeated
at, 130 71.
Chaiitdhd, a coarse cloth, 371
Chawback. See chdbiik
Chawlvd, a fragrant ointment, 162 ;
constituents of, 162 ti.
Cheanpore, Cheinpoor, 53 ; identi-
fication of, 53 71.
Cheeta. See Chitd
Chherat, 74
Chhota, a native broker, 345 ; his
brother, 34 5_
Chhota Tawa, river, 53 71.
Chilka Lake, 153 7t.
Chiminy Beagum. See Jahanara
Begam
ChimnT Begam. See Chamani
Begam
Chintz, made at Sironj, xxiii, 56;
made at Shahzadpur, xxix, 98; for
shrouds, 175 ti.
Chirdgh, an earthen lamp, 202, 240
26
402
INDEX
ChTld, hunting-leopard, 112 n.
Chita I, variegated, spotted, 155 72.
Chittagong, taken by the King of
Arakan, 152 «.
Choa, chozud. See Chaivwd
Chopra, Chopda, Ixv, 47 ; governor
of, 48; castle at, 48
Chowdree Foqueera. See Fakira,
cliaudhari
Chowndoolee. See Chaiindoll
Chowry. See Chauhri
Chowte. See Chhota
Chowtree. See Chabutrd
Christinas Day, how celebrated by
Mundy, xxiii-xxiv, lii, 57-58
Chua. See Chaivivd
Chunar, governor of, 112; water-
bottles made at, 114; dungeon in
the fortress of, 168 n. ; defeat of
Sher Shah Siir at, 169 11.
Chupperguta. See Chaparghata
Clulri, bracelet, of rhinoceros horn,
171
Churl. See Fardle
Ckassaes. See Khdssa
Ckaun. See Khan
Ckhaireabads. See Khairabad
Ckhattaranne. See Khatrdnl
Ckhaturgam. See Katargam
Ckhorum, Prince. See Khurram,
Prince
Ckoia ca Sarae. See Khwaja ka
Sara
Ckunducke. See Khandap
Ckusse Connaes. See Khns-khdna
Clara, daughter of Mirza Zu'lkarnain,
375 ^ . . ^
Clepsydra, for measurmg tnne, logn.
Cloth, European, sent to Agra, 80,
82; sale of, xxxiii, 82; sent to
Patna, xxvii, 78, 149, 150, 366;
imported to India, 362 ; hunscote,
where made, Ixxviii
Cloth, Indian. See Piece Goods
Cloves, price of, at Patna, 154
Coaches. See Carriages
Cock-fighting, Ix, 128
Cockles, in the Karamnasa river,
xxxi, 125; in the Sawant river,
126
Cockle-shell bells, for carriage
oxen, 192; for state elephants, 198
Cocoanut, protective powers of a,
Ix, 180
Cocoanut trees, 14, 215, 309; used
for /dri, 32; value of, 33; at Palna,
134; at Ahmadaliad, 267
Cohouree. See Kiir, kurt
Coins, in use in India, 310-31 1
Coja. See Klnudja
Cojava. See Kajdiva
Cole. See Koil
Collar, Daniel, Dutch factor, Mundy's
meeting with, 58-59 ; notice of,
58 n.
Comaun Ghurre. See Kumaon
Garh
Co?>i/o}-t, the, seizure of, 316 7t.
Comoro Islands, xix, 8, 14, 15;
English ships winter at the, 303 ;
provisions from, 342
Comptee. See Kamthd
Conch shell, used as a trumpet, 175
Congo, coast of, 15
Conie Island, 12; why so called,
12 11.
Connow^ay. See Khanwa
Cons, Raja. See Kansa, Raja
Constantinople, Shahzadpur com-
pared to, xxix, 98; mosques at,
compared with Sher Shah's tomb,
130; Mogul standards resemble
those at, Iv, Ixi, 199; burial-places
at, Ixi, 229; Akbar's tomb com-
pared with spires at, 210; mourning
ceremonies of the Jews at, 220
Coolees. See Kolis
Coosdan. See Koshddii
Coozars. See Kftza
Copper-mine, in Jaipur State,
242 n.
Corah Jehenabad. See Kora Khas
Coral, trade in, 366; special use of,
366
Corge, a score, Ixviii, 145, 276,
.348
Corn, carried by Banjaras, xxiii, xxix,
xlii, 95, 249; abundance of, in
Patna, 134; artificially watered,
248
Cornelian beads, a means of ex-
change at Madagascar, 13
Cornwall, Mundy's allusions to, Ixi,
37 «., 136, 168, 246
Corrura. See Kora Khas
Corse, Course. See Kos
Corsi, Francis, a Jesuit priest, 208 ;/.,
380
Corula. See Korla
Costume. See Dress
Coteale. Klmtiydl
Cotte. See Khdt
Cotton cloth. See Piece Goods
Cotton fields, Ixvi, 55 ; at Patna,
1.34
Courouree. See Karoi-
Court of Committees of the E. I.
Co., 3 ; decision of the, regarding
Mundy's private trade, 1, 337-338 ;
reward Mundy, 1, 338; their present
INDEX
403
to Virji Vora, 139 n. ; their action
with regard to Leachland, Ixx, Ixxi,
356; Nathaniel Wyche a member
of, 266 «.; reward Captain Morris,
302 n.
Courteen's Association, 2 ;/., 2 1 «.,
69 n. ; E. Knipe joins, 266 n. ;
Mundy joins, 266 n.
Coutinho, Don Francisco, Captain-
Major of the Portuguese, 350
Covad, coved, covid, usual length of,
67 n.\ derivation of, 150 n. ; length
of, at Patna, 156; length of, at
Agra, 156; & jahdnglrT, 369, 370;
variations in the, 370, 372
Covardare. See Khabar'ddr
Cowries, a medium of exchange,
311; worth of, 311
Cowtail. See Chowry
Cozroo, Sultan. See Khusru, Sul-
tan
Cozrooeabad (Cazrooeabad). See
Khuldabad Sarai
Cracked, bankrupt, 368
Crispe, Henry, death of, 334
Crocodiles, 308; in the Tapti, 35;
in Salim Shah's tank, 131-132
Cromvirell, Thomas, Ixxiv
Crore. See Karor
Criizado, a coin, 381
Cumwarra. See Khumbaria
Currency, in India, 310-31 1
Curry, liv, 27 «.
Curtabees, Cuttanees. See Katdni
Cusse. See Khas-khas
Customs, exacted from a kafila,
xxxviii, 54, 232-294; extorted by
Raj pvit outlaws, xliv, iii, 119, 120;
paid at Sirohi, xliii, 255; paid at
Mehsana, xliv, 264, 296 ; paid at
Broach, xlvi, 272 ; hostages foi the
payment of, 264, 297 ; device to
avoid the payment of, 278, 299,
301; methods of compounding for,
291, 297; payable between Agra
and Jalor, 299
Cutch. See Kachh.
Cuttwall Ckaun. See Kotwal Khan
Cypress trees, round Akbar's tomb,
212; in gardens at Agra, 214, 215,
309 ; at Ajmer, 242
Cyprhms I'ohita, 216 n.
Dacca, 152, 224
Dahanu, 9 ;/.
Dakhan, the, 24, 29; hostilities in,
xxi, xxiii, Ixvi, 55, 56, 104 n.,
107 «., 149 n., 188 72., 204, 212 ft.,
341, 363; Shah Jahan's flight to,
and escape from, 212-213; a boun-
dary of Hindustan, 305 ; sufferers
from famine take refuge in, 339;
desolated by war, 346 ; the famine
extends to, 347
Dakhanis, proficient acrobats, 255
Dalil Khan, governor of Baroda,
271
Dam, a coin, 347
Danidmd, a copper drum, 199
Daman, 8 ;?., 275 n.
Damkin, 34
Dancing women, Ivii, 216, 238,
255; prostitutes, 216; depicted by
Mundy, 217
Dandara, 248
Danoora. See Dandara
Danshaw. See Danyal, Sultan
Dantwada, 249, 261, 289, 292
Danyal, Mirza. See Mirza Danyal
Danyal, Sultan, son of Akbar, 101,
165. 226;?.; death of, 102 11.; his
daughter, XXXV, 165, 179; his son,
165
Dao. See Moti Dau
Dara Shikoh, son of Shah Jahan,
Iv, Ivi, 194; birth of, 201 n.;
marriage of, Ivi, 201-202 ; Mundy's
drawing of, 195; a current rumour
regarding, 244 n.
Darbdr, court, of Shah Jahan, at
Agra, 207
Darbhanga, Naubat Khan's expe-
dition against, 173
Dargdh, pilgrimage shrine, of
Mu'inu'd-din Chishti, 244 n. ; at
Patan, 262 n.
Daroo Shuckur. See Dara Shikoh
Darreecabaag. See Dehra Bagh
Daryabad, situation of, xxvii, 140 «.,
141, 156
Daryabad, a white cotton cloth,
140 n., 156
Dasahra festival, 95 n.
Dassen Island. See Conie Island
Dastkhat, signature, 167
Date palm, used for tdri, xxxvi, 32,
173, 319
Daulat Bagh, the, at Ajmer, 242 it.
Daulat Khan Mayi, arrests the
false Bayasanghar, 165 n.
Daulatabad, legend regarding the
taking of, 169 n. ; taken by Mahabat
Khan, 205; situation of, 205 11.;
suffers from drought, 346
Davison, Robert, steward at Surat,
275; notice of, 275 n.
Dawar Bakhsh. See Bulaki
Day, Francis, Mundy's assistant at
Swally, xlvii, 304; notice of, 304 «.
Dayta. See Dhaita
26 — 2
404
INDEX
De Castro, Father Joseph, chaplain
to Mirza Zu'lkarnain, 380, 381
Deal, 3
Deaths, from famine, Ixiii-lxviii, 38,
42-49, 52, 55, 56, 80, 262, 265,
272-276; by violence, 178, 253,
256, 263, 295, 297 ; from drowning,
xlix, 320, 336; from disease, xlix,
Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixviii, 80, 173-174, 272-
276, 334, 335, 336; customs con-
nected with, Ivii, 174-175, 220;
of a quarter-master, 3x9
Deccan, the. See Dakhan, the
Deer, 307; hunted by chttds, 112
Dehra Bagh, at Agra, the, 65, 188,
214; Shah Jahan halts at, 190, 194,
195; founder of, 214 n.
Delawood. See Dilod
Delhi, the capital transferred from
Agra to, 65 11.; a royal city, 107;
rulers of, 130 n., 149 «., 153 71.,
243 n. ; Jahanara Begam's tomb at,
203 n. ; Gujarat made subject to,
266 «.; Mirza Zu'lkarnain retires
to, 375
Dellill Ckaun. See Dalll Khan
Denbigh, Earl of, his pleasure trip
to India, 323 n.
Dengi, dinghy, 63 11.
Deogiri. See Daulatabad
Derbungee. See Darbhanga
Deriabads. See Darydhad
Descutt. See Dastkhat
Deiird, a Hindu temple, 122, 123,
124, 175, 245, 251, 262
DevakT, sister of Raja Kansa, 94
Devi, 123 n.
Devil's Peak, the, seventeenth century
name for, xlviii, 325 n. ; description
of, 325, 326
Dewally. See Dlwali
Dhaita, Ixiv, 41
Dhak, tree, 84
Dhaka, 224
Dhanji, the Company's broker at
Agra, 79, 282 ; charged with exer-
cising sorcery, 79 n.; accompanies
Mundy to Bamanwas, xl, 235,
281
Dharbare. See Darbdr
Dholpur, broken ground near, xxiv,
63, 86, 89; boats used at, 63;
town of, described, 64; residence
of Imperial governors, 64 n.
DhQndia Jains, their reverence for
life, 251 II.
Diamonds, from the Kaimiir hills,
133
Dianett Ckaun. See Diyanat Klian
Didiis ineptus, dodo, 318 n.
Dilly. See Delhi
Dilod, xxiii, Ixvi, 52 n,, 55, 66 n.
Discovery, the, arrives from England,
302 ; her commanders, 302 n.,
303 n.; sent to Persia, 304 n.,
315, 316 «.; her log, 352
Diwall, festival, the, xxxii, 95 «.,
146, 147, 218; when celebrated,
146 11.; Mundy's description of,
220; reason for lamps connected
with, 220 n.
Dhud?i-i-'d»i, hall of public audience,
200 71.; at Fatehpur Sikri, 228 n.
Diwd7i-i-khds.i hall of private audi-
ence, 201 71.
Diyanat Khan, brother of Mirza
Mahmud Safi, 42 ; death of, 42 71.
Dobb, Mundy's definition of, 87
Dodo, Mundy's description of a, 318
Dogs, 307 ; one shot by John Yard,
49-50; thefts of, 57, 58; at St
Helena, xlix, 330; as executioners,
232
Dolis, soldiers conveyed into Rohtas-
garh in, 169; a bride carried to her
husband in a, 180; for the use of
Indian ladies, 188, 189, 191; de-
scription of a, 189; depicted by
Mundy, 192
Dolphi7t., the, commanded by Matthew
Wills, 23 71.; sails to Masulipatam,
303 «•
Dolphins, 15
Domingo. Sec Dumindo
DoDitij, a dancing- woman, 216
Domoh. See Doniu7ihd
Do7ini7ihd, a water-snake, legends
regarding the, lix, 308 n., 309 «. ;
Mundy's remarks on a, 308-309
Dongee. See Dhanji
Dongrl, 58
Doolee. See Doll
Doomenees. See Do/mil
Do-pahar, noon, 68
Dopattd, a garment, sheet, piece-
goods, Iviii, 218, 253; procured
from Malda, 366
Dopeage. See Dtipiydza
Dover, Mundy arrives at, 1, 336
Dowlee. See Doll
Downs, the, 2, 3, 11, 337
Dress, of Englishmen in India, Hi,
Ivii-lviii, 218; of Mundy's follow-
ers, 253 ; of the wilder Bhils, 260 «.
Drinking, to excess, effect of, 22 «. .
Drowning, deaths from, xlviii, xlix,
320, 336; a man saved from, xlix,
333
Drugs, 157, 310; price of, at Patna,
153-154
INDEX
405
Drums, at wedding ceremonies, 180;
in a royal procession, 195, 199;
in the royal audience chamber,
210; at a banquet, 217; beaten at
great men's tombs, 229; silver,
237 ; used on travels, 239-240, 262
Dumda, a grain mart, 95 «.
Dumindo, 89 n.
Dungeness, 3
Dunscomb, Clement, 'register' at
Surat, notice of, 274 n.
Dtipiydza [dopydj), liv; recipe for,
27 n.
Duraha, 55 n.
Durga. See Devi
Dutch, the, attack the Portuguese in
Brazil, 3 n. ; relations between the
English and, in India, xxiv, 10 ii.,
59, 267 n. ; their warehouse at
Rander, 33 n.; their factors in
India, xxiv, 58, 59, 65, 225, 268,
270, 344; their kdfila robljed, xli,
xliv, 246, 256, 284, 293,294; their
farmdn from Shah Jahan, 268 n.;
their factory at Baroda, 270; their
trade in saltpetre, 292 ; skirmish
between the Portuguese and, 316 «. ;
name Mauritius Island, 318; expel
the Portuguese from St Helena,
330
Eagle, the, her commander, 302 n.
Bagle-wood. See Lignum aloe
East India Company, the, their
servants in India, 1-Hii; Mundy's
employment by, 2 ; foundation of
Black wall Hospital by, 18; plate
presented to captains by, 23 ;?.,
302 11.; injury done to, by private
traders, xxvi, 81; a paiivdva
granted to, by Saif Khan, 108 n.;
indigo a monopoly of, 1, 338
Ebony, on Mauritius Island, 319
Ecbarpore. See Akbarpur
Ecbur. See Akbar
Echo, a strange, in Sher Shah's
tomb, 130
Elahabaz. See Allahabad
Elephant Tower. See Hiran Minar
Elephants, xxiii, 40, 48, 307; fight-
ing of, hx, 50, 53, 102, 114, 127-
128, 201, 238; carved in stone,
xxiii, 51, 62 n., 209; kept by the
Mogul kings, 52, 55, 85, 102, 198;
fierce, how controlled, 53; catch-
ing of wild, lix, 85-86, 113; as
executioners, lix, 104, 232; for
travelling, xlii, 181, 19 r, 239, 240,
289; for war and state processions,
Iv, lix, 190, 193, 194, 195, 196,
197, 198, 199, 237 ; error in Mundy's
drawings of, Iv, 233 m. ; armour and
trappings of, 198, 237; Jahangir's
favourite, 198 n.; tuskless, 128;
supposed grave of an, 230 n.;
Mundy's description of, 233-234;
at the Cape of Good Hope, 321
Ellacha. See Aide hah
Ellachee. See Ildchl
Embargued, commandeered, 122
Embroideries, sold to Nawab
Mukarrab Khan, 362, 366
Ename. See Indm
Enamel, saleable in India, 366
England, comparisons between India
and, xliv, Ixi, 64, 126, 133, 189,
191, 260, 261
Englishmen in India, status of,
1-li; duties of, as Company's ser-
vants, li; costume of, Ivii-lviii, 218;
food of, lii, liv, 27-28, 215, 218
Ensigns, Mogul, Iv, Ixi, 193, 195,
199; used hy fakirs, 176
Eres, Irij. See Mirza Eres
Erich, 'Abdu'llah Khan's expedition
against, 90 n.
Erith, the Alary anchors at, 1, 336,
337
Estridges eggs. See Ostrich eggs
Etawa, governor of, 86, 87 ; descrip-
tion of, 86, 87; "champing" prac-
tised at, xxviii, 86-87 ; great barges
at, xxviii, 87, 224 ; mindrs of skulls
at, xxxvii, 186; a rhinoceros sent
to, 186
Etimans. See Sahib -ihtij?idm
Etmad Dowlett. See 'Itmadu'-
ddaula
Eunuchs, for guarding Indian
women, 191, 201
European goods, imported to India,
362, 365
Europeans, in the service of the
Mogol Emperors, 208 ; at Agra,
Ivi, 65, 208, 225
Exchange, rate of, 349, 369
Exchange, the, 22 n.; her voyage
to Sumatra, 323 n.; her captain,
325 «•
Expedition, the, voyage of, to
Surat, i-i7,3i5«.; former voyages
of, I n., 354; masters of, i, i n.;
Mundy sails to India in, xix, 2;
log of, 4 n., 5 n., 10 n.; collection
from the crew of, xx, 19; returns
to England, i 71.
Fackeeres. See Fakirs
Factories, of the English, in India,
25, 28, 270
4o6
INDEX
Fakhir, jNIiiza. See Mirza Fakhir
Faklra, a chaudharl, 147
Fakirs, religious mendicants, at
Gwalior, 61, 62 «.; tend shrines
dedicated to Khusru, 106; Mundy's
remarks on, 176-178; religion of,
176; dress of, 177; 'Abdu'llah
Khan's disguise as a, 177; different
kinds of, 176, 242 «. ; a noted, at
Sikri, 226, 229; at JogI ka Talao,
247
Falcoti, the, her purser's mate, 21^11. ;
her commander, 302 11.
Famine, the, of 1630-1632, begin-
ning of, xxii, Ixiii, 38, 39; cause
of, Ixiii-lxiv, 38 ; deaths from, Ixiv-
Ixviii, 40, 43, 44, 47, 48, 272-276,
341. 343> 344) 345; no remedial
measures for, Ixv, Ixviii-lxix, 49 ;
followed by pestilence, Ixvii-lxviii,
80, 272, 273-276, 343, 344; extent
of, Ixv, Ixvii, 52, 248, 345, 346;
effects of, xxii, xli, xliv, xlvi, xlvii,
Ixiv-lxviii, Ixx, 39-40, 42, 44, 45,
49, 55, 81, 83, 236, 248, 262, 265,
266, 270 «., 271, 272-276, 282,
286, 348-349; followed by flood,
344, 345 ; on the Coromandel
Coast, 339-340; various accounts
of, 339-347 ; the Emperor's measure
to assist sufferers from, 347 ; a local
dearth, 378
Fans, 240; two kinds of, 191; of
feathers, 196
FarangJ, foreigner, 379
Fardle, a bundle, 148 «., 225, 256,
271 «., 277 n., 279, 295, 297, 298;
weight of, 76 n.
Farjl, 177 11.
Farmdn, a royal grant, order, 120,
121; of Shah Jahan to demolish
Hindu temples, 178
Fan-ask, duties of a, 240 n.
Faruki kings, 46 «., 51 n., 52 n.
Farzand, title given to Bakir Khan,
166 n., 185 n.
Fatehpur, 183 n.\ outlaws near,
xxviii, 92
Fatehpur Slkri, 225, 234, 277;
a royal city, 107, 227 ; why so
named, 227; gardens laid out by
Akbar at, 214 «., 228; chief build-
ings at, xxxviii, 228-229, 230;
water system at, 228; lake at, 230;
Hiran Minar at, 230; royal stables
at, 230 ; built of red sandstone,
231 ; Mundy's description of, xxxviii,
227-23 r; deserted, xxxviii, 228
Fathabad, a suburb of Dholpur,
64 n.
Fathu'Uah Khan, builds suburb at
Dholpur, 64 It.
Fatima, daughter of Muhammad,
219 n.
Faujddr, military governor, 73, 74 ;
of Benares, xxx, 122; under
'Abdu'llah Khan, 161; of Shah-
zadpur, 183; of Sambhar, 375; of
Bharaich, 375> 379
Faujdar Khan, unidentified, 208
Feathers, sold to Mukarrab Khan,
362, 366
Fenn, Thomas, his clandestine pur-
chase of calicoes, 338 n.
Festivals, Hindu, xxxii, xxxvi, Ivii,
95 11., 146, 147, 218, 219-220;
Muhammadan, xxxvii, Ivii, 197,
218, 219
Fettiepore. See Fatehpur Slkri
FiciLs indica. See Banyan tree
Fie us religiosa. See Pipal
Fielding, William. See Denbigh,
Earl of
Fig trees, 215, 309; wild, 261
Fighting, beasts used for, xl, 126-
128, 20 r
Finch, William, his journey from
Surat to Agra, 39 n.
Fire, precautions against, i n. ; Parsi
belief regarding, 306; how kindled,
258, 322 ; at Patna, destruction
caused by, 364
Fire-ships, employed by the Portu-
gi^ese, 353
Fireworks, elephants separated by,
53, 127; to celebrate a royal mar-
riage, Ivi, 202
Firoz, son of Sallm Shah SCir, 130 w.;
deposed and murdered, 130 n.
Firozabad, xxviii, 84, 85, 186;
situation of, 84 n.
Firpoore, 47
First General Voyage, the, 22 n.
Fish, in St Augustine's Bay, xix,
1 2 ; in the rivers and lakes of India,
54, 57, 216, 230, 259, 269; different
kinds of, 308; at Mauritius, 319;
caught near Cape Agulhas, 320;
at the Cape of Good Hope, 321;
at St Helena, xlix, 331; at Ascen-
sion, 333
Fisher, Thomas, of Rochester, father
of Thomas Fisher, Ixxii
Fisher, Thomas, his service under
the E. I. Co., Ixxii; his copy of
Mundy's travels, Ixxii ; death of, Ixxii
Fitzherbert, Captain Humphrey,
23 n. ; commands the Royal Ex-
change, 325 n.; his token on
"James Mount," 325
INDEX
407
Flags, for state elephants, 190 «•,
192, 194, 196, 239; for state pro-
cessions, 192-193; carried by
attendants of noblemen, 240 ; the
English, at Swally, 312
Flowers, of India, xxiii, 56, 63, 92,
215, 310
Flushing, man-of-war from, 3
Flying fishes, 15; at St Helena,
xlix, 331; caught by Mundy, 331-
Flying-foxes, at Mohilla, 14-15 ; in
India, 307
Fly- whisk. See Chaiihri
Food, of Englishmen in India, lii,
liv, 215; at Sural, 27-28; at Agra,
2t8
Forder, Richard, 316 «.
Fort St George, founding of, 304 n.
Forts. See s.v. Agra, Ivii, 168 n.,
194, 200, 20S, 209-210; Ajmer,
242, 243; Allahabad, 107-108;
Asir, 51-52, 168 n.; Burhanpur,
50; Chaksu, 236; Daulatabad,
205 n.; Etawa, 87; Gwalior, 61,
62 11., 168 n.; Handiya, 54;
Jalesar, 71 ; Jalor, 249, 250; Kara,
97; Koil, 72, 74; Narwar, 59,
168 «.; Pipar, 247; Ranthanbhor,
168 «. ; Rohtasgarh, 167-169;
Sikandarabad, 234; Sikandra Rao,
72 «.; Surat, 29-30
Fourth Joint Stock Company,
22 n.
Fowl, wild. See Birds
Fowsdare. See Faujdar
France, allusions to Mundy's travels
in, Ixi, 173
Francisco, Signor, a Frenchman,
65 ; inhabitant of Agra, 208
Frederickszoon, Maerten, imprison-
ment of, 225 11.
Fremlen, William, chief at Agra,
xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, xxxiii, xxxiv,
xxxviii, xxxix, xli, 39, 65, 71, 79,
81, 82, 83, 142, 156, 186, 293;
early services of, 24 n. ; letter from,
57; sends Mundy to Patna, 138,
146-147, 150; accompanies Mundy
to Bamanwas, xxxviii, xl, 225, 23 r,
235' 277-279, 280 n.; Mirza
Lashkar's demand from, 299;
President of Surat, 25 n.; notice
of, 277 w. ; Mundy's complaints
against, 279-282, 291, 293, 294,
298, 299
Fresco, fresh air, loi
Frost. See Farrash
Fruits, of India, 56, 92, 214-215,
216, 260-261, 309
Fuel, used in India, 35, 71, 91
Fuerte Ventura, 5
F'unerals, Hindu, 35 ; of devotees,
220
Futtapore. See Fatehpur Sikri
Gabbart, a lighter, Indian form of,
224; derivation of, 224 n.
Gadda Khal, a place of danger, 235
Gaj Singh, Raja, ruler of Jodhpur,
245
Gaj a. See Gay a
Gakkhars, Rajputs, outrages of, xxv,
Gana, a carter, Mundy's difficulties
with, xliii, 290, 292; a debtor to
the Company, 301
Gandak, river, 135 ; its junction with
the Ganges, 137 n.
Ganesh, 123
Ganga. See Ganges river
Ganga Ram, broker at Patna, xxxii,
146
Ganga Ram, servant of the Raja of
Bundi, 25
Gangain, Ganges-water, 75 n.
Ganges river, the, mentioned, pas-
sim ; Mundy's journey to, xxv, 7 1 «.,
75-76, 77 ; esteemed holy, 35, 75-
76, 116, 122, 174, 176;;. ; different
names for, 74, 75 ; remarks on,
xxix, xxxvi, Ixi, 75-76, 109, 124,
134, 173, 181 ; barges used on, 87;
its junction with the Jamna, 108,
109, 115 n., ir6; a trade route,
xxxiv, 151; water from, for royal
drinkers, 231
Ganj, a market, 207
Ganj Shahldan, at Ajmer, 243 n.
Ganjam, 153 n.
Ganwdrs, gawdrs, gzudrs, rustics,
villagers, 73, 92, iii, 120, 170;
treatment of, by the Mogols, 172—
173; of Darbhanga, expedition
against, 173
Gdon, a village, 247 n.
Gardens, at Surat, liv, 25-26, 29,
32, 53; at Thalner, 47; at Sironj,
^6 n. ; at Agra, Ivii, 65, 79, 207,
210, 214-215; why not kept in
repair, 84; at Patna, 159; at Sikan-
dra, 210, 211 ; at Burhanpur, 212;?.;
Indian, general description of, 214-
215; as burial places, 229: round
Ajmer castle, 243; at Ahmadabad,
266-267, 268
Garfish, boats in the shape of a, 158
Garha, depopulated by famine, Ixvii,
248
Gari, a carriage, 171 it.
4o8
INDEX
Garland, the, 336
Gaspar, Signor, jeweller at Agra,
68, 69
Gattumpore. See Ghatampur
Gauares. See Ganwars
Gauharara Begam, daughter of
Taj Mahal, 212 n.
Gaya, a place of pilgrimage, xxxvi,
182 ; a cleft rock at, xxxvi-xxxvii,
182-183
Gaz, a measure of length, 67 n. ; the
ildhi, 370
Gazl, a wooden arrow, 11 3-1 14
Gee, John, death of, 336
Gemina. See Jamna, river
Gendd, rhinoceros, 171
George, an Armenian, 291; killed
by kolis, 263
George, a nephew of Mirza Zu'lkar-
nain, 375
Ghairat Khan, nephew of Abdu'llah
Khan, 149 n. ; notice of, 149 n.
Gharl, the Indian hour, 117, 169;
minutes contained in a, 169; num-
ber of, in a pahar, 169
Ghariyal, gong, for measuring time,
169
Gharry. See Gari
Ghatampur, 185; disturbances near,
xxviii, 90
Ghazi Beg, Mirza. See Mirza
GhazT Beg
Ghenda. See Gendd
Ghinga Ram. See Ganga Ram
G/iirnT, a pulley, 190 n.
Ghirsee. See Ghirni
Ghod, xliv ; outlaws near, 259-260
Ghold, an intoxicant, 216; composi-
tion of, 217-218; effect of, 218
Ghora. See Garha
Ghils, the bandicoot rat, lix, 307 ;/.
Ghusl khdna, private audience cham-
ber, 201 ; literal meaning of, 201 n.
Gibson, William, letter from, 346
Gird, round, even quality, 372
Girdles, of leather, 11 1
Gladdy, a yellow-hammer, Ixi, 37
Glanvill, John, factor, notice of,
274 //.
Glascock, Henry, Mundy's relations
with, 69; notice of, 69 n.; his
brother, 69 Ji. ; escapes death from
an epidemic, 273 ; sails for Eng-
land, xlvii, 315 ; lands at Dover, 336
Glaseney College, Penryn, Ixx'iv
Goa, Viceroy of, 10 ;/. ; effect of the
famine at, 348
Goats, 307; at Mohilla, 14; at
Chopda, 47 ; at St Helena, xlix,
33o> 332
Godora. See Ghod
Gogha, ship from, seized, 8
Goglet, a water-bottle, 114, 196;
where made, 114
Goh, iguana, 309 n.
Gokal, a sacred spot, 93, 136 n.
Gola, 260
G dares. See G filar
Gold, fall in the price of, 341
Goleles. See Gulel
GolT, a pellet, 103
Gombroon, i n., 23 n., 42 ; English
factory at, 28 n. ; ships bound to,
304. 315
Gonga Mohol. See Gunga Mahal
Gongarum. See Ganga Ram
Goo. See Goh
Good Hope, the Cape of, 6 ; the
Expedition doubles, 7 ; Mundy's
description of, xix, xlviii, 11-12,
320-323 ; the Mary anchors at,
xlviii, 320; inhabitants of, xlviii,
321-323
Goola. See Gola
Goont. See Giinth
Goose. See Ghus
Gopi Talao, at Surat, 31-32, 32 n.
Gore, Mr, brother-in-law of T. Ras-
tell, 273; death of, 273
Gore, William, his daughter marries
T. Rastell, 273 n.
Gorgoleta. See Goglet
Gosdin, a Hindu ascetic, 136 ;/.
Gosull Conna. See Ghusl khdna
Gourdas. See Gur Das
Gradenigo, Angelo, a Venetian in-
habitant of Agra, 208 ; notice of,
208 n. ; in Jahanglr's pay, 208 n.
Grain. See Corn
Gravesend, 2
Great Comoro Island, not a port of
call, 15
Great James, the. See James, the
Gree. See GharT
Greene, Captain Michael, commands
the Blessing, 22-23: notice of,
23 n.
Griffin, the, sails to New England,
.\34
Griffin, Robert, inhumanly beaten,
186 n., 266 n.
Grits autigone, 307 ;/.
Guddakhall. See Gadda Khal
Guinea-fowl, at Mohilla, 14 ; in
India, 60; confused with the Tur-
key, 60 ;/. ; at St Helena, xlix,
330 ; at Agra, 307
Gujarat, province, 39, 52, 249;
famine in, xxii, Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixviii,
56, 151, 236, 248, 276, 282, 339-
INDEX
409
349 ; kings and governors of,
xxxviii, ^6n., 85«. , loSn., 166 n.,
231 n., 266 n., 278, 298; conquered
by Akbar, 106, 227; cloth produced
in, xxxiii, 151, capital of, 266;
animal hospitals in, 310 «. ; fertility
of, 349
Gular, wild fig, 261
Gulel, pellet-bow, 113, 114, 260
Gullee. See Ghold
Gumlack. See Lakh
Gund Talao, at Kishangarh, 241
Gnnga Mahal, house of the dumb,
Akbar's experiment at, 227
Gunge. See Ganj
Gunna. See Gana
Guns, explosion of a, 49; carried by
camels, 190, 236-237; at Agra
castle, 209; taken from the Portu-
guese, 316; the Malabar fleet saluted
with, 317
Gfniih, a Tibetan pony, 136
Gur Das, broker to the Company,
25, 79; death of, 79"-, 345; his
brother, 345
Gurgalett. See Goglet
Guru Sikr, the Saint's pinnacle,
257 n.
Gutzing, Raja. See Gaj Singh,
Raja
Guzaratt. See Gujarat
Gwalior, description of, xxiv, 60, 62 ;
castle of, 61-62, 168 n.\ rock
sculptures at, 61 n. ; stone elephant
at, 62 n.
Gwin, Robert, death of, 334
Gymnastics, of native soldiers, 1 10 ;
performed by Hindus, 254-255
Hadda, inhabitant of Penguin Island,
.^27- .^28
Haidar Beg, a dependent of Saif
Khan, 128-129; his cousin mur-
dered, 178; residence of, 178
Haji Ilyas, founds Hajipur, 135 n.
HajTpur, 137; former prosperity of,
135; founder of, 135 «.
Halalkhor, a low-caste Hindu,
Mundy's remarks on, lix, 305,
306 ; duties of a, 306
Hall, Daniel, mate of the Expedition,
xix, 9; subscribes to Blackwall
Hospital, 20
Hall, John, commands the Mary,
313 71.
Hamaon. See Humayun
Hammdm, a stout cloth, 1 55 «■ ; where
procured, 371
Handiya, 114 n. ; castle at, 54; a
betrothal celebration at, xxxvi, 179
Hanging. See Punishments
HarakiiT, a dancing- woman, 216
Harby, Clement, 4 n.
Harby, Sir Job, 70
Harcanees. See Harakni
Hardas, governor of Sarotra, 259
Hares, 245, 252, 307; coursing of,
50, 112, 246
Harispur, 152; situation of, 152 «.
Harleian MS. 2286, an incomplete
copy of Mundy's travels, Ixxi ; re-
ferred to, passim
Harjidbhains, buffalo trained to fight,
xxxv, 170; where caught, 170;
skin of the, how used, 170
Harnakas, a demon, 219 n.
Halt, the, her commander, 2 «., 303;
her voyage to Masulipatam, 303 «.;
sent to Persia, 304 ?;., 315, 316;?.
Hasan, grandson of Muhammad,
martyrdom of, 219 11.
Hasanpur, a sardl of brick at, xxiii,
57
Haseere. See K%vi
Hasel, Jan van, his account of a
skirmish with the Portuguese, 353
Hashmatgir, female servant, 105
Hathgaon, a company of pilgrims
at, 183
Hatht pol. Elephant Gate, at Agra,
209 n.
Hathwa Raj family, 164 //.
Haiida, 155 w., 190
Hawks, for killing game, 112,
113
Hazrat Chandan Shahid, tomb of,
xxxi, 132; legends regarding, xxxi,
132-133- f33«-
Hearse, tomb, 100, 106
Hearth Taxes, paid by Peter Mundy,
Ixxvi
Heegeele. See Hijili
Helahabaz. See Allahabad
Helena, wife of Mirza Zu'lkarnain,
375, 377, 382; death and burial of,
375 ; her children, 375, 376, 377,
382
Helmont, Claes, Dutch factor,
Mundy's meeting with, 58-59 ;
notice of, 58 n.
Hendowne. See Hindaun
Henley, George, 4 n.
Henrietta Maria, Queen, names the
Mary, 313 n.
Hernabences. See Harndbhains
Hides, trade in, 362, 366; of buf-
faloes, how used, 1 70-1 71
Hijili, 152 ; site of, 152 n.
Hindaun, xxxix, 235, 292; indigo
grown at, 222
4IO
INDEX
Hindus, the, treatment of, by Mu-
hammadans, xxv, xxxvi, 73-74,
94 ;/., 172-173, 348-349; religious
and marriage ceremonies of, xxxvi,
Ivii, 124, 158, 175, 179-180, 183 ;^.,
221; festivals of, Ivii, 146; castes
of, lix, 94, 122, 305 ; their reverence
for the Ganges, 76; slaughter of,
by 'Abdu'llah Khan, 90; customs
of, regarding food, 91, 94, 173;
charms used by, 93 ; superstitious
beliefs and customs of, 116, 116 «.,
124, 125, 136, 251; religious
devotees among, 176; temples of,
demolished, 178; pilgrimages of,
182-183
Hiran MTnar, Antelope Tower, at
Fatehpur Sikri, xxxviii, 230; why
erected, 230 n.
Hiranya-vaha. See Son, river
Hoare, William, member of Council
at Surat, 354
Holl, sister of Harnakas, 219 71.
Holi, a Hindu festival, 218; Mundy's
description of, 219; when held,
219 n.\ legends regarding the,
219 w.
Hooglee. See Hugli
Hooly. See Holl
Hooredeabad. See Khuldabad Saral
Hopewell, the, master of, i 11.
Hopkinson, Joseph, President of
Surat, 83, 139, 273 ; his instructions
to Leachland, 81-83; illness of,
343; notice of, 139 n. ; death of.
Horns, of buffaloes, used for bows,
171 ; of the rhinoceros, how used,
1 71-172; of copper, used hy fakirs,
176
Horsepore. See Harispur
Horses, for racing, 50; Persian, Ixvi,
52, 83 ; Arabian, 53 ; kachlii, 53,
1 93 ; from'Tibet and Bhutan , 1 36 n. ;
from Burma, 136;/. ; trappings and
armour of, 158 «., 164, 196, 198 «.,
199; a market for, at Agra, 189;
maintained by amirs, 189 ; ridden
by veiled women, 192
Hospitals, the Company's at Black-
wall, XX, 17-20; for sick animals,
lix, 310
Houses, of mud, xxii, 44; of stone,
xxii, 44, 23 1 ; of the poorer Raj-
puts, ixi, 249 n. ; on the Kaimur
Hills, 170; tiled, 258
Howdah. See Haiidd
Hughes, Robert, factor at Agra,
361 ; reports the removal of Khus-
rfi's body from Burhanpur, 105 n. ;
his mission to Patna, xxxiii, 135-
136, 144, 145, 151 «., 157 n., 280 ;/.,
360-373 ; time occupied in his
journey to Patna, 144 n.; his
assistant, 361 ; his relations with
Mukarrab Khan, 361, 363, 365;
reports on Bengal silk, 362, 369,
371 ; his loss in a fire, 364: how
financed from Agra, 368, 369; sends
inaiiids from Patna, 120 n., 373;
his first consignment of goods lost,
i^^^ 373 ; leturns to Agra, 365 ;
estimate of the character of, 364 ;
his skill as a draughtsman, 373 ;
imprisonment of, 365 ; death of,
365 ; notice of, [35 n.
Hugll, a port in Bengal, 152 ;
founded by the Portuguese, 1 52 n. ;
English factory at, 361 n.; Portu-
guese merchants in, 362
Humayun, father of Akbar, 130;
defeated by Sher Shah Sur, 130 n.,
returns to Delhi, 130 n. ; death of,
130 n.
Himdi, a cheque, bill of exchange,
Hunscote, a woollen cloth, Ixxviii ;
where made, Ixxviii n.
Hunter, John, instructions to, 345
Hunting, 245 71. ; Indian methods
of, 112-113; of hares, 246
Husain, grandson of Muhammad,
martyrdom of, 219 n.
Husain Muzaffar, Mirza. See
Mirza Husain Muzaffar
Hutchins, Captain William, com-
mands the Sapphire, 4 n.
Ibrahim Khan, uncle of Nur Mahal,
loi n.
Ibrahim Khan Sur, dethrones
Muhammad Shah 'Adill, 130 n.
Ibrahlmabad, a bdoli at, loi
Ichhawar, 54
'Idu'1-Azha, a Muhammadan fes-
tival, 197 n.
Iftikhar Khan, 85 n.
Ikhtiyar Khan, buildings erected
by, 163 11.; jdgir of, 171; date
of death of, discussed, 171 n.
IldchT, cardamum, price of, at Patna,
154
Ilahl gaz, a measure of length, 370
Illahibas, Illahabad. See Allah-
abad
Illuminations, to celebrate a royal
marriage, 202 ; to celebrate nauroz,
237
Imprest, money advanced, 290,
299
INDEX
411
Itiam, gratuity, xxix, 47 «•, iir, 293
'Inayatu'llah. See Mirza 'Inayatu-
'11 ah
India, restriction of the term, 23,
305; inhabitants of, Iviii, 305, 306;
animal and vegetable productions
of, 307-310; merchandize of, 310;
currency in, 3 ro-3 [ i ; how watered
in the dry season, 31 1
India Office, Fisher's copy of the
Mundy MS. at the, Ixxii
Indigo, a contract with the Dutch
regarding trade in, 59 k., 65 «.;
whence procured, xxv, xxvi, xxxiii,
76, 151, 156, 22r, 222, 310, 343;
English trade in, 81, 148, 225,
277 «., 279, 304; Mundy's invest-
ment in, 1, 337 ; a monopoly of the
Company, 338 ; growth and manu-
facture of, Ivii, lix, 221-223;
different qualities of, 223, 234, 235,
240, 310; worth of, in Akbar's
time, 234 «. ; stolen from the
Dutch, 246, 256; chief mercantile
production of India, 310
Indus, river, 31 j
Intelligence, pinnace, her voyage to
Sumatra, 302 w., 304, 315, 316 }i.,
317; acts as a look-out ship, 303;
her master, 303 «., 304 n.
Interest, on money borrowed by
Mundy, 290, 291
Iradat Khan. See Mirza Muhammad
Bakir
Irich. See Mirza Eres
Iron-ware, saleable in India, 366
'Isa Tarkhan. See Mirza 'Isa
Tarkhan
Isaac, intended sacrifice of, com-
memorated, Iv, 197
Isabrant, Signior. See Pieterzoon,
Isbrand
Isanpur, 268
Ishmael, connection of, with Bakar'id ,
Iv, 197
Iskandarus, Mirza. See Mirza
Iskandarus
Islam Shah Siir. See Salim Shah
Siir
Isma'il Khan, camel-broker, 295
Ispahan, English factory at, 28 n.
Italians, in India, Ivi, Ixii, 65, 208,
225
'Itmad kd taldo, description of, xxviii,
84
'Itmad Khan, his tank, xxviii, 84 n.
'Itmad Khan, governor of Kara,
97
'Itmadpur, tank at, 84 ; founder of,
84 n.
'Itmadu'ddaula, father of Asaf
Khan, 203; father of Niir Mahal,
205 11.
Ivory, trade in, 366
Jack, a fruit, 309; derivation of the
word, 309 11.
Jackals, xxviii, 89, 307; how hunted,
1 12
Jackson, Rev. John, death of, Ixxv
Jadii, the Company's broker, 25, 50,
79, 82 ; notice of, 79 n.
Ja'far Beg. See Asaf Khan
Jagannathpur, 85, 99 n.
Jagdl, custom, xxi, xxix, 40, 41, 49,
117 n., 258, 260, 263, 293; see
also s.v. Customs
Jagat Singh, Rana, ruler of Udaipur,
256 ;/.
Jagdis, Sarai, 114
Jaggery, 28 n.
Jdgir, assignment of land, estate, 86,
91, 347; of Anup Rai, 74; of
'Itmad Khan, 97 ; of Ikhtiyar
Khan, 171; of Mirza Zu'lkarnain,
240, 375; of Gaj Singh, 245; of
Muzafifar Khan, 261 ; of Mir Shams,
265; of Dalil Khan, 271 n.; of
Mirza Sikandar, 374
Jahanabad, near Sasaram, 129 n.,
172; a friendless girl abandoned
near, 172
Jahanara Begam, daughter of Shah
Jahan, 203; a scandalous story
regarding, 203 ; nickname of, 203 n. ;
her tomb, 203 n.
Jahangir, son of Akbar, loi; birth
of, 226 ;/., 227 n. ; his grandmother,
102; his foster-brother, 205 n.;
his favourite wife, 78 n.; his sons,
99, 102, 106, 107, 363; rebels
against Akbar, 102, 106; flight of,
99 «., 102; succeeds Akbar, 103;
completes Akbar's tomb, 211 n.;
father of Shah Jahan, 84; plants
avenues of trees, xxvii, 84, 92 ;
rewards his followers, 74 ;z. , 90 n.,
io8;;. ; his relations with Mukarrab
Khan, 361 «., 365, 373; Prince
Khurram rebels against, 106, 108//.,
144 n., 244; his relations with
Mirza Zu'lkarnain, 375, 379, 381;
his war in the Dakhan, 363;
orders reinterment of Khusru's
body, 105 n. ; his palace at Agra,
Ivii, 210 ; his residence at Ajmer,
242 ; 'Abdu'llah Khan revolts
against, 160, 177 n.; nobles serv-
ing under, i66«. , 188 «., 204, 232;
taken prisoner by Mahabat Khan,
412
INDEX
204; his elephants, 102, 127, 19S;
his remarks on the flowers of India,
215 ;/. ; Europeans employed by,
20S ;/. ; tolerates Christians, 208 m.,
378, 379: prohibits sati, 180 «. ;
appoints Bulaki his heir, 107 ; death
of, 107 n., 165 n.
Jahangiri ambati, width and price of,
369
Jains, temples of the, on Mt Abu,
357 )i.; animal hospitals of the, lix,
310 ;/.
Jaipur State, copper workings in,
242 ;/.
Jajii, stone bridge at, 64 n.
Jalesar, robbers at, 71-72; foundei^s
of, 71 n.; castle at, 71
Jalor, 245, 2-;8, 264 n., 287, 288,
289, 291; situation of, 249, 250,
251; fortress of, xliii, 249, 250;
temple and tomb at, xliii, 2-;i;
Bakir Khan halts at, xlii, 249, 299;
legend regarding the taking of,
169 n.; Mundy borrows money at,
290, 291; rate of customs between
Agra and, 299
Jama Masjid, at Burhanpur, 51 «.
Jama' Masjid, at Fatehpur Sikri,
xxxviii, 228, 229 11.
Jamhn, rose-apple plum, 309
Jamdhar, dagger, 178
James, the, 342, 345; master of, 2 «. ;
arrives at Smat, 22; broken up,
22 «. ; private trade on, 81; her
cargo, 148 11.; sails to England,
323 «•
James Mount. See Lion's Rump,
the
James' Valley, St Helena, xlix, 328,
330, 331; Portuguese name for,
329
Jamna river, the, mentioned, /ajjz'w ;
broken ground near, xxviii, 86, 89;
barges used on, xxviii, 87-88, 223-
224; sacredness of the waters of,
93, ir6, 175, 220
Jampda, 236
JanakT Sarai, 88; a friendless girl
near. 88, 172; identification of, 88«.
Jani Beg, uncle of Mirza Zu'lkarnain,
375
Jannisar Khan, YadgharBeg, 234;;.
Jarl, term applied to a second crop
of indigo, 223
Jarooca. See Jharokha
Jasawal. See YasCuval
Jas>niiiit»t grandifiorum, 63 «., 310
Jassa, his unsound carls, 286; his
debt to the Company, 286, 287
Jaswantnagar, 86 n.
Jats, Jatts, act as carters, 257;
quarrel with Baliichls, xliv, 257,
261, 287, 294-295, 296; Hindus,
-57
Jaunpur, 46 «., 85 n., 118, 179;
carpets from, 366
Jay, John, master of the Mary, xlvii,
xlviii, 327
Jegdees ca Sarae. ^"£1? Sarai Jagdis
Jemdar. Sec Javidhar
Jemina, river. See Jamna, river
Jeree. See Jan
Jessa. See Jassa
Jesson, Randall, master of the
Expedition, i n.
Jesuits, in India, Ixii, 208, 374, 376,
38 1 ; college and church of, at
Agra, 208, 376, 380; persecution
of, by Shah Jahan, 208/;., 380, 381
Jettalee. See Chital
Jewellery, imported to India by the
Portuguese, 366
Jews, at Constantinople, mourning
ceremonies of the, 220
J/ialar, a fringe, 101 n.
Jhalar Baoli, described, loi n.
Jharokha, lattice, Iv, 102, 127, 200;
interview window, 200 ;/.
JhTl, lake, at Fatehpur Sikri, 230 n.
Jhojrl, river. See Jojrl, river
JhiisT, 107; a string of heads at,
xxxvi, 180-181
Jinpost. See Zln-posh
Jodhpur, rulers of, 245 n.
JogTs, religious devotees, 176, 247;
at Gwalior, 61 «. ; dress of, 177
Jog! ka talao, numerous wildfowl
at, 239; definition of, 239 n., 247;
near Pipar, 247, 284
Johanna Island, 14, 15 ; the English
fleet at, 303
John Devacus. See Sanjan
Johunpore. See Jaunpur
Jojrl, river, 247
Jonah ox Jonas, the, 2 «., ro; voyage
of, to India, xix, 1-17; earlier and
later voyages of, i n., 186 n., 303,
304 w., 315, 316 «.; hired for the
King's use, i n.; collection from
the crew of, xx, 17; E. Knipe
returns to England in, 266 n.;
lost at sea, i n.
Jones, John, Master of the Intelli-
gence, 304 n. ; instructions to, 304 n.
Jooguees. See JogTs
Jornang, many thieves near, 264;
Mundy's difficulties with his
Baluchls at, 297
Jourdain, John, his journey from
Surat to Agra, 39 n.
INDEX
413
Joyce, Thomas, recovers from sick-
ness, 344
Juliana, BibI, wife of Mirza Sikandar,
374; her father, 374; Bourbons of
Bhopal claim descent from, 376
Junks, description of, liv, 30
Jurnucke. See Jornang
Jussee. See Jhiisi
Jutts. See Jats
Kabir Barh, the, at Surat, 34 n.
Kabul, Khusru's flight towards, 104;
a royal city, 107; situation of, 165
Kabul! Khan. See Qabil Khan
Kachh, horses from, 53 n.
Kachhar Sarai, 56 «.
Kachhl hoxits, 53; how used, Iv, 193
Kafila, caravan, mentioned, passim;
^lundy placed in charge of a, xxii,
xxxvii, 41, 22-;; how patrolled and
protected, xxii, 42—43, 47, 240,
256, 258, 261, 294, 296; extent
of a, xlii, Ixv, 45, 246; thefts from
a, xli, xliv, 49, 236, 246, 256, 270,
284, 297; dangers encountered by
a, xliv, 54, 59, 92, 117-118, 256,
261, 270
Kafur Sultani, builds the Jhalar
Baoli, loi ;/.
Kahars, occupation of, xxx, 114-115,
121, 240; females of the caste of,
12 1 n.; illustration of a, 196
Kaimkhdnl, muslin, size and price of,
366; where saleable, 366
Kaimur Hills, 125 n., 129, 132 «.,
134 «., 167, 170; diamonds found
in the, 133; wild animals in the,
133
Aa/fZtcw, camel-pannier, 190; depicted
by Mundy, 192
KakonT, 248
Kala Pahar. See Mian Muhammad
Khan Farmuli
Kala Pahar, conqueror of Orissa,
153 n.
Kalapahar, district designated as,
i5_3 «• .
Kali, censing of an image of, xxxvi,
175
Kalyan Mai, founds Kalyanpur,
164 n.\ family of, 164 n.
Kalyanji, 25
Kalyanpur, hostilities between
'Abdu'llah Khan and, 161, 163-164:
situation of, 164 ;/. ; rulers of, 164 n.
Kainarband, worn by the English,
Iviii
Kamsiikhd, a coarse cloth, 371
Kanitha, kamthi, a bow, 178
Kanat, canvas walls of a tent, 239 ;/.
Kanchani, a dancing-woman, 216
Kandahar, ruler of, 201 n.
Kandaharl Begam, wife of Shah
Jahan, 212 «.; her father, 212 «.;
her child, 212 n.
Kankra Kharl, situation of, 33 n.;
fish and fowl at, 33
Kankria Tank, the, at Ahmadabad,
xlvi, 266-267
Kansa, Raja, 94
/Cdniln, a dulcimer, 374
Kara, xxix; description of, 97;
castle at, 97 n.
Karamnasa, river, legends of the
impurity of the, xxxi, 125 and _/".«.;
muscles in the sand of the, 125;
a tributary of the Ganges, 125 n.
Karand, a trumpet, 199
Karanbas, 74, 75
Karchia, 269
Karod, 40 n.
Ka-j-or, of rupees, 237; oi dams, 347
KarorT, tax-gatherer, 1 1 8
Kartik, a Hindu month, 146 n-
Karvan, 271
Kashmir, governor of, 104 n.; a
royal city, 107 ; saffron from, 154 n. ;
Mirza Zu'lkarnain in, 375
Kasl. See Benares
Kasi Das, 24
Kdsid, a messenger, 368
KatdiiT, finest linen, 155 n.
Katargam, 33
Kathiawar, 8 n.
Kathjii, 128; disturbances near, 172
Katwdi, imperfect, discoloured, 372
Kaulas, fortress in Telingana, Baya-
sanghar flees to, 165 ;/.
Kdzi, a judge, 374
Kedgeree, Kercheere, Kichery. See
Khichri
Keeches. See Kachhi
Keeling, Joseph, 348
Keleeche Ckaun. See Kulij Khan
Kenchanees. See Katichani
Kentish Knock, the, 2
Keord, the sweet-scented pandanus,
310 n.
Kerridge, Thomas, President of
Surat, I r n., 354
Kersey, broadcloth, 366
Kesu, a debtor to the Company,
301; his son, 301 n.; death of,
301 n.
Khabarddr, 43
Khairabad, situation of, xx vii, 1 40 ;/. ,
141, 156
Kliairdbdd, white cotton cloth, 140,
156
Khajura, 125, 147 ;/., 172
414
INDEX
Khan, a title, how written by i7tli
century writers, 42 7i.
Khan, an inn, 24 n.
Khan 'Alam, governor of Patna,
109 n.
Khan Jahan Lodi, defeat of, 149 n. ;
his connection with 'Abdu'llah
Khan, 177 n.; leads the Dakhan
troops, 1S8 n., 212 11.; killed in
action, 188 11.
Khan-Khanan. See Mahabat Khan
Khandap, how protected, 249
Khandesh, province, 51, 54 n.
Khankd, monastery, at Fatehpiir
Sikri, 229 n.
Khanwa, Mundy joins Fremlen at,
xxxviii, 231, 277; a dust storm at,
xxxix, 231, 277; indigo grown at,
222
Khdri, salt-water creek, 33 n.
Khdsah, special elephants, 198 n.
Khas-khdna, description of a, 191
Khas khas, a grass, used for cooling
purposes, lii, 191
Khas niahal, at Agra, built by Shah
Jahan, 210 n.
Khdssa, fine cloth, 154; where
obtained, 154; Portuguese trade
in, 366
Khdt, bedstead, 91, 121, 232
Khatrdni, female of the khatri caste,
221 «.
KhatrT, 95 ;/., 122, 125; origin of
the caste of, 94 ; inhabitants of
Agra, 208, 218
Kheera. See Keord
Kheernee. See Khirm
Khera. See Kara
Khickrt, 28
Khirni, a fruit tree, 261, 262; de-
scribed, 265
Khoja. See Khiuaja
Kholnaiyd, gondola, 63 n.
Khond Hills, 153 «.
Khorumavad. ''See Jahanabad
Khuban, Shekh. See Kutbu'd-dln
Kokaltash
Khnbdnl, dried apricots, 216 //.
Khuldabad Sarai, 99, 106, 181
Khumbaria, 39
Khi'diti. See Khntiydl
Khurram, Prince. See Shah Jahan
Khurramabad,' modern name of,
129, 172
Khusru, Sultan, son of Jahanglr,
99; apjjointed successor of Akljar,
103, 106; fights against his father,
103-104; imprisoned and blinded,
104, 244; ])opularity of, 105;
murder of, roo, 101, 105, 106;
alleged cause of death of, 105 n.;
burial of, 105-106; tomb of, xxix,
xxxvi, 99, 100, 181; revered as a
saint, 106, 181; his mother and
sister, 100 n.; his wife and son,
105, 107
Khusrii Bagh, 99 n., 100, 100 n.
Khutiydl, a term applied to a third
crop of indigo, 223
Kktadja, definition of a, 164
Khwaja Abdu'1-HaT. See Abdu'l-
Hal, Khwaja
Khwaja ka Sara, xxxv, 128; dis-
turbances near, 172
Khwaja Kamgar. See Ghairat
Klian
Khwaja Kasim. See Safdar Khan
Khwaja Maudud Chishti. See
Maudud Chishti, Khwaja
Khwaja Mu'Inu'd-din Chishti.
See Mu'inu'd-din Chishti, Khwaja
Kikar, a .shrub, 248
Kingsland, Nathaniel, charge
brought against, 275 n.
Kircke, Captain David, commands
the Abigail, 4 «., 5
Kircke, Captain Gervase, Letters
of Marque issued to, 4 n.; his fleet,
4> 5
Kirka, Ixiv, 40, 41
Kishangarh, fort and tank at, 241;
a camel-driver taken to, 280
Kishtwar, saffron grown around,
154 «.; situation of, 154 «.
Kisne. See Krishna
Knightly, William, writer at Surat,
21 11.
Knipe, Edward, meets Mundy at
Chandkhera, 265; notice of, 266 «.;
factor at Ahmadabad, xlv, 26611.,
268, 298; imprisoned by Bakir
Khan, xlv, 300
Koil, Mundy's journey to, xxv, 71-
72, 76; Minar at, xxv, 72; castle
at, 72, 74; indigo procured at,
xxv-xxvi, 76; distances from, to
the Ganges, 77
KolTs, killis, explanation of the term,
256;?.; marauders, xlvi, 256, 263,
269-270; inhabit Roha, 259; rob
and wound a man, 263; murder of
sayyids by, 26s; arms of the,
269
Kora Khas, xxxvii, 184; described,
91-92; governor of, 91
Kordn, the, 100 n.; Khusru's copy
of, 181
KorT, score, 145
Korld, a whip, punishment of
oft'enders by the, 233
INDEX
415
Kos, extent of a, 39 «., 66, 2 7'2 ;
measurement by, 66-67, ^39' ^^^^
royal, 66, 67 «. ; the great, 272
Koshddn, water-bottle case, ig6
Kotivdl, a police officer, 232 «., 233;
at Patna, the governor's agent,
37'
Kotwal Khan, said to tear offenders
to death, 232; an attendant on
Bakir Khan, 232 «.; Mundy's deal-
ings with, 282, 283, 285, 289, 290,
291; intervenes between Bakir
Khan and the English, 298-300
Krishna, birthplace of, 93, 94 ;
legend of the incarnation of, 94 ;
miracles attributed to, .94
Kulharas, xxiii, 57
Kit It. See Koli
Kulij Khan, governor of Allahabad
and Multan, xxx, 122
Kumaon Garh, identification of,
75 n.\ outlaws flee to, 75
Kur, kuri, collection of royal ensigns,
Iv, 193 n.; armed retinue, 95 w.,
194, 196, 240
Kiitds, fly-whisks for state elephants,
198
Kutbu'd-din Kokaltash, foster-
brother of Jahanglr, 205 //., 229 ti.;
death and burial of, 205 n., 229 n.
Kuza, a water-bottle, 114 ;^.
Labrus viridis., at St Helena, 331 11.
Lac. See Lakh
Lace, bobbin, 366
Lachore. See Lakhawar
Lagundy, 22 n.
Lahore, avenue of trees to, xxvii,
84; Khusru's supporters at, 104; a
royal city, 107, 374, 375; Shahriyar
proclaimed Emperor at, 107 71. ;
Asaf Khan dies at, 204 n. ; Jeronimo
Veroneo dies at, 208 ii.; trade in
cotton goods at, 361, 362; Mirza
Zu'lkarnain's garden at, 375
Lakh, one hundred-thousand, of
rupees, 241, 375, 381; of scndi,
381
Lakh, lac, from Patna, xxxiii, 151,
156, 366; from Agra and Ahma-
dabad, 310
Lakhawar, 364, 365 ; anibatt cloth
woven at, xxxii, 145, 154, 362, 363,
366, 369; situation of, 145 «., 362;
length of a coved at, 370
Lai Kila, the, at Burhanpur, 50 n.
Lalni, a dancing-woman, 216
Lalpur, village, 262
Lalsot, 239, 243; inhabitants of,
outlaws, 235
Lamps. See Chirdgh
Land, tenure of, in India, 84
Lnugar, soup kitchens, 347
Lanzarote, Canary Islands, 5
Lashkar, army, camp, 74, 98, 117;
Bakir Khan's, xlii, 231, 246, 247,
250, 278; the King's, Ixvi, 25, 56,
188; Mirza 'Inayatu'llah's, 85, 86;
Saif Khan's, 109, no; Naubat
Khan's, 173; difficulties of keeping
up with a, 279-300
Lashkar, Mirza. See Mirza Lashkar
Lashkarl, Mirza. See Mirza Lash-
kari
Leachland, John, purser's mate of
the Expedition, 354 ; service of,
under the Company, Ixix, Ixx, 354,
355; suspended, Ixx, 355; his
connection with Manya, Ixix, Ixx,
354, 356; why re-entertained, Ixx,
83, 355; sent to Agra, Ixvi, 80,
138 n., 355; instructions to, 8i-
83; status of, 82, 355; death of,
Ixx, 355; last request of, Ixx, 355;
his daughter, 355-359; his family,
Ixxj 83, 354-359; his relatives in
England, 357, 359
Leachland, Mary, daughter of John
Leachland, Ixx, 355; her English
relatives, Ixx, 356, 357, 358, 359;
marries William Appleton, Ixx,
Ixxi, 358
Leachland, William, uncle of Mary
Leachland, Ixx, Ixxi, 358, 359
Lead, imported to India, 366
Legends, concerning Trisanku,
1257/.; concerning Chandan Shahid,
xxxi, 132-133; of the river Son,
XXXV, 167 n.; regarding Shekh
Sallm Chishtl, xxxviii, 228 «., 229;
regarding Malik Shah, 251
Leigh, 2
Lemon Valley, St Helena, xlix,
328, 329, 330, 331
Lemons, at Mohilla, 14; for sick
sailors, xlix, 336; at Mauritius,
319; at St Helena, 330
Leopards, hunting, lix, 112, 307;
fighting, 128; skins of, used by
fakirs, 177
Letters of Marque, 4 n., 80 n.
Lighters. See Boats
Lignum aloe, trade in, 366
Limbgoore. See Nimgul
Lingam, 123 n.
Linschoten, Jan Huygen van, his
voyages referred to by Mundy,
14 n.
Lion, the, commanded by Captain
John Weddell, 21 ;/.
4i6
INDEX
Lion's Head, mountain (Sugar
Loaf), xlviii, 12, 325, 326
Lion's Rump, mountain (James
Mount), xlviii, n n., 325, 326
Lions Whelps, when built, 336 n. ;
the First, 336; the Tenth, 336
Lions, 307; for sport, 128; on
Mount Abu, 258; a den of, xxxv,
170; at the Cape of Good Hope,
321
Lisbon, 336
Lizard, the, 3, 4; longitude reckoned
from, 4 «. , 6; comparison between
Rohtasgarh and, Ixi, 168
Lizards, 309
Loadstone, from Gwalior, 61 n.
Lodhi ka Nagara, 95
Lodi Afghans, 153 n.
Loharl-ka-pura, 236
Lollsoote. See Lals5t
London, the, master of, i «., 327 «. ;
commanded by Richard Alhiutt,
302 n.
London, Mundy's return to, 1, 336 ;
distance from Surat to, 336
Longitude, reckoned from the
Lizard, 3 ;;., 6; from Sanjan, 317;
from the Cape of Good Hope,
320; from St Helena, 329
Looking-glasses, saleable in India,
365
Loote Bahadore. See Lut Bahadur
Lopez, Fernandez, first inhabitant
of St Helena, 329 n.
Lucas, Philip, his letter to the Dutch
E. I. Co., 315 n.
Luillier, le Sieur, errors in his book,
Ixii
Lukins, Thomas, unidentified, 325
Lullenees. See Lalni
Lumberment, baggage, 149, 188,
240
Luni, river, salt obtained from the,
248 n.
Lilt Bahadur, a mansabddr, 124
Macassar, rice from, 340
Mace, price of, at Patna, 153
Macraen. See Makrain
Macrouree. See Makrora
Madagascar. See St Laurence
Madarl asthan, a, at Ajmer, 242 n.
Madari fakirs, founder of the,
242 n.
Madeira, 4
Madras, grant to the English of land
at, 304 n.
Madrasa of Saif Khan, the, at
Patna, Iviii
Magar, crocodile, 131-132
Magarwada, fertility of, 260; thieves
in the neighbourhood of, 261, 296
Mahabat, an attendant on Mundy,
252, 253
Mahabat Khan, quarrels with
Jahangir, 204; supports Prince
Khurram, 107, 204; Mundy's
account of, Ivi, 203, 204-205;
present at Shah Jahan's return to
Agra, 194; Mundy's illustration of, .
195; his r^r;)^??/ followers, 196, 205;
in high esteem at Court, 204; fights
in the Dakhan, 205; takes Daulat-
abad, 205 ; honours conferred on,
204 ;?., 205 n.; death of, 205 n.;
his house at Agra, 207
Mahadev, how worshipped, 116,
117, 123; temples consecrated to,
122
yj/a/za/, palace, 102; seraglio, 151 n.,
181, 210, 224 «., 238; Akbar's,
at Agra, 201 ; Akbar's, at Fatehpur
Slkrl, 228; a bazar for the inmates
of the, 238; Jahangir's at Ajmer,
242; Shah Jahan's at Ajmer, 242;
at Jalor, 251 ; at Mehmadabad, 268
Mahalakshmi. See Valentine Peak
Mahal-i-Khas, at Fatehpur SikrI,
228 n.
Mahi Sagar, xlvi; a tidal river, 269
Mahmud, Coja. See Muhammad
Tahir, Khwaja
Mahmud Avad. See Mehmadabad
Mahmud Begada, founds Mehmad-
abad, 268 n.
Mahmud Safi. See Mirza Mahmud
Safi
Alahuiudi, a coin, 33, 40, 69, 81 ;
value of, 311; where current, 311,
349; where coined, 349
MahviudJ, a muslin, 56 n.
Mahmudpur, 83
Mahwd, 'arak made from, xxix, 97,
119, 261
Maiddn, open space, park, 30 n.
i7/i2z««, a talking starling, 120, 267 ;z.;
sent from Patna for England, 373
Makdm, a halt, 56, 132, 232, 234,
passim
Makanpur, shrine of Zinda Shah
Madar at, 242 n.
Makbara, tomb, 100
Makhan, a tuskless elephant, 128 n.
Makkl, Mirza. See Mirza Makki
Makrain, 133 «., 172; on the Son,
166
Makrora, 294; situation of, 256
Maksudabad. See Murshidabad
Malabar Coast, 23 n. ; native vessels
on the, xlvii, 316
INDEX
417
Malabar pirates, attack a Surat
vessel, 316 n.
Malda, cloths procurable at, 155,
362, 366
Malik 'Ambar, Prince Khurram's
campaigns against, 104 n.; com-
mands the allied Dakhan forces,
363; imprisons Mirza Maniichihr,
132 ti.
Malik Shah, his tomb at Jalor,
251 n.; a legend regarding, 251
Malika Banu, wife of Saif Khan,
108 n.
Malindi, coast of, 15
Malkusa, infidels, 90 n.
Malla, Mundy's groom, xxxvii, 184;
robs his master, xxxvii, 184-185
Mallore. See Mulher
Malmal shdhT, royal muslin, where
procurable, 154
Malwa, province, 56 ; fertility of, 57
Man (maund), the great, value of, 95;
of Patna, 156 n.; Jahangiri, 237
Man Singh, Raja, his palace at
Gwalior, 61,6211.; irrigation works
of, 62 n.; his sister's tomb, 100 n.;
one of Akbar's noblemen, 103,
166 n.; appointed guardian of
Khusrii, 103; loyal to Jahangir,
103; defeats the Afghans, 131;
a story regarding, 166; governor
of Bengal, 166 n.
Man Singh-ka-Bagh, a sacred
grove, 137 n.
Manas, Manasse. See Mona Rajputs
Mandalay, fire at, 364
Mandan, governor of Roha, 259
Mandelgarh, 227 n.
Mandil, turban- cloth, 366
Mangani, a prostitute, 216
Mangas de velhido. See Velvet
sleeves
Mango trees, 56, 215, 309; groves
of, xxix, 97, 134; a string of heads
hung on, 180-181 ; at Magarwada,
260
Mangoes, 215; pickled, 28; when
ripe, 261
Manikpatan, situation of, 153 n.
Manilla, 22 n.
Manna. See Manya
Manpourah, 85 n.
Manrique, his claim for Veroneo, Ivi
Mansabddr, 347, 382; definition of,
124
Manto, a cloak, Ixxviii
Manuchihr, Mirza. See Mirza
Manuchihr
Manure, to cultivate, 92 «., 99, 129,
245, 248
Manya, John Leachland's relations
with, Ixx, 354; mother of Mary
Leachland, Ixx, 355 ; allowance
granted to, Ixx, 355; refuses to
part with her daughter, Ixx, 356;
allowance to, suspended, 356, 357;
character of, Ixx, 357; petitions
the Court of Committees, Ixx, 357,
.S58, 359; petitions the Council at
Surat, Ixx, 358
Manzil, a stage, halting-place, 58, 59,
85, 86, \i6, passim
Marble, where obtained, 241 n.
Margosa, tree. See Nim
Mariam Makanl, Zamani. See
Maryam Makani, Zamani
Marques, Signior. See Oldenburch,
Marcus
Marriage, a mixed, Ixix-lxxi; of
Shah Jahan's two sons, xxxvii, Ivi,
201-202; of Mogul princesses,
202-203
Marriage customs, Hindu, xxxvi,
Ivii, Ix, 179-180, 221; Muham-
madan, xxxvii, 180, 202
Marriot, George, his account of a
skirmish with the Portuguese, 352
Marshal. See Sdhib-ihtimain
Martaban jar. See Pegu Jar
Martin, Signior. See Fredericks-
zoon, Maerten
Marwar, its ancient capital, 245;
extent of, 349
Mary, the, 23 n., 316 //. ; building
and naming of, 313 n.; various
voyages of, 313 n., 323 «., 346;
her commanders, 303, 313 «. ;
private trade in, 8i; winters at the
Comoro Islands, 303; later voyage
of, 303 n. ; Mundy sails to England
in, xlvii, 266 «., 267 n., 304, 313,
314. 315-336; her cargo, 148 n.,
266 n., 304; passengers in, xlvii,
69 n., 267 «., 315, 323 n.; her
master, xlvii, 327; her purser,
xlvii; her encounter with a
Malabar frigate, xlvii, 316 ; anchors
in Table Bay, xlviii, 320; anchors
off St Helena, xlix, 329; sickness
of her crew, xlix, 334 ; arrives at
Dover, 1, 336; reaches Erith, 1,
336; time occupied in her home-
ward voyage, 337; sold, 313 «•
Maryam MakanT, Akbar's mother,
102
Maryam Zamani, Akbar's Christian
wife, 374, 376
MasKal, a torch, 240 n.
Masjid, mosque, at Nandurbar, 44 ;
at Burhanpur, 51; near Paraich,
M. II.
27
41 8
INDEX
60; at Gwalior, 60; at Dholpur,
64; of Saif Khan, at Patna, 159;
at Fatehpur Sikii, 228-229; near
Ajmer castle, 243; at Jalor, 251
Massage. See Champing
Master, Slreynsham, initiates trade
in iasai- silk, 363, 373
Masulipatam, i n., 151; chintz
made at, 56; factors at, 266 n.,
267 «., 271 n.; ships sent to, 303;
effect of a famine at, 339-340, 345
Mathura (Muttra), 76 n.; a holy
place, 93, 94, 136
Maiwala, a drunkard, 247
Maudiid Chishtl, Khwaja, founds
Rajpiits. See Mona
a sect, ;
Mauna
Rajputs
Maund. See Man
Maurice, Prince, of Nassau, Mauritius
named after, 318
Mauritius, Mundy's hearsay de-
scription of, xlviii, 318-319;
Mundy's personal visit to, xlviii,
3197/.; wliy so named, 318
Mauritius hens, Mundy's remarks
on, 318
Mayoral, conductor, need for a,
in a caravan, 287
Mayui; peacock, 307
Mayur pankhT, a native pleasure-boat,
158 «.
Mecca, title given to pilgrims to, 164
Mehmadabad, description of, 268
and f.n.; abundance of fish and
fowl at, xlvi, 26,9
Mehru'n-nisa. Sec Nur Mahal
Mehsana, 296; many thieves near,
xliv, 263, 264, 297; a man slain at,
xliv, 264, 297 ; men staked at,
264; effects of the famine at, Ixvii,
265
Melchior. See Mirza Zu'lkarnain
Melons, 32; musk, 216; water, 216
Mers, the, of Gujarat, attack
Taragarh, 243 7i.
Merta, xli, 281, 283, 291, 299;
Hindu temples at, 245; former
capital of Marvvar, 245-246 ; in-
haliitants of, 245 ; taken by Akbar,
245 n.
Merton Abbey, Ixxiv
Messana. See Mehsana
Messitt. See Masji'd
Methwold, William, president of
Sural, 277 «., 304; notice of,
304 n. ; dispatches ships for Persia
and England, 313 n., 315; letter
from, 349; his interest in John
Leachland's daughter, 357
Metrannee. See Mihtarani
Metresen, Raja. See Mitr Sen
Mewar, ruler of, 256 n.
Mian Muhammad Khan Farmull,
surname of, 153 ;/.
Mica, where found, 242 n.
Mier Shemisha. See Mir Shams
Mihinani, a banquet, Ivii, 300;
depicted by Mundy, 217
Miktaraiil, a female scavenger, 121;
Mundy's error regarding, Ix, 121 n.
Mimmannee. See Mihiiiani
MTna Rajputs, marauders, 256 «,
Mtnars, obelisks, at Koil, xxv, 72;
of criminals' heads, xxv, xxviii,
xxxvii, 72-73, 90, 185, 186; on
the route of Akbar's pilgrimage,
xxxviii, 226, 244; at Fatehpur
SikrI, 230
Mines, of copper, 242
Minors, William, commands the
Mary, 313 n.
Mir Abdu'1-HaT. See Abdu'1-Hal,
Khwaja
Mir 'Abdu'Uah, a court musician,
374; his brother, 374
Mir Musa, governor of Surat, 265 n.
Mir Shams, governor of Surat, 35 ;/.,
265 ; his jdgir, 265 ; notice of,
265 n.
Miracles, attributed to Muhammadan
saints, 243, 244
Miran Husain. See Sayyid Husain
Chang
Miranda, Father Francisco, 382
Mirrors, Palace of. Shah Jahan's,
210 11.
Mirta. See Merta
Mir-tuzak, master of the ceremonies,
193 n-, 235 n.
MTrza Abu'l Hasan. See Asaf
Khan
MIrza Ahiya. See Mu-za Yahya
Mirza Bakir. See Mirza Muham-
mad Bakir
Mirza Danyal, son of Mirza
Zu'lkarnain, 375, 382
MTrza Eres, son of Mirza Zu'lkar-
nain, 375, 377, 382
Mirza Fakhir, son of Bakir Khan,
235; notice of, 235;?..
Mirza Ghazi Beg, Akbar's inten-
tion to poison, 103; ruler of Tatta,
103
MTrza Husain Muzaffar, his
brother, 201 11.
MTrza 'Inayatu'Uah, summoned to
Court, 85; notice of, 85 11.; his
camp, 86
MTrza 'Isa Tarkhan, 85 71.
INDEX
419
Mirza Iskandarus, his father, 374;
brought up in Akbar's court, 374
Mirza Lashkar, governor of Bayana,
234, 299 ; entertains Bakir Khan,
234; identification of, 234 n.;
demands of, 299
Mirza Lashkarl, son of Mukhlis
Khan, 234 «.
Mirza Mahmud Safi, 48; Mundy
travels with, to Burhanpur, xxi,
xxii, xxiii, 39, 41, 43, 45, 46, 51;
protects the English caravan, 41,
47 ; his brother, 42 ; his friendship
with the English, 42
Mirza Makkl, hi§ journey to Jagan-
nathpur, xxviii, 85 ; notice of, 85 n.;
made governor of Orissa, 85, 166
Mirza Manuchihr, governor of
Sasaram, 132; probable identity
of, 132 n.; his son's punitive ex-
pedition, 172
Mirza Muhammad Bakir ('Azam
Khan), notice of, 46 n. ; his ill
success in the Dakhan, 205 11.;
witnesses a skirmish between the
English and Portuguese, 35 r
Mirza Munchere. See Mirza
Manuchihr
Mirza Muzaffar Husain, his
daughter, 212 n.
Mirza Observa, son of Mirza
Zu'lkarnain, 375, 376, 382
Mirza Rust am Safavi, prince of
Kandahar, 201; his daughter, 201;
his brother, 201 11.; his death,
201 n.
Mirza Safr. See Saif Khan
Mirza Sikandar, an Armenian in
Akbar's Court, 374 ; his wives,
374; his sons, 374; \^\%jdglr, 374-5
Mirza Yahya, son of Saif Khan,
109; his followers slain, no; his
followers robbed, 118
Mirza Zu'lkarnain, parentage of,
374, 379; brought up in Akbar's
seraglio, 374, 379, 382; circum-
cised, 375, 379; a poet and
musician, 375, 379; a Christian,
xl, 240, 241, 375, 379; his y'ff^fr,
xl, 240, 375, 378; governor of
Bharaich, 240, 375, 380; piety and
generosity of, 376-379, 381-382;
founds Agra college, 376, 378-379;
dismissed from his office, xl, 240,
375' 380; imprisoned, 240-241,
380; heavily fined, 241, 375, 380,
381; restored to favour, 375;
retires on a pension, 375; his
nephew, 375; his wife, 375, 377,
382; his sons, 375, 376, 377, 382
Mirzapur District, Mussalman
zaniinddrs in, 112 n.
Misar, 115 «., 116
Mitr Sen, governor of Rohtasgarh,
167; notice of, 167 n.
Moccadame. See Mukaddam
Moccam. See Makdni
Mocha, English ships winter at, 303
Mocrabaes. See Makbara
Modra, xlii, 249, 254, 289, 290, 291
Mogoll ca Sara. See Mughal Sarai
Mogollannee. See Mtighaldni
Mogul (Mughal) kings, prohibit
sail, 35 ; feudal dependents of, 124;
their court and surroundings, liv-
Ivi; ensigns of the, Ixi, 199; army
of the, 164 «.; restrictions regard-
ing their daughters, 202-203 ; drink
Ganges water only, 231 n.; cele-
brate nauroz, 237-238; their laws,
295; see also s.v. Akbar, Aurangzeb,
Jahanglr, Shah Jahan
Moguls, Mughals, 33; attitude of
towards the Hindus, 94 «. ; in-
habitants of India, 305
Mogurwarra. See Magarwada
Mohabutt Ckaun. See Mahabat
Khan
Mohan Saral, 120; a man hanged
near, 1 78
Mo/iar, a gold coin, 290, 311; value
of, 2QO, 310
Mohilla, island, 8, 11, 16; descrip-
tion of, xix, 14, 15 ; flying-foxes at,
307
MohoU. See Mahal
Molala. See Mohilla
Mollmolshahee. See Malmal sJidhi
Mona Rajputs, where found, 90 n.,
118 n.; outlaws, ri8, 120 n.
Monkeys, 307 ; in a sacred grove,
Monsoons, 16; described, liv, 30-
31
MonzuU. See Manzjl
Moors. See Muhammadans
Moorstone, a granite, xlii, Ixi, 246,
248
Mootee ca baag. See MotI Bagh
Mora, 34
Morare. See Murari
Moreton, Matthew. See Morton,
Captain Matthew
Morris, the, her purser's mate, 273 n.
Morris, Captain John, commands the
Blessing, 4, 5
Morris, Captain William, commands
the Discovery, 302 ; notice of, 302 n.
Morton, Captain Matthew, 24 n.,
58 ; commands the Royal James,
27-
420
INDEX
22; notice of, 22 «. ; his invention,
22 «.; fights the Portuguese, 350,
351
Mosques. See Masjid
Mota, 40 n.
Moti Bagh, at Agra, laid out ^by
Niir Mahal, Ivii, 79 «., 214; as-
cribed to Shah Jahan, 214 ii.\
frescoes in, 215
Moti Dau, outlaws at, 263, 264, 296;
hostages left at, 264, 297
Moti Masjid, erected by Shah Jahan,
214 11.
Moti-jhil, at Gvvalior, 62 n.
Mountney, Nathaniel, factor at
Ahmadabad, 344, 351
Mourning, ceremonies connected
with, 220-221
Mowa. See Mahwd
Moyna. See Maind
Mozabad, 239, 299; indigo made at,
240
Mubariz Khan, deposes Firoz,
130 «.; dethroned, 130;/.
Muccan. See Makhan
Mucrowree. See Makrora
Mughal Saral, south of Agra, 56,
68
Mughal Saral, near Benares, xxxvi,
173
Mughal Sarai, on the road to
Mozabad, 299
MughaldnT, Muhammad an woman,
119
Mughals. See Moguls
Muhammad, the Prophet, his
daughter, 219 n.; his grandsons,
219 n.
Muhammad Bakir. See Mirza
Muhammad Bakir
Muhammad Ghorl, defeats the
Rajput chiefs, 243 n.
Muhammad Husain. See Diyanat
Khan
Muhammad Shah 'AdilT. See
Mubariz Khan
Muhammad Tahir, Khwaja, 164 ;;.
Muhammadans, 119; customs of
the, 58; treatment of Hindus by,
74; settled in Mirzapur District,
112 n.; saints revered by, 133,
226, 111 n., 242, 243, 244, 251;
festivals of, Ivii, 218, 219; burial-
places of, Ixi, 229; religious de-
votees among, 176; marriage cere-
monies of, 180; their priests, 195;
inhabitants of Agra, 208; various
divisions of, 305; their converts,
374
Muharram festival, 219;/.
Mu'inu'd-din Chishti, Khwaja, a
Muhammadan saint, xli, 226, 227 w.,
243, 244 n. ; his tomb at Ajmer,
xli, 226,239, ^43"^44j ■299; charms
from the shrine of, 238-239, 244 ;
miracles attributed to, 244
Mztkaddant, headman, 288
Mukarrab Khan, Nawab, governor
of Patna, i44«., 361; his relations
with R. Hughes, 361; notice of,
361 Ji.; recalled from Patna, 363,
369; goods sold to, 365-366
Mukhlis Khan, his son, 234 n.
Mulher, mahniudis coined at, 349
Mzilldhs, Muhammadan priests, 194-
195:. 244
Multan, governors of, 122, 166 n.
Mummannee. See Mihmdnl
Mumtaz Banu, Mumtaz MahaL
See Taj Mahal
Munaries. See Mindrs
Mundiakhera, 63
Mundy, Anne, wife of Peter Mundy,
Ixxvi; her sons, Ixxvi, Ixxvii,
Ixxviii; burial of, Ixxvii; will of,.
Ixxvii, Ixxviii ; connection of, with
the Worth family, Ixxvii
Mundy, Anthony, of Penryn, his
daughter, Ixxv
Mundy, John, temp. Edward I,
doubt of the existence of, Ixxiii
Mundy, Sir John, c. 1495, doubt as.
to existence of, ixxiii
Mundy, Sir John, Mayor of Lon-
don, death of, Ixxiii ; sons of,
Ixxiii
Mundy, John, of Rialton, his sons,.
Ixxiii
Mundy, John, son of Roger Mundy,
Ixxiii
Mundy, John, of Penryn, Ixxiii, Ixxv
Mundy, John, dies abroad, Ixxv
Mundy, John, son of Peter Mundy,
Ixxv; baptism of, Ixxv-lxxvi; dies
in Spain, Ixxvii ; will of, Ixxvii-
Ixxviii
Mundy, Juliana, wife of Sir John
Mundy, Ixxiii; her father, Ixxiii
Mundy, Percy Dryden, information
communicated by, Ixxiii-lxxiv
Mundy, Peter, elected a factor, xix,.
2 ; his voyage to Surat, xix-xx,
1-17; his ship's logs, 2, 315; his
computation of distances travelled,
4, 6, 7, 8, 9, II, 17, 50W., 66, 67, 77,
137, 186, 272, 276, 336; subscribes
to Blackwall Hospital, xx, 20; his
reception at Surat, ir, 272; writer
at Surat, xx, 21; salary of, 21 ;/. ;
register at Surat, xxi, 22; describes
INDEX
421
a sail, 34-36; sent to Agra, as
accountant, xxi, 24; his relations
with John Yard, 27 1 n. ; his journey
to Agra, xxi-xxiv, 39-67 ; his
account of the famine, Ixiii-lxviii,
273-276; celebrates Christmas Day
1630, Hi, '58; letters from, xxiv-
XXV, 68-70; his journey to Koil,
xxv-xxvi, 71-74; returns to Agra,
77; expiration of his agreement
with the Company, 79, 304; pe-
titions to return to England, 79,
304; his acquaintance with John
Leachland, Ixix, 83 ; his journey to
Patna, xxvii-xxxi, 78-137, 141,
143; goes to Hajipur, 135-136;
his reasons against the Patna
mission, xxvii, xxxiii-xxxiv, 138-
142 ; his journey from Patna to
Agra, xxxv-xxxvii, 163-187; tries
ineffectually to inspect Rohtasgarh,
XXXV, 167 ; robbed by a servant,
XXX vii, 184-185; returns to Agra,
xxxvii, 186 ; starts for Surat, xxxvii,
201 n., 225; visits Jalor fortress,
250; ascends Chappan ka Pahar,
xliii, 252-253 ; reaches Ahmadabad,
xlv, 266; arrives at Surat, xlvi,
272; made shipping clerk, xlvii,
304; sails for England, xlvii, 314,
315; ascends Table Mountain, xlviii,
324 ; arrives at Dover, 1, 336 ; time
spent in India by, 313, 336; posts
to London, 1, 336 ; his private trade,
^) 337; ^ gratuity to, 1, 338; his
bonds cancelled, 338 ; his descriptive
relations, liii-lix; errors made by,
Ix, 55, 121 n., 262 71.; tender-
heartedness of, 89 «., 172; fooled
by low-caste Hindus, 91 n.; his
version of the legend of Chandan
Shah, xxxi, 132-133; his Tale of
the Philosopher's Stone, xxxv, 166;
Anglo-Indian words used by, liv,
Iv, 27, 28 ; watches the building of
the Taj Mahal, Ivi-lvii, 212-213;
describes the dress of Europeans in
India, Ivii-lviii, 218; his truthful-
ness, lix, 232 ; his accurate ear, Ix,
217; his close observation, Ix, 184,
220; his patriotism, Ixi, 202; esti-
mate of his character, Ixi, Ixii ; joins
Courteen's Association, 266 n.; his
personal history, Ixxii-lxxviii; his
sons, Ixxv-lxxviii; his wife, Ixxvi,
Ixxvii; taxpayer at Penryn, Ixxvi;
probable date of death of, Ixxvii;
Aubrey's notice of, Ixxvi; his MS.,
Ixxi-lxxii
Mundy, Peter, senior, grandfather
of the traveller, Ixxiv; canon of
Glaseney College, Ixxiv; his identity
with Peter of Penryn discussed,
Ixxiv
Mundy, Peter, junior, son of the
traveller, Ixxv; baptism of, Jxxv-
Ixxvi ; his portrait, Ixxvii, Ixxviii;
identity of, with a London merchant,
Ixxviii
Mundy, Peter, sailor, will of, Ixxviii
Mundy, Richard, difficulty of identi-
fying, Ixxv
Mundy, Robert, son of Roger Mundy,
Ixxiii
Mundy, Robert, of Penryn, Ixxiii;
burial of, Ixxv
Mundy, Roger, burial of, Ixxiii ;
sons of, Ixxiii
Mundy, Thomas, prior of Bodmin,
son of Sir John Mundy, Ixxiii;
canon of Merton, Ixxiv ; memoir
of, Ixxiii-lxxiv ; imprisonment and
death of, Ixxiv n.
Mungthala, xliv, 258
Munha Rajputs. &£ Mona Rajputs
Munition, provisions, iii, 118, 313
Murad, Sultan, son of Akbar, loi,
226 n.; death of, 102
MurarT, the ko/is revenge themselves
on, 270
Murshidabad, raw silk from, 156,
37i
jWus bandicota, 307 n.
Musa, Mir. See Mir Musa
Muscovia glass, mica, where ob-
tained, 242 n.
Mtcs-haf. See Al-Miis-haf
Music, Indian, 240, 255; peculiari-
ties of, Ix, 217; used in Hindu
temples, 175; used at marriage
ceremonies, 1 80 ; in the royal
palace, 210; at funerals of devotees,
220
Musical instruments, of the
Moguls, Iv; of the Hindus, 175;
used by fakirs, 176; used by
dancing- women, 217
Musk, used in making ^/zaww^, 162 n.
Muslin, made at Sironj, 56 «. ;
from Bengal, 154, 366
Mussalmans. See Muhammadans
Mussels, in the Karamnasa river,
125; in the Sawant river, 126
Musters, samples, procured by
Mundy at Patna, xxxii, 146, 149,
150, 156, 272, 277 n., 30[
Mu'takid Khan. See Mirza Makki
Mutta ca Sarae, unidentified, 165 n.
Muttra. See Mathura
Muttra ca Sarae, unidentified, 165 n.
422
INDEX
Muttwallee. See Matwdld
Muzaffar, Sultan, his grandson,
266 71.
Muzaffar Beg, fanjddr, xxx, 122
Muzaffar Husain, iMirza, his
daughter, 212 n.
Muzaffar Khan, governor of
Sasaram, xxxi, 132, 262 11.; goes
to Patan, 132, 181, 261 ; his harem,
xxxi, 132, 181
Muzaffe. See Al-Miis-haf
Nacassee. See Nakhds
Nadira Banu Begam, daughter of
Suhan Parwiz, 201 n.; marries
Dara Shikoh, 201 n.
Nag Pahar, hill, 242 n.
Naga, a koli captain, 270
Naigue. See Ndyak
Nakhds, a horse and cattle market,
189
Nanabhai, son of Kesii, 301 n.
Nanda Lai, a servant of Ikhtiyar
Khan, 171
Nandgaon, 53 «.
Nandi, the sacred bull, 124
Nandurbar, effects of the famine at,
xxii, Ixiv, 43-44; description of,
4+
Narada, wizards, 94
Narayanpur, 41
Narbada river, xlvi, 54, 271
Narhar, a vakil, 139
Narsingh, the "man-lion," 220 n.
Narwar, description of, xxiv, 59-60;
castle at, 59-60, 16S n.
Narwar, near Ajmer, marble quarries
at, 241 n.
Nasiru'd-din, Sultan, commemora-
tion of victories of, 72 ii.
Nau SaraT. See Sarai Hazam
Nau SaraT, Sehara, 52
Naubat Khan, governor of Chunar,
112, 114; his expedition against
Darhhanga, 173; his soldiers loot
tart, 173
Naubat kkdna, music gallery, 210
Naubatpur, 134, 165
Naudlid, term used for first crop of
indigo, 223
Nauroz, New Year's Day, celebration
of, xl, 236-238, 299
Natisddar, sal-ammoniac, price of,
at Patna, 154
Nausari, near Surat, 29
Nautee. See Naudhd
NavT, effects of the famine at, Ixv, 49
Nawab Khan-i-'Azim. See A'zam
Khan Koka
Nawal Ganj, 79 n.
Ndyak, of Bhatkal, a contract with,
316
Naysara. See Nau Sarai
Nazr Muhammad Khan, ruler of
Balkh, 165 n.; his connection with
the false Bayasanghar, 165 n.
Neembera. Sec Nibhera . ,
Netherbarre. See Nandurbar
New England, ships bound to, xlix,
334
New Year's Day, celebration of, by
the Muhammadans, 236-238
Newfoundland, ships homeward
bound from, 335 n.
Nibhera, heavy rainstorm at, 23 1^
277, 278; Mundy joins Bakir Khan
at, xxxviii, xxxix, 231, 278
Nijabat Khan, faujddr of Koil,
73 «• .
Nil, indigo, 222 n.
Nilgai, the painted antelope, 182 n.,
230> 307
A^im, tree, 84
Nimgul, Ixv, 45 n.
Nishaminabaz. See Nizamabad
Nitara, a quarrel between Jats and
Baluchis at, 257
Nizamabad, 90
Nohabutt Ckaun. See Naubat
Khan
Nooremohol. See Nur Mahal
Noraie. See Noria
Norbury, Captain Nicholas, com-
mands the Reformation, 302 ; notice
of, 302 7/.; sent to Sumatra, 304;?.,
314 «.
Nore, the, 2
Noria, a Persian wheel, derivation of,
228 11.
Norris, John, second at Broach, 23 ;
notice of, 23 n.; sails for England,
xlvii, 315; lands at Dover, 336
North Foreland, 2 7i., 3
A^oti. See Naiidhd
Nova, Joao de, discovers St Plelena,
329 n.
Nowa. See Unawa
Nundollol. See Nanda Lai
Nundownepore, unidentified, 154 n.
Nur Mahal, lier first husband, 205,
229 n.; marries Jahanglr, 78 n.,
203, 206 n. ; her titles, 206 n. \
sarai named after, 78, 143 n. ;
gardens laid out by, ivii, 79, 214;
Jhalar bdoll said to be built by,
lot; her uncle, 101 71.; her hatred
of Khusrfi, 106; Prince Khurram's
relations with, 106; intrigues for
Shahriyar, 107 «., 206; Mundy's
account of, Ivi, 203, 205-206; her
INDEX
423
niece, 166 ;/., 212 n.; her brother,
203, 204 n., 205; her daughter,
206; treats with Maliabat Khan,
204; her influence with Jahanglr,
204 w., 206; her father, 205 n.
Nurmahal Sarai, 83; description
of, 78-79; market attached to,
143 n.
Nurnoulee, marble from, 241 ;
identification of, 241 n.
Nuti. See Naiidhd
Nutmegs, price of, at Patna, 153
Nytora. See Nitara
Observa. See Mirza Observa
Odger, John, legatee of Anne Mundy,
Ixxvii
Oil, ordeal of boiling, when used,
254 n.
Oldenburch, Marcus, Dutch emis-
sary to Shah Jahan, 268 ; obtains
a fnrmdn, 268 11. ; death of, 268 n.
Oliver, Isaac, miniaturist, 373
Oliver, John, death of, xlix ; burial
of, 336
Onitahy, river, 12 n.
Oonde. See Ud
Opium, from Patna, 157 n.; ghold
composed of, 217 11. ; composition
and uses of, 247
Oranges, at Mohilla, 14; in India,
214, 309
Ordeal, trial by, 254
Oreshawe. See Orissa
Orhni, a woman's mantle, 155
Orissa, governors of, xxviii, xxxviii,
85, 166, 166 «., 23 r, 237; ports in,
152-153; piece goods from, 154,
155
Orme, Robert, on the catching of
waterfowl, 1 1 3 ;/.
Ormuz, taken from the Portuguese,
303
Ornaments, of Indian women, 192;
of carriage oxen, 192 ; of state
elephants, 193
Ornee. See Oi'hni
Orris-root, price of, at Patna, 154
Ostrich eggs, on the shrine of
Khwaja Mu'inu'd-din Chishti, 244;
a means of exchange, 321
Oudh, governors of, 166 n.
Outlaws. See Robbers
Oxen, as beasts of burden, xxiii, xxix,
Ix, S3> 54, 56, 95, 98, 262, 281,
307 ; wild, hunted by leopards, 112;
perish during the famine, Ixvi, 52 !
for drawing Indian coaches, Iv, 189,
193; ridden by women, 184, 192;
a market for, at Agra, 189 ; how
adorned, 192 ; in Mundy's kci/ila,
unsoundness of, xli, 283, 285, 286,
292 ; unsuitable for rapid travelling,
xlii, Ixi, 241, 249, 250, 279
Page, George, member of Council at
Surat, 354
Pagodas. See Temples, Hindu
Pahar, a watch, 121; how reckoned,
169-170
Pdi ranjan, golden bells for state
elephants, 198
Paioro. See Mayur
Paisd, a coin, insignificant value of,
3"
Paisd, a weight, 81, 149; of Patna,
149 «•, 156, 371, 372
Pakkar, elephant armour, 198
Pal, tent, 92, 98, 297
Palace of Mirrors, the, built by
Shah Jahan, Ivii, 210 n.
Palanquins, 240; of state, Iv, 188,
191, 192, 194, 196, 199; descrip-
tion of, 189; how carried, 196
Palepuntz (pale punch), 28 «.
Palmyra palm, 32 n.
Palsgrave, the, arrives in India, 302 ;
sent to Persia, 304 «., 314 7l., 315,
316 71., 348; consultations held on
board, 314 n.; wrecked, 302 11.
PdmarT, pdinrT, pdiiwrd, a silk cloth,
218 n.
Pamaria, 55
Pdtt, 133 n.; fields of, xxii, xxix, 48;
Mundy's description of, Ix, 96-97;
a token of farewell, 97
Panchoona, indigo grown at, 222;
probable identification of, 222 «.
Panjia, the Company's broker in
Ahmadabad and Broach, 79, 300;
imprisoned by Bakir Khan, 300;
dismissal of, 79 n.
Pankhd, a swing- fan, Mundy's de-
scription of a. Hi, liv, 191; Finch's
allusion to a, liv, 191 n.; a hand-
fan, 2 1 7
Pansar, xlv; well wooded, 265
Pansure. See Asir
Panya. See Panju
V a.^a.w, papita, description of the, 14
Paper, made at Shahzadpur, xxix,
98
Paraich, mosque near, 60
Paras, touchstone, "philosopher's
stone," 166 ;/.
Parda, tapestries for, 366
Pardhan. See Pradhdn
Pargana, 145 n.
Paris, allusion to Mundy's visit to,
Ixi, 173
424
INDEX
Parker, John, factor at Patna, xxxiii,
i20fi., 144, i45«., I 51 «.; assistant
to R. Hughes, 135-136, 157 n.,
360, 361, 363, 364, 367, 369;
notice of, 135 n.; left behind at
Patna, 365; starts for Agra, 365;
imprisonment of, 363 ; illness and
death of, 365
Parker, Sir PNicholas, Ixxv
Parrots, 267 ; a horned, 307
Parsees, Parsis, at ..Surat, 33, 305;
burial places of the, Iviii-lix, 305-
306; customs of the, 306; origin
of the, 306
Partida, a parcel, xxxii, 140 ti., 147
Parviz, Parwiz, son of Jahangir, 102,
188 n.; made governor of Bihar,
363, 364; death of, 107 «.; his
daughter marries Dara Shikoh,
201-202
Parzvdna, 271 n.\ granted to the
English by Saif Khan, 108 n.;
definition of, 121
Pasdri, shopkeeper, 147
Pascoli, Abbate, a missionary, Ixiii
Paslunina, a fine cloth, 218 n.
Patalpuri temple, xidn.
Patan, in Baroda State, 132, 262 n.;
governor of, i8r, 261, 262 n.,
265 n.\ shrines of saints at, 262 n.
Patari, 56 n.
Patela, a barge, 224 n.
Pathans, 90, 130; defeated by Raja
Man Singh, 131, 169;;.; inhabitants
of India, 305 ; their trade at Patna,
371
Pathmar, a foot post, 148 ;?., 246,
341
Patna, founder of, 135 n.; first
English Commercial mission to,
xxxiii, 135, 136 n., 151 11., 280 «.,
360-373; a fire at, 364; Mundy's
journey to, xxvi-xxxi, 78-134, 144,
186; distance from Agra to, 137,
1S6, 187, 361, 368; avenue of trees
from Agra to, 84; Mundy's reasons
against a settlement at, xxxiii-xxxiv,
150-152 ; failure of Mundy's mission
to, xxxiii, xxxiv, 146-150, 163;
goods obtainable at, xxxiii, xxxiv,
141, 145, 146, 150, 151 «., 153-
156, 157 ;/.., 363, 366, 369, 370;
cost of land transport to, xxxiv,
151, 367; seaports nearest to, 152-
153, 367 ; weights and measures of,
xxxiv, 156, 370; residence of the
English at, xxxv, 1 58, 362 ; Mundy's
description of, xxxv, Iviii, 134, 157-
159; Fitch's description of, 157 n.\
governors of, xxxiii, Iviii, 90, 109 ;/.,
129;/., 143, 144, 151, 159-162, 163,
363, 364, 365 ; rupees coined at,
149; boats on the river at, Iviii, 87,
157-158, 223, 224; a factory at,
when established, 361 n.
Pattamare. See Pathmar
Patthar-talao, 56
Patua, river, 152 n.
Paynter, Francis, Ixxviii
Peacock Throne, the, 237; cost of,
237 ;/.
Peacocks, 55, 252, 269, 307;
feathers of, carried hy fakirs, 177
Pearn, Richard, Ixxvii
Peelooe. See Pilii
Peeparee. See Pipar
Peepeelee. See Pipli
Peepeelgame. S^<j Pipalgam
Peeran Puttan. See Patan
Peero. See Piru
Pegu, a boundary of Hindustan, 305
Pegu jar, a water-jar, Ixi, 230 n.
Pelacha. See Paraich
Pelicans, Mundy's description of,
307, 308 ; at the Cape of Good
Hope, 321
Pellet-bow. See Gtilel
Penguin Island, 12; visited by
Mundy, xlviii, 327; inhabitants of,
xlviii, 327 ; present name of, 320
Penguins, at the Cape, 12 «.;
described by Mundy, xlviii, 328
Pennington, Sir John, commands
the Charles, 336
Penryn, members of the Mundy
family in, Ixxiii-lxxviii; Glaseney
College at, Ixxiv; parish registers
of, Ixxv, Ixxvii
Peons, 40, 57 ; guard a kafila, xxxvii,
225; posted to watch the Jesuit
fathers, 380
Pepper, agreement regarding the
trade in, xlvii, 316; price of, at
Patna, 154; from Sumatra, 304
Peppeixorn, the, 22 ;;.
Perdan. See Pradhdn
Perozabad. See Firozabad
Persia, i n., 22 n.; the Company's
factories in, 28; the Company's
trade with, xlvii, 303, 313, 316 w.,
317 ; Thomas Barber sent to, 273 «.;
W. Fremlen's mission to, 277 n.;
a boundary of Hindustan, 305 ;
departure of the ParsTs from, 306 ;
extension of the famine to, 345, 346
Persian wheels, use of, at Fatehpur
SlkrT, xxxviii, 228 n.
Persians, their trade with Patna,
159; assisted by the English at
Ormuz, 303
I
INDEX
425
Pertido. See Partida
Perwanna. See Parwdna
Pesh-khdna, advance-camp, 239, 240,
246, 284
Pestilence, follows the famine in
Gujarat, Ixvi, Ixvii— Ixviii, Ixx, 80,
272, 343. 345
Phaethon. See Tropic birds
Phal-hatti, fruit and vegetable market,
78, 218
Phallic worship, 116 «., 123
Philip II of Spain, annexes
Portugal, 3 n.
Phillipp, the, sails to New^ England,
334
Philosopher's Stone, the, a legend
concerning, xxxv, 166
Phullhuttee. See Phal-hattl
Phulpara, dead bodies burnt at, 33,
35; many pagodas at, 35
Pice. See Pa is a
Pichaouree, its identification with
Panchoona, 222 n.
Pictures, (frescoes), in Mot! Bagh,
Piece-goods, European, saleable in
India, 362, 366; see also s. v. Cloth,
European
Piece-goods, Indian, methods of
trade in, at Patna, xxxiv, 154-156,
361-373; whence obtained, xxxii,
310; bleaching of, xxxii, 362, 369;
of Patna and Gujarat compared,
151; Mundy's investment in, 1,
337 ; price of, in England, 338 n. ;
see also s.v. Achhabdni, Aldchah,
Amari, Ambar, Ambatl, Bdfta,
Baikunthpur, Bdldband, Char-
khdna, Chautdhd, Chintz, Chital,
Darydbdd, Dopaitd, Hammdm,
Kaiinkhdnl , Kamsukhd, Katanl,
Khairdbdd, Klidssa, MaJvnudi,
Malmal shdki, Mandil, Muslin,
Orhnt, Paniari, Pask??ttna, Quilts,
Rdwat, Sahaii, Ska?ftiydiia, Tukrt
Pieterzoon, Isbrand, Dutch chief at
Cambay, 268; at Agra, 268 n.
Pilau, Hi, liv
Pilgrimage, places of, xxxvi, 93,
182-183; of Akbar, to Ajmer,
xxxviii, 226
Pilgrims, a company of, xxxvi, 182;
join Mundy's kdfila, xli; tests per-
formed by, 183
Pilot fishes, 16
Pllil, a fruit-tree, 261, 262; described,
.265
Pindar, Sir Paul, his influence on
Mundy's behalf, 1, 337-338; his
copy of Mundy's travels, Ixxi ; his
connection with the Court of Com-
mittees, 337-338
Pinjrapol, animal hospital, lix, 310 n.
Pintado, Cape-pigeon, description
of, 6-7
Pintadoes. See Chintz
Pipal, tree, 84
Pipalgam, 238
Pipar, xlii, Ixi, 246, 284; fortress at,
247
Pipli, 152, 367; when abandoned by
Europeans, 152 n.; Portuguese in,
362
PTplo. See Pipalgam
Pir, a saint, 251, 262 n.
Piran Putton. See Patan
Pirates, on the Malabar coast,
316 n.
PirQ, an attendant on Mundy, 252;
killed by robbers, 253
Piyada, peon, 380
Plantains, at Mohilla, 14 ; in India,
215. 309
Ploceus bay a, yi n.
Plymouth, 335
Poison, administered by pellets,
103; Akbar's death attributed to,
103
Poor John, dried hake, xlix, 335
Poplar Hospital. See Blackwall
Hospital
Poppy, 215, 310; various uses of
the, xlii, 247
Porab. See Piirab
Porcupines, on Mt Abu, 258 ; at
the Cape of Good Hope, 321
Pore. See Pahar, Pii>-
Poroonia. See Purnea
Porpoises, 15; oft" St Helena, 332
Porto de Saint Adrian, in Spain,
Ixii, 252
Portugal, annexation of, by Spain,
3 n.
Portuguese, the, settlements of, in
Brazil attacked, 3 n.; relations
between the English and, in India,
ion., 303-304, 304;?., 312; hos-
tilities between the English and,
xxi, 23 11. (2), 49, 275 Ji., 302 ;/. ,
340, 350-353; gift of Salsette to,
100 n.; found Hugli, 152 ;z. ;
Ormuz taken from, by the Persians,
303 11. ; skirmish between the
Dutch and, 316 ;?. ; their ships,
317; discover Mauritius, 318; dis-
cover the Cape of Good Hope,
320; discover St Helena, 329, 330;
expelled from St Helena, 330;
effect of the famine on, 348; their
Viceroy in India, 350; taken
426
INDEX
prisoners, 351, 352, 353; in Bengal,
their trade with Patna, 362, 366
Post, made from poppy-husks, 247
Posti, opium-drunkard, 247
Pradhdn, chief minister, 167
Prag, Prayag, Hindu name for
Allahabad, 108 71.
Prag Das, banker in Agra, 368
Prahlad, son of Harnakas, 219 n.
Pratap, chandharT, 'Abdu'llah
Khan's treatment of, 160
Prayag Mdhatmya, 116 n.
Prigonye. See Pargana
Prithwl Raj, murders Raj Singh,
2=,g u.; is slain, 259 «.; his son's
revenge, 259 n.
Private trade, in quicksilver and
vermilion, xxvi, 81; E. Knipe
charged with excess of, 266 «. ;
Mundy's, in piece-goods and indigo,
337
Prostitutes, at Agra, 216
Prunella, dried plums, 216 n.
Prydeaux, Nicholas, Ixxiii, Ixxiv
Psvc'/ndae, 37 n.
Pteropida. See Flying-fox
Puerto S. Maria, John Alundy dies
at, Ixxviii
Puffer, a, described, 331
Pulparre. See Phulpara
Pulwar, skiff, 63 «.
Pummering, a cloak, Iviii, 218;
probable derivation of, 218 n.
Punishments, by beating, 46, 49,
160, 233; of thieves and outlav/s,
xxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxix, xlv, 73,
180-18 t, 232, 234, 264, 265; of
Khusru's followers, 104; inflicted
by 'Abdu'llah Khan, 160; by
hanging, 178; by execution, 180-
181, 233; of cowards, 204 n.
Punkah. See Paiikhd
Pttr, suburb, 207
Purab, various applications of the
term, 99 11., 106
Purchas, Samuel, His Pilgrimage
referred to by Mundy, 12, 14 «.,
211
Purl, 153 n.
Purnea, herds of rhinoceros in, 171
Puttamare. See Pathmar
Puttana. See Patna
Pynn, Captain John, master of the
London, 327 «. ; takes an inhabi-
tant of the Cape to Bantam, 327
Qabil, Oatjul Khan, di7odii of Patna,
120
Qfuaz Mondeene. See .Mu'inu'd-
(iTn Chishti, Khwaja
Quail, Captain Richard, his Royal
Commission, 80; his death, 80 n.
Quails, used for sport, 128; sold for
food, 215
Quarles, Henry, his patron, 275 «. ;
death of, 275
Quicksilver, imported to India, 78,
80, 143, 146, 161, 366; a glut of,
xxvi, 81; prices obtainable for,
xxvii, xxxii, 82, 138 «., 139, 140,
147, 148, 153
Quilts, of Bengal, where procured,
156, 372
Quintall, a weight, 80, 115
Quita-sol, umbrella, made of leaves,.
126; where used, Iv, 126, 195;-
carried over the king's head, Iv,
195
Rack. See 'Arak
Ragem. See Arajan
Rahat, a Persian wheel, 228 n.
Raherbuns (Roherbuns) ca Sara.
See Sara! Ahiran
Rahtor Rajas, Merta taken from
the, 245 n.
Raia Aneerae. See Anup Ral
Raj Singh, chief of Sirohi, 259 n.;
murder of, 259 n.; his son, 259 n.
Rajapur, a sati at, 36 n.
Rajoli, fort at, 235
Rajputana, scarcity of water in,
251 n.
Rajputs, marauders, xxi, xliv, 41,
119, 120, 259 «., 261; attendants
on Jahanglr, 74 n. ; caste of, 94,
95 n.; arms of, 119; houses of,
Ixi, 249 n. ; murder of Haidar Beg's
cousin by a, 178; a company of,
riding mares, 184; followers of
Mahabat Khan, 196, 205 ; Ajmer
taken from the, 243; independ-
ence of, 245; Avhere found, 248,
249
Ralegh, Sir Walter, his History of
the World referred to, 123 ii.
Rame Head, 3
Rameshwar, identified with "Sete-
bundra," i 15 «•
Rampur Aphol, 95, 181, 183 //.
Rana Jagat Singh, ruler of Mevvar,
256 n.
Rand, Ralph, purser and writer,
notice of, 273 «. ; at Cambay, 344;
death of, 345
Rander, situation of, 33 n. ; descrip-
tion of, 33 )i. ; Dutch warehouse at,.
33 '^•
Raneile. See Rander
Ranthanbhor, fortress of, 168 11.
INDEX
427-
Rao Akhai Raj, son of Raj Singh,
259 «.; kills Prithwl Raj, 259;?.
Rao Ratan Singh Hara, Raja of
Bundi, his debt to the Company,
24-25
Rashpootes. See Rajputs
Rasoi, meals, 91
Rastell, Thomas, arrives in India,
xxi, 23; his account of a skirmish
with the Portuguese, 350-351; his
instructions to Mundy, 24-25;
President of Surat, xxi, 22 n., 23,
39, 144 71., 273, 275 n.; letters
from, 340, 341, 342, 343, 351; his
wife, 273 /^. ; death of, 23 n., 81,
273> 343> 344- 345
Raw Rutton. See Rao Ratan Singh
Hara
Rdwat, a coarse cloth, 371
Rawlinson, Thomas, acquires the
Mundy AIS., Ixxvii
Raivlinson MS., containing Mundy's
travels, Ixxi; copies of, Ixxii
Rawood. See Adavad
RazaJ , a fragment, a vendor's per-
quisite, 369-370
Raza Bahadur, employed to murder
Khusru, 105
Razai ambati, ".vidth and price of,
369
Rea, situation of, xli, 245; a robbery
near, 246; carts delayed by bad
roads near, 28 1
Read, Christopher, letter from, 346
Reading, Joseph, notice of, 267 n.;
death of, 274
Red Sea, Captain Quail's licence to
make captures in the, 80
Reformation, the, arrives from
England, 302 ; her commanders,
302 n.; sent to Sumatra, 304, 315,
316 «., 317
Register, at Surat, Mundy appointed
as, xxi, 22; duties of the, 22 n.;
Thomas Smith's appointment as,
274 71.; Clement Dunscomb as,
274 71.
Religious customs. See Cere-
monies
Resoy. See Rasoi
Rhinoceros, 307 ; Mundy misses
seeing a, Ix, 171, 186; found in
Bengal, 171; how killed, 171;
hide and horns of, how used, 171-
172
Rials of eight, Spanish dollars, 14
Rialton, seat of the Mundys in
Cornwall, Ixxiii
Rice, 27 n., 28; how grown, 92;
carried by the Banjara caste, 95 ;
plentiful in Bengal, 99; scarcity
of, at Surat, 340
Rice-fields, 124
Rind, river, 91
Ripa, D. Matteo, Abbate, an Italian
missionary, Ixii ; visits Bengal, Ixii
Robben Island. See Penguin Island
Robbers, liii; on the road to Agra,
xxii, Ixv, 40, 42-43, 54, 59; attack
the Agra kafila, 41, 45, 46, 47;
at Jalesar, xxv, 71, 72; prey on
villagers, 73-74; how punished,
xxv, xxxix, 72, 73, 90, 232, 234;
on the road to Patna, xxix, xxx,.
Ill, 117-120, 143, 148, 174; in
Bengal, xxxiv, 151 ; lurking places
of, xxxix, 235, 256;?.; precautions
against, xlii, xliv, 248, 249, 256,
261; on the road to Surat, xliv-
xlvi, 235, 239, 246, 253, 256, 260-
270, 284-288, 292, 296, 297; Pirii
killed by, 253
Robbery, at Jalesar, 71-72; from
Mu-za Yahya's people, 118; from
Mundy and his servants, xxxvii,
185; from a Dutch caravan, xli,
xliv, 246, 256, 284, 293, 294; from
Mundy's caravan, Ixvii, 236, 261,
264, 297; of Bakir Khan's silver
khat, 232; restitution for a, how
secured, 236; from Eakir Khan's
lashkai', 247; of a consignment of
goods from Patna, 363
Robinson, John, xxxvii, 225; sent
to Agra, xxvi, 79, 80, 1 86 ; accom-
panies Capt. Quail to India, 80 ;
entertained as factor, xxvi, 80 n.,
186 71.; instructions to, 81-83;-
status of, 82, 186 7t.; notice of,
r86 «. ; returns to England, 186 «.,.
225 «., 266 7t.
Rochester bridge, 64
Roe. See Roha; Roku
Roe, Sir Thomas, Ambassador to
the Mogul court, Ivii, 79 71., 354,
373; a picture of, Ivii, 215; his
remark on 'Abdu'llah Khan, 177 7i. ;
visits Jahangir at Ajmer, 242 7i.
Roha, a large town, 259; governor
of, 259; decline of, 2=,g 7Z.
Rohtasgarh, fortress, Mundy's fruit-
less attempt to inspect, xxxv, 167;.
an oubliette in, xxxv, 168 ; situation
of, xxxi, Ixi, 134, 134 71., 167, 168,
169; governor of, 167; how taken,.
169
Rohu, 7'di, a fish, 216 It.
Rojh, painted antelope, 307 ; descrip-
tion of a, 182, 230 71.
Rose. See Rojh
428
INDEX
Roses, xxiii, ^,6, 215, 310
Roundle, a circle, 117
Royal Anne, the. See Anne, the
Royal Exchange, the. See Exchaiige,
the
Royal James. See James, the
Royal Mary. See Mary, the
Ruby, the, 11 n.
Rudra Mala, temple, ruined and
desecrated, xliv, Ixvii, 262 n.
Ruitas. See Rohtasgarh
Ruknu's-Sultanat. See Abu'l
Hasan Turbati
Rupbas, sandstone quarries at, 231
Rupees, Shahjahani, value of, 149 n. ;
different values of, 311
Rushes, near the Karamnasa river,
126; use of, in England, Ixi, 126
Rustum Candahare. See Mirza
Ruslam Safavi
Sa'adat Banu Begam, daughter of
Sultan Danyal, 165 «.; summoned
to Agra, 165; visits Saif Khan, 179
Sa'adu'llah ki SaraT, 109 n.
SabarmatI, river, 266
Sack, white wine substituted for,
22 II.
Safdar Khan, Khwaja Kasim,
governor of Agra, 189; an amir
of 4000 horse, 189
Saffron, from Kishtwar, 154; from
Kashmir, 154; Pelsart's comments
on, 154 n. ; used in making chawiva,
162 n.; imported to India, 366
Safi, Mirza. See Saif Khan
Sahan, fine sheeting, where procured,
371
Sahib-ihti?nam, pursuivant, marshal,
Iv, 193, 195; use of the term, 193 «.
Sahib-subah, Subahdar, 278
Sa'id Khan Chagtai, his eunuchs,
[63 n.\ death of, 171 n.
Saidabad, raw silk from, 156,
371
Saif Khan, defeats 'Abdu'llah Khan,
108 II., 144, 160 n.; friendly to the
English, 108 11., 143; governor of
Patna, 129 n., 159; his buildings
at Palna, Iviii, 159; popularity of,
159; governor of Ahmadabad and
Allahabad, xxix, 108, iii, 117, 128,
129 n., 143, 144, 159, 171; his
hostilities with Bhadohi, xxix,
xxxvi, 109-1(0, 115, 119, 180-181;
his fortress at Bhadohi, ri8; puni-
tive expedition of, xxxvi, 179, 180-
181; notice of, 108 «. ; his son,
109; his wife, 191
5t Albans Head, 3
St Aldhelms Head. See St Albans
Head
St Augustine's Bay, 22 «.; the
Expedition anchors in, 7-8; de-
scription of, 12
St Helena, the Mary anchors at,
xlix, 328; Mundy's description of,
xlix, 329-333; fish at, xlix, 331-
332; by whom discovered and
named, 329; Portuguese settlement
on, 329 n.; refreshment obtained
at, 332-333
St Johns. See Sanjan
St Laurence (Madagascar), Island
of, 11; the Expedition touches at,
7; Mundy's description of, xix, 12;
inhabitants of, 12-13
S. Lorenzo. See St Laurence
St Marys. See Puerto S. Maria
Saint's pinnacle, the, 257 n.
Saints, Muhammadan, xxxi, xli, 133,
226, 227 n., 242, 251
Sainya, 64
Saiyan, 64
Sal-ammoniac, price of, at Patna,
154
Saldanha, Bay of, 12; synonymous
with Table Bay, 12 n., 320
SalTm, Shah. See Jahangir
Salim Chishtl, Shekh, Jahangir's
birth in the house of, 226 n.\ his
retreat, 227?;.; Akbar's petition to,
and glorification of, 227 n., 228 «.;
death of, 228 n.; where buried,
229 n.; his mosque and tomb, 228-
229; monastery erected by, 229 «. ;
his nephew, 229 n.; legends re-
garding, xxxviii, 228 «., 229
SalTm Shah Sur, son of Sher Shah
Sur, 130 n.; his son, 130 n.; his
unfinished tomb at Sasaram, xxxi,
130 n., 131, 132
SalTmpur, identity of, [54 n.
Salsette, 100 n.
Salt, 96 ; from Etawa, 87 ; from the
Sambhar lake, xl, 241, 375;
revenues from, xl ; in the rivers
of Rajputaiia, 248
Saltpetre, Dutch trade in, xxiv, 59,
292 ; where obtained, xxv, xxvi,
xxxiii, 76, 151, 156, 310; how
prepared, 76-77; how used, 77;
English trade in, 225, 271 «., 277 «.
Samana, 365; cloth made at, xxxiv,
140 n., 156; situation of, xxxiv,
156
Samana, a fine cloth, 140;;. , 156
Samarkand, apples imported from,
214 ;/.
Sdmbar, a deer, 307 n.
INDEX
429
Sambhar, farmed by Mirza Sikandar
and Mirza Zu'lkarnain, xl, 240, 375 ;
salt lake at, xl, 241, 375; Jesuit
converts in, 376; Jesuit priests in,
378
Samuel, the, lier engagement with
the Portuguese, 275 11.
Sandalwood, used in making
chaivim, \(ii 11.
Sandstone, from Rupbas, 231
Sang, a company of pilgrims, xxxvi,
182, 183, 246; whither bound,
182
Sangani, confluence of rivers, 115 n.
Sanganer, 226
Sanjan, 8 n.; situation of, 317 n.
Sanka ke Sara. See Shankar ki
Sarai
Sankh, conch shell, 175
Saniiyasis, a Hindu sect, 242 n.
Santipur, fortress of, 235 n.
Sapphire, the, 4 «., 5 ; her owner, 4 n.
Sarai Ahiran, 186; identification
of, 86 n. , no n.
Sarai Ajit Mai, 88 n.
Sarai Babu, xxx, 119, r2o; theft
at, 118; a skirmish near, 178
Sarai Hazam, 71 71.
Sarai Ikhtiyar Khan, 163 «.
Sarai Jagdis, 114; Saif Khan's fort
near, 1 79
Sarai Nim, 71; a robbery at, 72
Sarai Sayyid Khan, 183 11.
Sarai SIrsI, 124
Sardis, definition of, 24 «., 45 n.,
159; of brick, at Hasanpur, xxiii,
57 ; built by Niir Mahal, 78, 143 w. ;
why ruined, 84; at Chaparghata,
xxviii. 89; numerous, between Agra
and Allahabad, 99; of Khuldabad,
at Allahabad, 99 ; women employed
in, 121 7i.\ of Saif Khan, at Patna,
159; scarcity of, in Rajputana, 248,
264
Sarang, depopulated by famine,
271
Saranwa, hill, 255 n.
Saras, a crane, lix ; description of,
307
Sarasvatl. river, at Allahabad, 1 1 \n.,
116
Sarasvatl, river, in Bengal, 152 n.
Sarasvatl (SaraswatI), river, in
Baroda State, 261 n., 262
Sarbuland Khan, founding of
Bilanda erroneously attributed to,
183 n.
Sardar Khan, his son, 149 «.
Sargago, gulf-weed, 333 «. ; where
found, 333-334
Sarhind, Sikandar Shah defeated at,
130 n.
Sarkdr, of Agra, 82
Sarkhej, 'Abdu'llah Khan defeated
near, 108 «., 144 «.; indigo from, 342
Saroe. See Saras
Saropa, dress of honour, 160, 163
Sarotra, governor of, 259, 260;
situation of, 259 n.; dispute be-
tween Mundyand his camel-drivers
at, 295
SarpinI, river, 41
Sarraf, moneychanger, 290, 311
Sasaram, xxxi, xxxv, 166, 170, 172;
situation of, 129, 133; inhabitants
of, 129; Sher Shah's tomb at,
1 29-131, 132; Salini Shah's tomb
at, 131, 132; Chandan Shah's tomb
at, 132; governor of, xxxv, 132;
fortress at, 132
Satgame. See Chittagong
Satgaon, 152; cause of decay of,
152 n.; piece-goods from, 156, 372
Sail, Mundy's description of a, at
Surat, liv, 34-36; forbidden by the
Mogul kings, 35, 179-180; special
permission required to perform, 35;
other descriptions of, 36 n. ; when
deferred, 221
Satiasio Kal, "Death of '87," Ixiii,
Ixviii
Satpura, 241
Satpura mountains, 51 n.
Satyavrata. See Trisanku
Saucer Hill. See Chappan-ka-
pahar
Sawant, sardi at, 126, 172 n.
Sawant, river, 126
Sawantra, 241
Sawdr, tomb of a, at Ajmer, 243
Sayyid Ganj, burial place of ten
sayyids, 264
Sayyid Husain Chang (Sayyid
MIran Chang), governor of Ajmer,
243 n.; death of, 243 u.; tomb of,
243
Sayyid Shikam, his father-in-law,
271
Sayyids, tombs of, 265; inhabitants
of India, 305
Scied Miran Ching. See Sayyid
Husain Chang
Scied Shecam. See Sayyid Shikam
Sciedgunge. See Sayyid Ganj
Scilly Islands, 335
Scritto, obligation in writing, 24
Scitdi, a coin, 380
Seahorse, the, 80
Seals, near the Cape, 7, 12 n., 321
Seals, signets, Shah Jahan's, 2x1
430
INDEX
Seals Island. See Penguin Island
Seedpore. See Sidhpiir
Seersee ca Sarai. See Saral SirsI
Sehara, 52
Sehebsooba. See Sahib-subah
Selimpore. See Sallmpur
Semano. See Samana
Semianos. See Saina/m
Sendhore. See Shahdaura
Sengur, river, 89 n.
Sennano. See Shamiyana
Ser, a measure of weight, of Agra,
Si; of Surat, 8i; of-Patna, 149,
1565 37 1' 372; variations in the
weight of a, 372
Serepau. See Saropd
Serepawe. See Saropd
Serepore Mircha. See Sherpur
Miircha
Sereshawe. See Sher Shah Sur
Serquez. See Sarkhej
Serrepore. See Sherpur
Set Bandhai, 115 w.
Setebundra, identification of, 11 $n.
Setila. See Satpura
Seufdas, Raja. See Shiv Das, Raja
SJiabbat, 88
Shah BadTu'd-din Madar. See
Zinda Shah Madar
Shah Begam, title of Khusru's
mother, 100 «. ; poisons herself,
100 ;/.
Shah Husain, a cry used at the
Muharram, 218 11.
Shah Jahan, his parentage, 84, loi,
102; his foster-brother, 85 ;/. ;
rebels against Jahangir, 106, 107,
108 «., 144 n., 160, 205 n., 212,
244 ; obtains the custody of KhusriTi,
104, 244; causes Khusrvi's death,
104, 106 ;/. ; stoiy of his escape
from the Dakhan, 213; obtains
possession of the throne, 65 n.,
107, 108 ;/., 165 n., 204, 213;
destroys his competitors, 107; his
favourite wife, 108 n., 203, 206,
212, 213, 214; his other wives,
212 II.; his daughters, 203, 203 n.;
his operations in the Dakhan, xxi,
xxiii, 25, 55, 56, 104, 188 «., 204,
205 w., 212 ?;., 341; pensions the
ruler of Aslr, 52; sends for Mirza
Mahmud SafT, 42, 47; his capital,
65; at Burhanpur, 50, 55, 212;
Thevenot's story of his elephant,
51 «.; negotiates for a jewel, 68 ;/.;
his grants to Mona Rajputs, iiSw. ;
presents sent to, 126, 171; returns
to Agra from Burhanpur, xxvi, liv,
188, 195, 207; a royal progress of,
Iv, 1 88- 1 96; celebrates Bakar'id,
Iv, 197-200; his sons, xxxvii, Iv,
Ivi, 194, 198, 201-202, 244, 375;
his audience chamber, Iv-lvi, 200,
210; his court, 200-201, 203-205;
his Palace of Mirrors, Ivii, 201 «.,
210; his Peacock Throne, 237; his
palace at Ajmer, 242 ; his seal on
Akbar's tomb, 211; builds the Taj
Mahal, Ivi-lvii, 212-214; 'he false
Bayasanghar put to death by, 165 11. ;
his connection with 'Abdu'llah
Khan, 177 n.; his treatment of
Mirza Zu'lkarnain, 241, 375, 379,
380-381 ; persecution of Hindus by,
94 K., 178; persecution of Jesuits
by, 208 n., 375, 380, 381 ; diversions
of' 5°) 53> 57; ennobles Mirza
Fakhir, 235 n.\ complaint of the
English to, 265; his faniidn to the
Dutch, 268 11. \ remission of taxes
by, 346, 3_47
Shah Nawaz, his daughter marries
Shah Jahan, 212 ;/.
Shahdaura, 56
Shdkgatis, skdhgawaz, a Bengali name
for the sdnibar, 307 u.
Shahriyar, son of Jahangir, 102;
proclaims himself Emperor, 107 «.,
165 n.\ is captured and put to
death, 107 n.\ his wife, 206
Shahriyar, governor of Mehsana,
264; his deputy, 264
Shahzadpur, situation of, xxix, 97 ;
manufactures of, xxix, 98; descrip-
tion of, 98; sardi at, rSi; im-
prisoned landholders from, 183
Shaviiydna, awning, 100, 141 n.
Shampooing. See Champing
Shams, Mir. See Mir Shams
Shan ponies, 136 n.
Shankar ki Sarai, surroundings of,
89
Sharaffe. See Sarrdf
Sharks, 15; description of, xx, 16;
illustration of a, 16
Shash, turban, no, 218, 221, 253
Shaw Jehannees. See Rupees,
Shajahani
Shaw Madare. See Zinda Shah
Madar
Shaw Shecunder. See Sikandar
Shah Lodi
Shawgose. See Skdhgaiis
Shawgurre. See Shergarh
Shawsen. See Shah Husain
Shecundra. See Sikandra, Sikan-
darabad
Sheep, 307; fat-tailed, xix, 13; at
Chopda, 47
INDEX
431
Shehana. See Siwana
Shekee Sara. See Shikohabad
Shekh Khuban. See Kutbii'd-din
Kokaltash
Shekh Sallm Chishtl. See Salim
Chishti, Shekh
Shekhupur, 74
Shekhzada, Indian Muhammadan
convert, 305
Sher-afgan Khan, husband of Nur
Mahal, 205 ; kills Kutbu'ddin
Kokaltash, 205 11., ii<) n.\ death
of, 205 n.; his daughter, 206
Sher Shah Sur, an Afghan king,
130, 169 n.; founder of Patna,
135 «.; defeats Humayun, 130;?.;
takes Rohtasgarh by stratagem,
169; is defeated at Chunar, 169 n.;
tank and tomb of, xxxi, 129-131,
132; his successor, 130 «., 131 n.
Sherbet, of four in^redients, liv,
28
Sherborne, Edward, secretary to the
E. I. Co., 341
Shergarh, Mundy's journey to, xxv,
71, 76; situation of, 76 n.; salt-
petre obtained at, xxvi, 76-77;
governor of, 77
Sherley, Sir Robert, goes to India,
273 n.
Sheroutra. See Sarotra
Sheroy. See Siroh!
Sherpur. See Makrain
Sherpur, in Mymensingh, 152 n.
Sherpur, near Thalner, 47
Sherpur Murcha, situation of,
152 ;/. ; tasar silk produced at,
152 n.; silk goods from, 155
■Shikasta, broken, irregular, 372
Shikohabad, 85, 86
Shilling, Andrew, commands the
Royal Anne, 326 n.
Ships, use of "he" and "she" for,
3 ;z. ; a Malabar frigate described,
316; method of reckoning the
"way" of, 317
Ships, Dutch, a man-of-war and
prize, 3; seen off Swally, lo-ii
Ships, the East India Company's,
unable to winter at Swally, 303 ;
laden for England and Persia, 312 ;;.,
313; sail for England, 313, 314,
315; see also s.v. Anne, Blessing,
Charles, , Comfort, Discovery,
Dolphin, Eagle, Exchange, Ex-
Jiedition, Falcon, Hart, Hopewell,
Intelligence, James, Jonas, Lion,
London, Mary, Morris, Palsgrave,
'Peppercorn, Reformation, Rnby,
Samuel, Speedwell, Unity, William
Ships, of the Royal Navy. See s.v.
Charles, Garland, Lions Whelps,
Seahorse
Ships, various, seen on Mundy's
voyages, 5, 8, 316, 317, 334; bound
to New England, xlix, 334;
"barques" of Plymouth, xlix, 335;
see also s.v. Abigail, Blessing,
Charity, G/'iffin, Phillip, Sapphire
Shiraz, Khan of, assisted in the
taking of Ormuz, 303 n.
Shirta. See Chherat
Shish mahal. Palace of Mirrors,
2ro n.
Shiv Das, Raja, 118
Shoeburyness, 2
Shooting, a dog, 49; of wild fowl,
57; at Narwar, forbidden, 00
Shrddh, ceremonies for the spirits of
the dead, 183 n.
Shrouds, colours of, 174
Shuja', Sultan, son of Shah Jahan,
Ivi, 201; birth of, 201 n,; marriage
of, Ivi, 201-202; accompanies Taj
Mahal's body to Agra, 212 «.; a
current rumour regarding, 244 n.;
serves in Bengal, 375
Shttturnal, swivel-gun, 236
Sidhpur, 260, 262; robbery of
camels near, 246 ; a ruined temple
at, xliv, Ixvii, 262; thieves in the
neighbourhood of, 261, 296; in-
habitants of, 261 ; situation of, 261 «.;
distance from Surat to, 272; much
sand near, 296
Signal Hill. See Lion's Rimip, The
Sihor, 55
Sikandar, Mirza. See Mirza
Sikandar
Sikandar Shah. See Ahmad Khan
Sikandar Shah Lodl, fortress of,
235; Sikandra iiamed after, 210 n.
Sikandarabad, xxxix ; fortress at,
.234-235
Sikandra, near Agra, 71, 99 w.;
Akbar's tomb at, Ivii, 100 «., 210,
214 n.; from whom named, 210 n.
Sikandra, near Bhognipur, 88, 172,
185
Sikandra Rao, castle at, 72
Sikri, a hamlet, why made a royal
residence, 227 ?/.
Silk, raw, from Patna, xxxiii, J51,
362, 366, 371; from Murshidabad,
156 ; trade in, at Patna, discouraged,
3651 371; price of, at Patna, 371 ;
different qualities of, 371-372
Silk cloth, obtainable at Patna,
xxxiv, 362, 366, 371, 372; tasar,
from Sherpur Murcha, 152 «., 155,
432
INDEX
362; from Malda, 155; from Bai-
kunthpur, 155; Chinese, 366; see
also s.v. Piece-goods
Sill, Henry, carries food to the
famine area, 345
Sind, W. Fremlen's mission to,
277 n.
Sind, river, 59
Sindkhera, 46 n.
Sipri, a walled town, 59
SirohT, xliv, 250, 256, 290; situation
of, 255; customs paid at, 255, 293,
294; sword blades made at, xliii,
255 «.; Raja of, 255 w., 259, 260 «.;
enforced delay at, 292 ; altercation
between carters and camel-drivers
near, 293
Sironj, Ixvi; description of, 56;
chintz made at, xxiii, 56
Sltaband Rameshwar, 115 11.
SUapkal, musk -melon, 216
Siva, worshipped as Mahadev, 116,
117; temples consecrated to, 123,
262 «. ; official vehicle of, 124
Sivaji, sacks Surat, 26 n.
Siwana, Ixi, 252 n., 291, 292; a
Hindu town, xliii, 251; a com-
plaint to the Raja of, 253
Siyam Singh Tanwar, Raja,
brother of Mitr Sen, 167 n.
Skibbow, John, entertainment of,
22 n.; member of Council at Surat,
22 n. ; temporary President of
Surat, 22, 273; Mundy's letter
to, XXV, 69-70; letter from, 345;
charges brought against, 22 «. ; his
mission to Bantam, 22 «.; character
of 22 «. ; death of, 22 w., 273;
notice of, 22 «.
Slade, Captain James, commands the
Mary, xlvii, xlviii, xlix, 303. 313;;.,
315, 332; loses his quarter-master,
xlviii, 319; loses men by drowning
and sickness, xlviii, xlix, 334;
obtains provisions from other ships,
^lix, 335; notice of, 303 n.; in-
structions to, 314 n.
Slade, William, purser of the Mary,
xlvii
Slode, a term used for mica, 242 n.
Smith, Lieutenant Osmond, guards
a caravan from Surat to Ahmad-
abad, 267; notice of, 267 n.
Smith, Thomas, secretary at Surat,
notice of, 274 n.
Snake-bite, amulets against, xl, 238
Snakes, in India, lix, 252 ; various
kinds of, 308
Sea. See Sua
Sohan, river. See Son, river
Solankis, the, of Gujarat, attack
Taragarh, 243 11.
Solomon, Signior. See Voorknekt,
Salomon
Somt ca sara. See Sop
Son, river, 134, 167; shallowness of
the, 133; difficulty in crossing the,
xxxi ; a legend concerning the, xxxv^
166, 167 n.; Arwal swept away by
the, 165 n.; origin of the name of,
166, 167 n.
Son a, gold, 166
Sonargaon, situation of, 154 «.
Sop, 279, 280;;.; an epidemic at, 235
Sorath, pilgrims from, xxxvi, 182;
situation of, 182
Soroto. See Siirot
Souso Rama. See Sasaram
South Seas, Indian Archipelago, 320
Spain, India compared with, xxii,
44, 252 ; use of the Persian wheel
in, xxxviii; business relations of the
Mundys in, Ixxv, Ixxvii, Ixxviii;
Indian water-jars compared with
those in, Ixi, 230
Spanish, the, aggressions of, 3 n.
Specie, imported to Patna, 366
Speedwell, the, commanded by Richard
Allnutt, 302 n.
Spices, fall in the price of, 140 >
price of, at Patna, 153-154;
Portuguese trade in, 366
Spikenard, where obtained, 310;
trade in, 366
Sport. See Amusements
Stables, the royal, 53, 210; at
Fatehpur Sikri, xxxviii, 230, 231
Staires, starhngs, 267
Staking. See Punishments
Stamel, stamet, a woollen cloth,.
150
Standards. See Ensigns
Standeene, 54
Start Point," 3
Stone, perforated, 210, 211, 215;
for building purposes, 23 r, 246
Storms, in the Downs, 3; off the
coast of Congo, 15; dust, xxx,
xxxix, xlv, 111-112, 184, 231, 265,
277, 297; the Company's goods
damaged by, 278, 279
Strong waters. See Arak
Sua, a garfish, 158 n.
Suare. See Sawar
Subahdar, of Gujarat, 278
Sucking fishes, 16
Suffield, Arthur, purser and factor,
notice of, 273 «.; death of, 345
Siifis, connection of the Madarl
fakirs with, 242 11.
INDEX
433
Sugar, a ship taken laden with, 3 ;
course, 28; trade in, 96, 98, 99;
from Patna, 157 n.
Sugar canes, xxii, 48, 55, 134
Sugar Loaf, the. See Lion's Head,
the
Sultan Ahmad, founder of Ahmad-
abad, 266 n
Sultan Danyal. See Danyal, Sultan
Sultan Khusru. See Khusru, Sultan
Sultan Murad. See Murad, Sultan
Sultan Muzaffar. See Muzaffar,
Sultan
Sultan Nisar (Sultanu'nnissa)
Begam, sister of Khusru, 100 «.?
her tomb in the Khusru Bagh, 100;
where buried, roo n.
Sultana, the, celebrates nauroz, 'i%
Sumatra, East India Company's
trade with, 275 n., 302 n., 304,
315
Sunargam. See Sonargaon
Sundar Das, accompanies Mundy
to Patna, xxvii, xxix, xxxi, xxxvii,
liv, 79, 86, 184; his relations, 79;
his amulet, xxviii, 93 ; at Agra,
liv, 188; robbed by Malla, 185
SiipSrl, areca-nut, 96"
Superstition, instances of, xxviii,
xxxvii, Ix, 91, 93, 116, 125, 136
Sur Singh, Raja, his son, 245 n.
Siiraht, water-jar, 114 n.
Surat, mentioned ,/aj^/w ; description
of, liv, 29-32 ; food supplied at,
liv, 27-28; factories in the neigh-
bourhood of, liv, 28 ; gates at, liv,
^9? 535 Gopi Talao at, liv, 31-32,
34, 266; English factory house at,
liv, 25, 267, 272; English garden
at, liv, 25-26, 29, 53; Dutch factory
at, 25«., 268 «.; factories in the East
subordinate to, 23 n., 28 n.; Presi-
dents of, XX, xxi, xlvii, 8, 10 n ,
II, 1 1 n., 21, 22, 24, 25 n., 39, 81,
139, 266 «., 273, 277 «., 301, 304,
312; toddy trees at, xxxvi, liv, 32,
i73> 306; inhabitants of, 33, 305;
towns adjoining, liv, 33; port of,
34> 312 n.; governors of, 33, 35,
40, 65 n., 265, 356; effect of the
famine at, xlvi, xlvii, Ixvi-lxviii,
80, 272, 273-276, 340-346, 34^-
349' 355' f^l^ of prices at, 82;
distance from Agra to, 272, 276;
sacked by Sivaji, 26 n.
Surgeons and apothecaries, the
Company's, xlvi, 271, 2']^ 11.
Surot, 234; a deep channel near,
235
SuwalT. See Swally
M. II.
Swally, 8, 9, 11, 16, 29, 30, 34, 81;
fight with the Portuguese oft", xxi,
23 n., 49, 302 «., 350-353; arrival
of English fleets at, xxi, 302; duties
of a shipping clerk at, xlvii, 304,
312, 313; lading of ships at, lix,
304, 312-313; temporary bazar at,
lix, 312; the "Mareene" at, 311-
313; the president's tent at, 311;
how garrisoned, 312; occupations
carried on at, 312; skirmish between
the Dutch and Portugueseoff, 3i6«.;
effect of the famine at, 344
Swally Hole, 8, 10, 34; the Ex-
pedition anchors in, 1 1 ; an English
fleet sails from, xlvii, 314, 315,
316 «., 337; the Charles burnt in,
303; anchorage for ships in, 312,
Swanley, Captain Richard, com-
mands the Jonas, 2, 10 «., 19;
notice of, 2 n.; Mundy's associa-
tion with, 2 7t. ; subscribes to
Blackwall Hospital, 19; commands
the Hart, 303
Sword blades, 83; made at Sirohi,
xliii, 255 n.
Swords, 119; Mona Rajpiits armed
with, no; imported from England,
366
Symons, John, prior of Bodmin,
Ixxiv
Table Bay, 12; the Mary anchors
in, xlviii, 320, 326
Table mountain, 1 1 ; ascended by
Mundy, xlviii, 324; description of,
xlviii, 323-324, 326
Tabtit, coffin, bier, 105 n,
Tackhe. See Takht
Taffeta, a silk, 155 n., 373
Tage Gunge. See Taj Ganj
Taghtr, dismissed, 240
Tahare, Coja. See Muhammad
Tahir, Khwaja
Taheber Raun. See Tahir Khan
Tahir Khan, 90
Taj Ganj, why founded, 214 n.
Taj Khan, faujddr of Koil, 73;
thieves executed by, 73
Taj Mahal, daughter of Asaf Khan,
108 «., 191, 203; wife of Shah
Jahan, 108 «., 203, 212; her sister,
191; her stratagem, 213; her
children, 212; death and burial of,
liv, 212, 346; her tomb, 309, 212-
214; notice of, 212 n.
Taj Mahal, mausoleum, the, archi-
tect of, Ivi ; building of, Ivi-lvii,
212-214; revenue for the upkeep
28
434
INDEX
of, Ivii, 214 «. ; a golden rail
around, 213
Takhi, throne, court, 107, 237; Shah
Jahan's, 237
Takoor. See Thakur
Taldo, talab. See Tanks
Talk, mica, 242 n.
Talnear. See Thalner
Tam-tam, tom-tom, 217
Tanda, a camp, xlii, 249; confused
with Banjara, Ix, 95-96, 262 «. ;
extent of a, Ixvi, 98
Tdnghan, a Tibetan pony, Ixi, 136
Tanks {taldo), 88, 99, 132; at
Surat, 26-27, ^9' 3i~3'2) 34. ^66;
general description of, lix, 31; of
Sher Shah Svir, 129-131, 132; of
Salim Shah Svir, 131-132; specially
noted by Mundy, 40, 44, 55, 56,
59 «., 60, 84, 86, 120, 225, 227,
235, 236, 239 n., 241, 242, 266, 267
Tankwarro. See Tekwara
Tapestry, sold to the Raja of Bundi,
xxi, 24; imported to India, 362,
365
Tapti, nver, 8 n., 29, 33 «., 35,
41 «., 46, 50; difficulty in crossing,
46; a carved elephant in the, 51;
Taj Mahal's temporary burial near
the, 212 11.
Tar tree, 32 n.
Taragarh, fortress, 242, 243 ; Rajas
of, Tin.; a night attack on, 243 «.
Taragarh mountain, fortress built
on, 242
Tarbuza, water-melon, 216
Tart, trees used for, xxxi, xxxvi, liv,
32-33, 125, 173, 258, 306; making
of, 32 «. ; sale of, lix, 312
Tartaria. See Turkistan
Tojar silk, from Bengal, 152 n., 362,
373; trade in, when established,
362-363,373; first consignment of,
exported, 373
Tatta, ruler of, 103
Tavernier, Jean Baptiste, his journey
from Surat to Agra, 39 n.
Taxation, of cultivated land, 74;
of Hindus by Mogols, 183; re-
mission of, 347
Tekwara, Ixv, 46
Telotoo. See Tilothu
Temples, Hindu, at Benares, xxxvi,
122-124, '75! ^t Jalor, xliii, 251;
at Sidhpur, xliv, Ixvii, 262 ; music
used in, 175; demolished by Shah
Jahan's order, 178; at Merta, 245;
on Mt Abu, 257 n.
Teneriffe, Mundy's remarks on,
xix, 5
Tesserapore. See Tisrd pa/tar
Tetraodoii hispidus, a puffer, 331 n.
Thakur, Lord, 93; ancestry of the
caste of, 94
Thalner, Ixv, 46, 47; governor of,
47
Thames, river, the Chambal com-
pared with the, 63 ; the Ganges
compared with the, 75
Theft. See Robbery
Thieves. See Robbers
Thimbleby, Thomas, factor at
Broach, 186 «., 271, 348; notice
of, 271 n.
Tibet, ponies from, Ixi, 136 «. ; yaks
from, 198
Tiffany. See Taffeta
Tigers, 307; for sport, 128; Mundy
misses seeing a, xxxv, Ix, 1 70 ; in
the Kaimiir Hills, 170
Tilothu, 165, 167, 170; situation of,
170 11.
Timur, emperor, portrait of, 361 n.
Tin, price of, at Patna, 154; im-
ported to India by EngHsh and
Portuguese, 366
Tinaja, a water-jar, Ixi, 230
Tirbeni. See TribenI
Tis7-d paha7', afternoon, 69, 109, 124
Tisserapore. See Tisrd pahar
Tissues, gold, for presents, 362, 366
Toadfish, Mundy's description of a,
331 , .,
Tobacco, use oi pan compared with,
Ix, 96
Todar Mai, 86 ti.
Todar Mai kd taldo, 86
Toddy. See Tart
Toddy gardens, at Surat, 32
Tombree. See Tumri
Tombs, noted by Mundy, 51, 60, 64 ;
why not kept in repair, 84; of Sher
Shah Sur, xxxi, 129-131, 132; of
Salim Shah Siir, xxxi, 131-132;
of Chandan Shahid, xxxi, X32; of
Khwaja Mu'inu'ddin Chishti, xli,
226, 243-244; of John Browne at
Ahmadabad, xlvi, 267 ; of Taj
Mahal, Ivi-lvii, 209, 212-214; of
Akbar, at Sikandra, Ivii, 209, 210-
212; of Salim Chishti, 229; of
Malik Shah at Jalor, 251; of
Sayyids, 264-265 ; of Muham-
madans, where erected, 229; stone
used for, 215, 231
Tom-tom. See Tam-tavi
Tonkin, Thomas, his statement
regarding Mundy's parentage, Ixxv
Tornados, Mundy's definition of, 6 ;
near the Equator, 15
INDEX
435
Towers of Silence, Mundy's
description of, 305-306
Toys, objets d'art, sold to Mukarrab
Khan, 365
Transport-contractors. See Adavi
Travelling, methods of, in India,
189-192, 239-240
Trees, avenues of, why planted,
xxvii, 83, 84, 86, 92, 134; ever-
green, xxviii, 84 ; scarcity of, xlii,
248; felling of, prohibited, 251;
banyan, 258; fruit, 214, 260, 261,
265; in India, 309; at St Helena,
330
Trepenny. See Tribeni
Trial by ordeal, 254 n.
Tribeni, TrivenI, junction of three
rivers, 1 15 w., 116, 182
Trijssens, Lodewijk, factor at Agra,
225 n.
Trimal Chand, ruler of Kumaon,
75 n.
Trisanku, Puranic legend concern-
ing, 125 n.
Tristen, Signior. See Trijssens,
Lodewijk
Triton tritonis, used as a trumpet,
175 n.
TrivenI. See Tribeni
Iromba marina, seen off the Cape,
7, 323; used as bags, 323
Trombes. See Tromba marina
Tropic birds, described, 7 ; at
St Helena, 332
Trott, Thomas, 269
Trumpets, 240; in the royal band,
Iv, 199, 210; shells used as, 175;
at wedding ceremonies, i8o; of
gold, 237
Tukri, silk for petticoats, 155 n.
Tulsi, a sacred shrub, 136 n.
TQmba, 169, 170
Tumblers. See Acrol^ats; Gym-
nastics
Tumrl, 54
Turbans, no; worn by Europeans,
Iviii, 218; bands for, 155; Khusru's,
181; use of, in deferred sati, 221;
cloth for, 366
Turbinella pyrum. See Sankh
Turkey, khans in, 24 ; punishments
in, 46; comparisons between India
and, Ixi, 229; bows used in, 171
Turkey, a, presented to Jahanglr,
361 n.
Turkistan (Tartaria), Sultan Danyal
flees to, 165 ; a boundary of Hin-
dustan, 305
Turks, Mundy's allusions to the,
XXV, Ixi, 58, 73, 229
Turner, John, DhanjI accused of
attempting to kill, by sorcery, 79 n.
Tussore. See Tasar
Ud, 292, 293; water scarce at, 254
Udai Singh, Raja, ruler of Jodhpur,
245 n.
Udaipur, ruler of, 256 «.
Umard. See Aniir
Umbrellas, where used, Iv, 126,
'95
Unawa, 296, 297 ; partially unin-
habited, 262
Unclesere. See Ankleswar
Unity, the, 22 n.
Utrecht, the, at Swally, 11
Uttangan, river, 64 «., 230 n.
Uzbegs, costume of darvishes among
the, 177 n.
Vakil, an agent, 139, 163 n.
Valentia, Viscount, his copies of the
Mundy MS., Ixxii
Valentine Peak, 8, 9, 10
Van der Graaf, Jakob, Dutch factor,
65 «.
Van Twist, Jan, Dutch chief at
Ahmadabad, 268; notice of, 268;?.
Vapour, Hendrik Arentszen, Dutch
factor at Agra, 65 ; maltreated at
Surat, 65 n.
Variao, xlvi, 272
Vasad Castle, xlvi, 269; garrisoned,
269 n.
Vatrak, river, its purity, 268
Vatteau. See Batta
Vehicles, in use in India, liv, 189,
190-192
Vellinda ca Sarae. See Bilanda
Velvet sleeves, a sea-mew, 7 n.
Velvets, imported to India, 362, 366
Verd, Cape, 335
Vermilion, a glut of, xxvi, 81 ; im-
ported to India, 78, 80, 143, 366;
prices obtainable for, xxvii, xxxii,
xxxiii, 82, 138 n., 139, 147, 148,
149' 153
Verona, il Cavalletto at, Ixxviii-lxxix
Veroneo, Jeronimo, Mundy's inter-
course with, Ivi, 65, 225; the plan
of the Taj Mahal 'ascribed to, Ivi,
208 n. ; inhabitant of Agra, 208 ;
death of, 208 n.
Vian, John, note on the famine by,
339; his account of a fight with
the Portuguese, 351-352
Viara, castle and tank at, 40
Vijaimandargarh. See Bijagarh
Vindhya mountains, 59
Vira Mitrasena. See Mitr Sen
436
INDEX
Virjl Vora, his agent, 24, 139;
notice of, 139 n.
Vishnu, Krishna incarnation of, 94 n. ;
destroys Harnakas, 219 n.
Vivian, Thomas, prior of Bodmin,
Ixxiii, Ixxiv
Voorknekt, Salomon, Dutch factor,
notice of, 65 n. ; Mundy's inter-
course with, 65, 268; his kdfila
robbed, 256, 293
W — , S — , unidentified, 325
Wansworthe, Thomas. See Mundy,
Thomas
Warden, Andrew, his account of
a skirmish with the Portuguese,
352-353
Wassett Castle. See Vasad Castle
'Water, methods of supplying, xxxviii,
lix, 228, 234, 250, 311; of the
Ganges, for drinking purposes, 231 ;
scarcity of, 248, 250, 251, 258, 264;
why brackish, 248; abundant, at
Mauritius, 319; plentiful at the
Cape of Good Hope, 321
Waterfowl, methods of catching,
113. See also s.v. Birds
Water-jars. See Pegu jar; Siirdhl ;
Tiiiaja
Water-melons. See Melons
Watts, Thomas, master of the
Expedition, i, 20; notice of, i n.;
subscribes to Blackwall Hospital,
20
^A^eaver bird, nest of the, described,
liv, Ixi, 37-38; at the Cape of Good
Hope, 321
Weavers, effects of the famine on,
Ixviii, 276, 340, 341, 342, 345;
around Patna, 151; percentage
mulcted from, 370
W^eddell, Captain John, 11 «., 42;
master of the Lion, 21 n.\ com-
mands the Charles, 21, 303; joins
Courteen's Association, 21 n.; his
voyages to Persia, 42 n., 303 n.,
314 «.; commands theybwaj, 186 «.,
303 ; assists in the taking of Ormuz,
303 «•
Weddings. See Marriage Customs
Wells. See RaolT
Whales, 15; at the Cape of Good
Hope, 321 ; seen off St Helena, 332
Whelps. See Lions Whelps
Whitelocke, Thomas, death of, 275
Wilbraham, Thomas, factor at
Ahmadabad, 267; accompanies
Mundy to Surat, 269, 274; sails
for England, xlvii, 315; lands at
Dover, 336; notice of, 267 w.
IVilliam, the, 267 n., 275 «. ; arrives
at Surat, 22 «. ; her log, 352; re-
placed, 22 n.
Willoughby, George, letter from,
339-340
Willoughby, John, 11, 24; accom-
panies Mundy to Swally, 10; notice
of, io«. ; subscribes to Blackwall
Hospital, 19; sent to Agra, 58 it.
Wills, Captain Matthew, 342 ; com-
mands the William, 22-23 5 notice
of, 23 «. ; presentation to, 23 n.;
his widow, 23 n.
Wilson, — , smith, in the Mary,
xli'^j 335; death of, xlix, 335
Wine, sale of, prohibited, xxxi, 134;
of the date-palm, 319
Wizards, foretell the birth of
Krishna, 94 ; decide lucky and un-
lucky hours, 194-195
Women of India, conveyances for,
189-192; how guarded, 191
Wood, James, notice of, 275 n.;
death of, 275
Woollen cloth. See Cloth,
European
^A^oolley, Nicholas, notice of, 274 «.;
death of, 274
Worth, Jane, Ixxvii
Worth, John, Ixxvii
Worth, John, Junior, Ixxvii
Wyche, Nathaniel, chief at Baroda,
23-24, 265 71., 344; entertainment
of, as factor, 23 w. ; chief at Ahmad-
abad, xlv, 265, 268, 296, 298;
notice of, 265 n. ; his assistant,
266 n.; detained by Bakir Khan,
xlv, 300; death of, 266 n.
Wyche, Richard, 265 n.
Wylde, Richard, President of Surat,
XX, xxi, low., II, 161 n., 312 «.,
354; his quarrel with Richard
Boothby, xx ; notice of, 11 n.;
sails for England, 21—22
Ya Hasan, Ya Husain, a cry used
at the Muhairam, 218 «.
Yahya. See Mirza Yahya
Yak-tails. See Chatthri
Yamlnu'ddaula, 205 n.
Yard, John, his arrival in India,
24 n., 186 n.; sent to Agra, xxi,
xxii, xxiv, 24, 39, 79; instructions
to, xxi, 24-25; his gun bursts, 49;
shoots a dog, 49 ; status of, in Agra,
82; goes to Surat with a kdfila,
xxxvii, 186; at Broach, xlvi, 186 «.,
271 ; notice of, 271 n.
Yasdwdl, "gold stick in waiting,"
193 n.
INDEX
437
Yaval, castle at, 48
Vo^i. Set' Jogi
Young, John, 365 ; appointed as-
sistant to R. Hughes, 361 ; goes
to Lahore, 361
Zafarkhani anibati, width and price
of, 369
Zahra, daughter of Babar, 214 n.
Zahra Bagh. See Dehra Bagh
Zamana Beg. See Mahabat Khan
Zaniiiidars, land-owners, win.
Zefdar Ckhaun. See Safdar Khan
Zeffe Chaun. See Saif Khan
Zinda Shah Madar, Zinda Pir,
a Muhammadan saint, 242 ; sect
founded by, 242 11.; shrines to,
242, 242 n.
Zin-posh, saddle-cloth, 185
Zizyphtis jiijiiba, 48 «.
Zu'lkarnain, Mirza. See Mirza
Zu'lkarnain
Zunge. See Sang
CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
leightom)
■aillipipiiiiili^^
WELLESLEY COLLEGE LIBRARY
G 161 .H2 35
Mundy, Peter, fl. 1600-1667,
The travela of Peter Mundy
in Europe and Asia, 1606-